21
Glazing Medieval Buildings
Rather surprisingly in view of his focus on narrative, Wolfgang Kemp begins his study of medieval stained glass with an analysis of the armature, the iron grid that fixes a window into the aperture of a building. For Kemp, however, the armature’s compartments both discipline the scenes and also create patterns that encourage new readings.1 In similar fashion, the subdivisions of this chapter are intended to organize the extensive literature, while permitting some of the color and character of the scholarship to shine through.2
Stained-glass scholarship begins with the material form of the windows. The distinctive properties of medieval glass, including issues of nomenclature and technique, its inherent fragility, and integration into an architectural setting are central concerns.
While the designation “stained glass” remains in widespread use and will therefore be used throughout this chapter, it is an inaccurate term, since the staining of glass did not come into general use until the early fourteenth century.3 Up through c.1300 the molten silicate mixture was colored in the mass.4 While still in cooking pots, the glass was tinted by the addition of metallic oxides, which is why the term “pot-metal glass” is more precise.5 Earlier English scholars insisted, however, that “painted glass” is the best description,6 since it is the vitreous pigment applied to the surface of the panes of glass that provides the expressive detail in a glass composition (figs. 21-1, 21-2).7
The fragility of stained glass, perhaps its most self-evident characteristic,8 has far-reaching consequences, not the least of which is the arbitrary nature of its preservation in major medieval monuments. Anticipating more recent scholarship on the subject, Jean Lafond pointed out that although Chartres Cathedral may be noteworthy now for its high rate of extant glass, there were once many other important glazing programs.9 Then too it is the fragility of the medium that has necessitated the disciplinary preoccupation with first determining the authenticity of any glass composition before proceeding into any further investigation.10
FIGURE 21-1 Moses and the Burning Bush with image of Gerlachus, stained glass, c.1150–60. Attributed to the abbey church of Arnstein an der Lahn. Münster: Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, loan from a private owner.
This characteristic also means that many glazing programs include glass from several different eras. Some of these successive additions are accommodations to the earlier glass,11 while others are “corrections” to a prior program. In an important study of the latter, Meredith Lillich drew attention to the grisailles, or colorless ornamental windows, which were added to the choir of Chartres Cathedral from the mid-thirteenth century on, undoubtedly to bring in more light.12
Sometimes, older glass was deliberately reused in new architectural settings. At Regensburg Cathedral, older scenes of the Genealogy of Christ (c.1230s) were recombined in the south transept façade (1330s) given by the Auer family in a new composition with bishops and saints whose theme seems to reflect the family’s strong ties to the cathedral chapter.13 Besides Regensburg, examples of such “recycled” glass have been found in Chartres, Châlons-sur-Marne, Erfurt, Exeter, Moulins, Munich, Ratisbonne, Rouen, Strasbourg, Troyes, Vendôme, York, and elsewhere.14 It is highly unlikely that the incorporation of older glass resulted simply from cost-saving measures; indeed, the survival of the venerable older images may have been regarded as nothing short of miraculous, given the odds.15
FIGURE 21-2 Adam laboring, stained glass, originally in the northwest choir clerestory of Canterbury Cathedral, c.1178–80. Reproduced courtesy of The Dean and Chapter, Canterbury.
Not one of the terms used to refer to stained glass conveys the fact that it is fundamentally an architectural art (fig. 21-3).16 A glass composition is dull before light passes through it, unifying its painted and leaded components. However glorious the paint handling, a stained-glass panel is complete only after being set upright into a building’s walls and flooded with light.17 The transformative properties of light on glass have given rise to myriad symbolic interpretations,18 including the metaphor, most famously attributed to Bernard of Clairvaux (c.1090–1153), which compared light passing through glass without breaking it to the miracle of Virgin Birth, whereby Mary was penetrated by the Word of God and yet remained a virgin.19 But it is noteworthy how often discussions of medieval architecture, while readily conceding that light held metaphysical associations, stop short of discussing the actual glass compositions through which the light passes.20
FIGURE 21-3 View of windows from the northern choir ambulatory of Troyes Cathedral, including medieval grisaille second from left, first quarter of the thirteenth century. Reproduced courtesy of C. Lemzaouda, CNRS-Centre André Chastel.
Correspondences between glass and architecture originate in the fact that glaziers and masons worked hand-in-hand.21 This means that dating a building can help establish the glass chronology, and vice versa.22 Scholars have also noted more specific reciprocal influences. Madeline Caviness observed progressive compositional changes in the clerestory figures from St Remi of Reims (c.1175–81) that are most logically explained by an accommodation between the window designs and the large interior space in which they would be viewed.23 In addition, the fashion in later thirteenth-century glazing programs for framing figures with architectural canopies united the window compositions to elements in architectural interiors, including choir screens and reliquaries.24
Also related to the coordination of glass and its architectural environment is the issue of interior illumination. In a pioneering article of 1949, for example, Louis Grodecki argued that so readily do we equate stained glass with Gothic translucency, we have failed to notice that the light levels in Romanesque buildings are much the same as in early Gothic buildings, despite the fact that Romanesque apertures are fewer and smaller. Noting the change in palette from earlier windows with their paler hues to the use of more deeply saturated color in Gothic monuments, Grodecki concluded, “between approximately 1140 and 1260… the opening up of the architecture has as its corollary the tendency of the glass to darken.”25
Studies focusing on grisailles also have implications for the luminosity of a given monument.26 At Troyes Cathedral (fig. 21-3), the colored historiated windows in the ambulatory chapels are flanked by grisailles in the narrower apertures at the opening to each chapel, providing both visual continuity across glazing campaigns that spanned half a century (c.1200–45) and a practical means of allowing in more light.27 A major transformation took place soon after the mid-thirteenth century, when widespread use of grisailles within each window to offset the colored panels considerably lightened the overall palette.28 Another significant change occurred by the early fourteenth century with the invention of silver stain, a painted application of a silver-sulfide compound that turns yellow when fired onto the glass.29 This embellishment also favored the use of the relatively more translucent uncolored glass (which reads as white) that optimally offset the golden hues of the stain.
Discussions of color in medieval architecture suggest that major developments in stained glass do not correspond well with the style categories “Romanesque” and “Gothic.”30 The consistency of light levels in monuments of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries argues for continuity rather than change, and major developments in Gothic glass such as the lightening of the palette or the invention of silver stain are unsatisfactorily reflected in sub-designations such as “Rayonnant.”31
Arguably the most important work in the historiography of medieval glass is De Diversis Artibus, written by the monk Theophilus Presbyter in the mid-to-late 1120s.32 This treatise consists of three chapters on artistic techniques noteworthy for their preciosity of effect: manuscript illumination, stained glass, and metalwork.33 Theophilus’ observations on glassmaking, the first original medieval text on the subject, signal the arrival of stained glass as a recognized form of artistic embellishment.34 While Theophilus’ text might be characterized as a recipe book, his accompanying prologues, like the treatises of his Benedictine contemporaries, seek to justify the craftsman’s labor by arguing for the cultivation of God-given artistic talent and by emphasizing the role of art in devotion.35
Theophilus’ chapter on glass, however, lacks details about workshop production.36 Whereas he implicitly endorses the notion of a versatile monk-craftsman, just decades later Abbot Suger of St Denis established the position of a glazier to ensure the upkeep and repair of the abbey windows,37 which suggests that the necessary skills were not always readily available.38 Apart from one reference to a boy who assists in the workshop,39 Theophilus implies that a single craftsman created all aspects of the window. While this may have been the case when Theophilus was writing, studies based on mid-twelfth and early thirteenth-century windows at St Denis and Chartres, respectively, have uncovered evidence that multiple artists collaborated closely on the windows’ execution.40 This suggests that discussions in which Theophilus’ work is used as evidence of how the craft was practiced in different regions and in subsequent decades, particularly the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with their written contracts and stratified system of specialists, can be highly misleading.41
Inscriptions, which Theophilus also mentions,42 are another source of knowledge about windows. These include the names of personages depicted in the windows, such as Adam from the genealogical windows (c.1178–80) once in the clerestory of Canterbury Cathedral (fig. 21-2);43 dedications from donors;44 artists’ signatures;45 and biblical commentary.46 An early example probably from the abbey of Arnstein an der Lahn (c.1150–60),47 and now at the Westfalisches Landesmuseum in Münster, suggests some of the interpretive possibilities of inscriptions. In one of the panels (fig. 21-1), the artist-donor Gerlachus, paintpot in hand, inscribes a rhyming plea: “REX REG[UM] CLARE GERLACHO PROP[I]CIARE” (“May the distinguished King of Kings look favorably on Gerlachus”).48 As noted by Lech Kalinowski, the paintbrush Gerlachus holds is echoed in the biblical scene of Moses and the burning bush above, where Moses’ staff, which was turned into a serpent and back again by the Lord, appears to be an equally potent implement.49 Kalinowski’s interpretation of the partial inscription in this panel, “VIR… ATUR,” as “Virga Versatur” (“The rod is transformed”) suggests a learned and artistically self-conscious commentary on the revelatory potential of the painter’s brush.
Later inscriptions make explicit connections to the liturgy,50 and to devotional practices, as may be demonstrated by the theme of St Anne teaching the Virgin to read in English medieval glazing programs.51 In the example from Stanfordon-Avon (fig. 21-4), the book Anne holds out to her daughter is inscribed with the opening words of the Hours of the Virgin for Matins, “DOMINE LABIA MEA APERIES,” (“Lord, open my lips”). Such images must have helped shape expectations about literacy and teaching, offering compelling visual models for reading and for maternal solicitude.52
FIGURE 21-4 Charles Winston, watercolor after St Anne Teaching the Virgin with inscribed book, from Stanford-on-Avon, c.1325–40. Reproduced from Charles Winston, Memoirs Illustrative of the Art of Glass-Painting (London, 1865), plate 12b.
Medieval literature makes regular references to stained glass, and these suggest some of the ways that windows were viewed and also how window glass served as a common point of reference.53 The medieval metaphor comparing light penetrating glass without breaking it to the Virgin birth enjoyed literary popularity, including Rutebeuf’s thirteenth-century verse play about Theophilus,54 and was even evoked to portray sensual attraction in Chrétien de Troyes’s twelfth-century romance, Cligès.55 The rise in the popularity of medieval theater has been read into the account of an Easter play performed outside Beverly Minster in c.1220, describing how eager boys were going to break through the stained glass in order to see the performance in the churchyard.56 A passage in the Tale of Beryn, the anonymous fourteenth-century continuation of the Canterbury Tales, satirizes pilgrims’ ability to comprehend the twelfth-century images now “spatially and cognitively” far above them in the clerestory windows of Canterbury Cathedral (fig. 21-2).57 William Langland’s 1362 poem Piers Plowman ridicules the expensive practice of donating a window in order to proclaim one’s good works.58
Despite the skeptical view of its role present in some of these references, stained glass continued to be a vital aspect of later medieval visual culture. The skillful adaptation of artists’ cartoons into windows within Dürer’s circle, its selective but continuing use in Italian Renaissance buildings, the ubiquity of stained-glass roundels in later medieval households and civic buildings, and the widespread diffusion of motifs in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, to name only a few examples, demonstrate its ongoing importance.59
In England, the dissolution of monasteries under Henry VIII (1536–41) began a series of iconoclastic outbreaks that mobilized antiquarians early.60 Richard Marks pointed to “an almost unbroken series of detailed church notes made by scholars of national status, as well as local worthies”61 on the glazing of Northamptonshire’s 100 or so churches executed prior to 1559, and this is by no means exceptional among English parishes.
The declining fortunes of stained glass on the Continent are suggested by the chapter title in Pierre Le Vieil’s 1774 treatise on glass painting, “Reasons for the Decadence of Glass & Responses to the Difficulties cited in order to excuse or bring about its Abandonment.” Le Vieil concedes that dissatisfaction with glass was understandable since his generation, better educated than its predecessors, found it difficult to read in darkened church interiors. He recommends allowing the crepuscular light of the windows to inspire a “religieuse horreur,” or failing that, placing the principal scene of a window onto a clear new ground, an operation that he himself was hired to perform at the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris.62
Even Alexandre Lenoir, whose Musée des monuments français opened in Paris in 1795 and offered one of the earliest exhibitions to include medieval stained glass, arguably accomplished as much harm as good. At St Denis, for example, he extracted numerous stained-glass panels from the abbey church, carried them by oxcart to Paris, and rearranged those that survived the journey for exhibit.63 When Lenoir’s museum was dissolved in 1816, as much as three-quarters of the glass he took from St Denis was irreparably shattered, sold off to dealers, or lost.64
In the revivals of the nineteenth century, each country responded differently. In England, brisk sales of medieval glass, largely imported from Germany and the Low Countries, created a favorable climate for appreciation of the medium.65 As Lafond trenchantly observed, only in England could one study the entire history of stained glass through first-rate examples, many of them imported.66 French restorers, facing the daunting task of restoring glazing programs devastated by centuries of neglect, and having discovered in the wake of the French Revolution that they could no longer make medieval glass,67 turned to Theophilus, who was translated into French for the first time.68 In German-speaking countries, the Romantic movement cultivated the medieval past as a high point of culture, a positive climate further enhanced by the linkage of the liturgical revival with governmental commissions.69 Given this history, it is not surprising that the first dedicated exhibitions of medieval stained glass occurred relatively early in Germany (1827) and England (1865).70
These diverse contexts help explain the character of nineteenth-century publications on glass. English scholarship, which may be epitomized by the work of Charles Winston (1814–64), combined technical understanding of the medium with diversity of taste. While he praises German and Flemish sixteenth-century glass,71 his drawings are primarily taken from English examples (fig. 21-4).72 Winston, a lawyer by training, had managed to concoct superior colored glasses, although the new glass creations he supervised for Glasgow Cathedral were much criticized.73 Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc (1814–79) oversaw major campaigns of restoration throughout France and wrote one of the most influential scholarly articles on stained glass, replete with acute practical suggestions, such as how colors could be effectively combined,74 and how glass would “read” in an architectural setting.75 Yet his notion that a restoration should reestablish a monument in a complete state, even if such a state never existed at any given moment,76 and his championing of twelfth-century glazing techniques over what he saw as the decadent techniques of later centuries, indicate the complexity of his outlook.77 German scholars, such as Heinrich Oidtmann (1861–1912), were particularly technically adept. A practicing physican, Oidtmann oversaw the glass studio in Linnich established by his father and wrote numerous scientific papers about the medium.78 Oidtmann both discovered and restored the glass from Arnstein an der Lahn (fig. 21-1),79 and he also built a working glass-firing oven after Theophilus’ account.80
The individual contributions of Winston, Viollet-le-Duc, and Oidtmann are used here to stand for a generation of gifted nineteenth-century scholars. Their appreciation of medieval glass fostered inventories and documentary images, and contributed to its preservation.81 Yet their histories of medieval glazing often put the glass from their own region at the forefront of the medium’s development. Insights derived from the close study of glass were marshaled into practical applications, but the actual restorations left something to be desired.82
In 1906, Emile Mâle decried the lack of sufficient photographs of stained glass.83 His call for a “corpus” of reproductions of medieval glass was all the more credible because he had regularly found examples of the iconographic themes he analyzed in stained glass.84 Mâle’s quest for more systematized resources was paralleled in Germany by the establishment of the Deutsche Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft in 1908. By the 1930s, a group within the Vereins under the direction of Paul Frankl had begun to oversee the systematic photographic documentation of German window cycles.85
Despite its 1949 publication date, Bernard Rackham’s study of Canterbury Cathedral has been called “the summation of nineteenth-century achievements.”86 Rackham reviewed the building history, described the iconographic program, and laid out a chronology, but he omitted other kinds of documentation, including the restoration history of the glass and comprehensive photographs of the rich ornamental repertoire.87 These deficits are not present in Yves Delaporte’s study of the glass of Chartres Cathedral of 1926, with its complete restoration history and three volumes of documentary photographs by Etienne Houvet.88 Both of these monographs, however, lack a systematic framework for studying glass; an index of this lack of standardization is the fact that neither of these works gives the dimensions of the windows they examine.
Notwithstanding the tremendous contributions of scholars such as Rackham and Delaporte, let alone the important regional surveys of glass written in the first part of the century,89 stained glass was not truly established as an art historical discipline until after World War II. The devastating wartime losses suffered by glazing programs throughout Western Europe drew attention to the need for rigorous techniques of analysis and photographic documentation to aid in glass preservation.90 In addition, initiatives begun in 1947 led to the founding in 1952 of the Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi, an international body devoted to studying medieval stained glass, with the stated goal of publishing all Western medieval stained glass according to clearly prescribed standards.91 Exemplifying this effort was the collegial international participation in the exhibition of medieval stained glass in France (1953),92 which in turn helped shape the official guidelines for subsequent Corpus publications.93
The first Corpus Vitrearum publications drew upon earlier scholarship.94 Hans Wentzel’s volume on Swabian glass, for example, was based on work he did while working for the Deutsche Vereins. Although his original text was destroyed in Berlin in 1945, the galley proofs served as the basis of the first German Corpus volume (1958).95 Similarly, the first French Corpus volume (1959) relied upon the labor of Monuments historiques, the French department dedicated to historic preservation, which oversaw the disposing of some 150,000 panels of glass throughout France for safekeeping during the war and assembled superb documentary photographs before remounting the glass.96 England, where the first volume did not appear until Hilary Wayment’s publication on King’s College Chapel (1972), had less well-established national research initiatives.97
While a number of Corpus Vitrearum publications are monographs,98 the regional surveys are a particularly useful means of covering a wide area with extant medieval glass in dispersed locations.99 These surveys do not seek to promote the notion of regional schools of glass painting, although this remains a useful approach for some areas.100 In a recent publication on glass in Normandy, for example, the authors highlighted the striking diversity of glass-painting styles in the region, drawing on evidence offered by civic statutes and the relatively late establishment of confraternities of glass painters to make the point that, in contrast to other more closed artistic environments, there were no rules banning craftsmen from outside the area.101
Another accomplishment of these volumes has been to document glass that no longer survives. As Jean Lafond noted in reference to the Scandinavian publication:102
Denmark would not be known as one of the pre-eminent regions for stained glass because today only one of its parishes can show a window that remains in place. More recently, however, archeological excavations and restoration campaigns have brought proof that once all of its churches would have possessed at least one stained-glass window.103
The museums of Stockholm, like other cities including Brussels and New York with large collections of stained glass from elsewhere,104 recall another goal of the Corpus Vitrearum: to provide a provenance for dispersed works. This has been an especially important issue for the American Corpus Vitrearum, where the role played by collectors who imported medieval glass has become a focus of investigations.105
Because of its late establishment as a discipline, the study of glass is sometimes associated with a preoccupation with archaeological and taxonomic issues at the expense of newer methodologies, even by scholars who focus on it.106 Yet recent stained-glass scholarship shares thematic interests with current work in the medieval studies field, including a concern with so-called marginal art, as exemplified by studies of apparently whimsical subjects in window borders, peasants, the sado-erotic display of female subjects, and heresy.107 In addition, scholars who work closely on a particular site sometimes have strong affinities for issues in glass studies.108
As a monumental and public art form, stained glass holds an innate attraction for scholars interested in notions of representation109 and in questions of audience response.110 Scholars in other fields who use examples taken from stained glass, however, run the risk of failing to recognize certain key demands of the field. Ultimately, a window cannot be assimilated to a painted canvas or bill-board and isolated completely from its iconographical and devotional environment. As Peter Kurmann and Brigitte Kurmann-Schwartz note, interdisciplinary approaches must respect the physical evidence of the building.111
Recent scholarship on the stained glass of Chartres Cathedral serves as a useful benchmark for discussing trends in the literature, not only because so much medieval glass has survived there but also because of the stimulus provided by its ongoing conservation.112 Contributions anchored in a close analysis of the glass continue,113 but they have been joined by studies with broader “sociological” agendas.114 While heraldry is among the traditional means for dating and determining the patronage of a window,115 recent studies draw on heraldry to consider notions of corporate identity and social ideology.116 Newer analyses also reassess the representations of workers at the base of many of the windows,117 the nature of the iconographic “program,”118 and how the subjects promote and advertise the relics owned by the cathedral.119 In these works, the windows are often interpreted in an active role, as projecting an ideal of social harmony not attained at the time the windows were created,120 or as giving new impetus to the liturgy through their celebration of little-known saints.121 Narratology is a substantial topic of investigation by Kemp, and also in Madeline Caviness’s work asking whether the biblical scenes in the windows really served as a teaching tool for the illiterate, for which Chartres provides evidence.122 An important conclusion to emerge from these studies is the degree to which glass narratives operate independently of any single textual source, often drawing from contemporary social practices.123 This scholarship is remarkable for the fact that the essential subject is no longer the medium itself. Questions of how glass is made, the authenticity of various constituent parts, and their date in relation to other works of art, while always important, have become less prominent in part because there is now an established literature to provide a foundation for more interpretive studies.124
In the nearly 900 years since Theophilus, medieval glass has withstood all kinds of natural disasters, iconoclastic outbreaks, wars, restorations, and scholarly agendas. This brief survey, while it can scarcely do justice to the rich literature on medieval stained glass, is intended to draw attention to frequently overlooked complexities inherent in the nature of the medium, to identify broad historiographic trends, and to suggest some of the current issues in the study of this most dazzling monumental art.
1 Wolfgang Kemp, Sermo Corporeus: die Erzählung (Munich, 1987); cited hereafter in English trans. as idem, Narratives: see pp. 3–41. [On narrative, see chapter 4 by Lewis in this volume (ed.).]
2 On glass historiography, see Caviness, Stained Glass before 1540 and Stained Glass Windows.
3 See note 30 on silver stain.
4 With the exception of reds, which are laminated or “flashed”: Johnson, Radiance of Chartres, pp. 53–66; Newton and Davison, Conservation of Glass, pp. 57–9.
5 On techniques of glassmaking, see Eva Frodl-Kraft, Glasmalerei; Lafond, Vitrail, pp. 51–92; Grodecki, Vitrail roman, pp. 11–35; Strobl, Glastechnik, pp. 73–127; Brown/O’Connor, Glass-Painters, pp. 47–64; Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 28–40; Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, pp. 45–57.
6 Winston, Inquiry, vol. 1, p. xix; Le Couteur, English Mediaeval Painted Glass, p. 1.
7 On paint, see Grodecki, Vitrail Roman, pp. 29–34, Ills. 13–21; Strobl, Glastechnik, pp. 94–8, Ill. 10; Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, pp. 51–3, Ills. 1–3.
8 See Newton, Deterioration and Conservation.
9 Lafond, Vitrail, p. 74; Kurmann and Kurmann-Schwarz, “Chartres,” p. 140.
10 Among others, see Hayward and Caviness, “Introduction,” pp. 16–17; Raguin and Zakin, Stained Glass before 1700, pp. 38–44.
11 Caviness, “Convenientia”; Perrot, “Verrières du XIIe,” pp. 44–50; Cothren, “Restaurateurs et créateurs.”
12 Lillich, “A Redating.”
13 Fritzsche, Mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien, vol. 1, pp. 14–20, 212, 220–3.
14 Lafond, Le Vitrail, pp. 74–80; Caviness, “Convenientia”; Bouchon, “Belle-Verrière”; Cothren, “Seven Sleepers”; Lillich, “Remembrance.” On the glass from Troyes, see Pastan, “Fit for a Count.”
15 See, for example, Delaporte and Houvet, Les Vitraux, vol. 1, p. 3, n.10 on windows lost in the fire of 1194.
16 Argued by the glass painter Sowers, “12th-century Windows”; Raguin, “Visual Designer.”
17 Viollet-le-Duc, “Vitrail,” pp. 378–80 and 411–29, Ills. 19–27.
18 Grodecki, “Fonctions”; Hayward, “Stained-Glass Windows”; and Lillich, “Monastic Stained Glass,” pp. 224–6.
19 Grodecki, “Fonctions,” p. 40.
20 Among others, see Simson, The Gothic Cathedral, pp. 50–8. [On Gothic architecture, see chapter 18 by Murray in this volume (ed.).]
21 Marks, Stained Glass in England, p. 37; Kurmann and Kurmann-Schwarz, “Chartres,” p. 134.
22 Pastan, “Process and Patronage.”
23 Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp. 107–16.
24 Kurmann-Schwarz, “L’Architecture et le vitrail.” Also see Becksmann, Architektonische Rahmung; Scholz, “Ornamentverglasungen der Hochgotik.”
25 Grodecki, “Vitrail et l’architecture,” p. 24. On color, see Gruber, “Quelques aspects,” pp. 72–7; Gage, “Gothic Glass”; Lillich, “Monastic Stained Glass”; Caviness, “Twelfth-Century Ornamental Windows”; Perrot, “La Couleur et le vitrail.”
26 On grisailles, see Lafond, “Le Vitrail du XIVe siècle”; Zakin, French Cistercian Grisailles; Grodecki and Brisac, Gothic Stained Glass, pp. 153–64; Lillich, Armor of Light, pp. 6–9.
27 Pastan, “Process and Patronage,” pp. 217–19; Pastan and Balcon, Les vitraux du choeur.
28 Gruber, “Quelques aspects”; Lillich, “The Band Window”; Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 124–36; Brinkmann and Lauer, “Mittelalterlichen Glasfenster.”
29 On silver stain, see Lafond, “Essai historique”; Lautier, “Les débuts”; Lillich, “European Glass around 1300,” pp. 37–61, includes Addendum responding to Lautier.
30 On limitations of period style, see Caviness, “Images of Divine Order.”
31 Grodecki and Brisac, Gothic Stained Glass, p. 10.
32 Theophilus, Diversis Artibus. Other editions: Caviness, Stained Glass before 1540, pp. 16–17.
33 Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, p. 46.
34 For important precedents, see Frank, Glass and Archaeology, pp. 17–42. On Roman glass, see Harden et al., Glass of the Caesars; Strobl, Glastechnik, pp. 22–4. For ninth-century evidence, see Lafond, Vitrail, pp. 18–50; Grodecki et al., Vitrail roman, pp. 37–56 and new discoveries of early glass in Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, p. 40.
35 Van Engen, “Theophilus Presbyter.”
36 Cothren, “Suger’s Stained Glass Masters,” p. 51.
37 Suger, Abbot Suger 34, p. 77; Grodecki, Les Vitraux de Saint-Denis, p. 29. Also see Lafond in Aubert, Les Vitraux, p. 84.
38 Brown and O’Connor, Glass-Painters, p. 21.
39 Theophilus, Diversis Artibus 6, p. 41.
40 Cothren, “Suger’s Stained Glass Masters,” pp. 47–51; Lautier, “Peintres-verriers.”
41 Brown and O’Connor, Glass-Painters, pp. 21, 23, 44–5. On changing practices, see Lillich, “Gothic Glaziers.” For contracts in later English examples, see Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 20–7. On specialization, see Grodecki, Documents, esp. p. 24.
42 Theophilus, Diversis Artibus 19, p. 49.
43 Caviness, Christ Church, pp. 17–18.
44 Becksmann, “Fensterstiftungen.”
45 Perrot, “Signature des peintres-verriers.”
46 For example, Suger, Abbot Suger 34, pp. 74–7.
47 Oidtmann, Rheinischen Glasmalerein, 1, pp. 32–3, 70–2; Becksmann, “Fensterstiftungen,” pp. 65–7; Grodecki et al., Vitrail roman, pp. 151–61; Kalinowski, “Virga”; Becksmann, Deutsche Glasmalerei, vol. 1, cat. no. 2, pp. 41–3.
48 Kalinowski, “Virga,” p. 19, n.67, on translation.
49 Ibid., pp. 11–13, 15–17; for a different reconstruction, see Becksmann, Deutsche Glasmalerei, vol. 1, p. 42, Ill.38.
50 Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 78–85.
51 Ibid., p. 75.
52 Sheingorn, “The Wise Mother.”
53 Frankl, Gothic, pp. 159–205.
54 Grodecki, “Fonctions,” p. 40, n.17.
55 Ibid., p. 40, n.18.
56 Kemp, Narratives, pp. 148–9.
57 Quoted in Camille, “When Adam Delved,” p. 247.
58 Quoted in Winston, Inquiry, vol. 1, pp. 409–11; Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, p. 60.
59 Scholz, Entwurf; Butts and Hendrix, eds., Painting on Light; Luchs, “Stained Glass”; Husband, Luminous Image; Hérold and Mignot, Vitrail.
60 Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 229–46.
61 Marks, Medieval Stained Glass, p. xliii.
62 Le Vieil, L’Art, pp. 81–2; Lafond in Aubert, Les Vitraux, pp. 14–15.
63 Grodecki, Les Vitraux de Saint-Denis, pp. 42–6.
64 Viollet-le-Duc, “Vitrail,” p. 374, n.1. See also Jane Hayward in Crosby et al., The Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis, p. 61.
65 Raguin, “Revivals,” pp. 311–12; Marks, Stained Glass in England, pp. 229–46; Shepard, “Our Fine Gothic Magnificence.”
66 Lafond, Vitrail, p. 140.
67 Pastan, “Restoring Troyes Cathedral,” pp. 155–9; Raguin, “Revivals,” pp. 312–19.
68 L’Escalopier, trans. Théophile.
69 Frankl, Gothic, pp. 447–9; Raguin, “Revivals,” pp. 322–5; Becksmann, Deutsche Glasmalerei, vol. 1, pp. 31–3.
70 Geerling, Sammlung; Waring, Catalogue of Drawings.
71 Winston, Inquiry, vol. 1, esp. pp. 186–226.
72 Ibid., vol. 2.
73 Sewter, “Place of Charles Winston,” pp. 84–5, 86–90.
74 Viollet-le-Duc, “Vitrail,” pp. 386–7, 397–9, 410.
75 Ibid., pp. 378–80 and 411–29, Ills. 19–27.
76 Viollet-le-Duc, “Restauration,” p. 14.
77 Pastan, “Restoring Troyes Cathedral,” pp. 159–64.
78 Ludwigs, “Chronik.”
79 Oidtmann, Rheinischen Glasmalerei, vol. 1, p. 70 and Ills. 20, 28–32 and I–III.
80 Ibid., pp. 37–8 and Ill. 55; photograph in Stephany et al., Licht, p. 214 and Becksmann, Deutsche Glasmalerei, vol. 1, p. 32, Ill. 24.
81 Important inventories include Baron Ferdinand de Guilhermy, “Notes sur diverses localités de la France,” Paris, BN MS Nouv. Acq. Fr. 6094–6111, and idem, “Voyages en Allemagne, Belgique, Hollande, Angleterre et Italie,” Paris, BN MS Nouv. Acq. Fr. 6123. Also the collection of Winston’s drawings in London, BL Add. MS 35211, 1–4, and the albums in BL, Add. MS 33846–849.
82 Raguin, “Revivals,” pp. 314–19; and Becksmann on the restorations of Fritz Geiges, “Zum Problem,” pp. 180–4.
83 Mâle, “La Peinture sur verre,” p. 372.
84 Mâle, Religious Art in France.
85 Waetzoldt, “Glasmalerei,” pp. 12–14.
86 Caviness, Early Stained Glass, p. 6.
87 Rackham, Ancient Glass.
88 Delaporte and Houvet, Les Vitraux.
89 Among these works, all still cited: for Germany, the second posthumous volume of Oidtmann, Rheinischen Glasmalereien (1929), completed by his son; for England, Le Couteur, English Mediaeval Painted Glass; for Austria, Franz Kieslinger, Gothische Glasmalerei in Osterreich bis 1450 (1928); for Switzerland, Hans Lehmann, Geschichte der Luzerner Glasmalerei von den Anfängen bis zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts (1941); and for Belgium, Jean Helbig, Die Glaschilderkunst in Belge (1943).
90 Hahnloser, “Zur Einfürung,” p. 11, mentions the sense of obligation the war imposed upon scholars.
91 Grodecki, “Dix Ans,” p. 24; Frodl-Kraft, “Das Corpus Vitrearum,” p. 4. Also see Grodecki, “Stained Glass Atelier” articulating methods of glass analysis.
92 Grodecki, Vitraux de France.
93 Frodl-Kraft, “Das Corpus Vitrearum,” pp. 3–4.
94 For overviews of Corpus publications, see Grodecki, “Livres récents”; Waetzoldt, “Glasmalerei,” pp. 18–21; Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, pp. 30–8. Also Caviness, “Beyond the Corpus Vitrearum.”
95 Noted in Waetzoldt, “Glasmalerei,” p. 15. Wentzel, Die Glasmalereien.
96 Aubert, Les Vitraux, pp. 7–8.
97 Wheeler, The British Academy, pp. 108–16; Wayment and Harrison, Windows of King’s College Chapel.
98 Lafond, Les Vitraux; Caviness, Christ Church; Fritzsche, Mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien.
99 Frodl-Kraft, Mittelalterlichen Glasgemälde, considered a model of clarity and organization.
100 On regional schools, see Knowles, Essays, pp. 54–98; Lillich, Armor of Light, esp. pp. 321–4. Hebgin–Barnes, Medieval Stained, p. li, and Marks, Medieval Stained Glass, p. lxiv, insist on the absence of an indigenous style in the regions they survey.
101 Bey et al., Les Vitraux de Haute-Normandie, p. 42.
102 Andersson et al., Die Glasmalereien.
103 Lafond, Vitrail, p. 73.
104 Helbig, Les Vitraux médiévaux, pp. 17–42; Hayward, English and French Medieval Stained Glass.
105 Hayward and Caviness, “Introduction,” pp. 14–16; Hayward, “Introduction,” pp. 32–47; Caviness, “Learning from Forest Lawn”; Raguin and Zakin, Stained Glass Before 1700, vol. 1, pp. 49–59.
106 Cothren, “Suger’s Stained Glass Masters,” pp. 52–3; Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp. xix–xx; Raguin, “Architectural and Glazing Context.”
107 Freedman and Spiegel, “Medievalisms Old and New,” pp. 677–704; Hardwick, “Monkey’s Funeral”; Camille, “When Adam Delved”; Caviness, Visualizing Women, pp. 100–19; Pastan, “Tam haereticos quam Judaeos.” [On the marginal, see chapter 13 by Kendrick in this volume (ed.).]
108 Among others, see Brown, “Chapels and Cult”; Prache, “Vitrail de la Crucifixion.”
109 Bryson, Word and Image, pp. 1–28, admittedly serving as a foil for his analysis of nineteenth-century canvas painting.
110 Camille, “When Adam Delved,” where he considers how biblical representations of labor (fig. 2) would read differently to medieval viewers, with an eye to the Peasant’s Revolt of 1381.
111 Kurmann and Kurmann-Schwarz, “Chartres,” p. 144.
112 Basic reference: Grodecki et al., Vitraux du centre, 2, pp. 25–45. On restorations, see Perrot, “Verrières du XIIe”; Lautier, “Peintres-verriers.”
113 See note 112, as well as Lillich, “A Redating”; Pastan and Shepard, “Torture of Saint George”; Lautier, “Les Arts libéraux.”
114 An approach once greeted with reticence: Frodl-Kraft, “Stained Glass from Ebreichsdorf,” p. 403.
115 Lillich, “Early Heraldry.” [On patronage, see chapter 9 by Caskey in this volume (ed.)].
116 Perrot, “Le Vitrail, la croisade”; Brenk, “Bildprogrammatik.” Also (not on heraldry per se), see Bugslag, “Ideology and Iconography,” and Abou-El-Haj, “Program and Power.”
117 Williams, Bread. For an overview, see Pastan and Shepard, “Torture of Saint George,” p. 27.
118 Manhes-Derembe, Vitraux narratifs, esp. pp. 37–40, 72–3; contrast Delaporte, Chartres, vol. 1, pp. 11, 133.
119 Kurmann and Kurmann-Schwarz, “Chartres,” pp. 134–6; Caviness, “Stained Glass Windows in Gothic Chapels”; Lautier, “Reliques.” Also Shortell, “Dismembering Saint Quentin.”
120 Williams, Bread, pp. 137, 141–2.
121 Mahnes-Deremble, Vitraux narratifs, pp. 32–3, 75–8.
122 Kemp, Narratives, esp. pp. 91–151; Caviness, “Biblical Stories.” Also Cothren, “Theophilus” and “Who is the Bishop?”; Jordan, Kingship, argues that narrative strategies in the glazing of the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris resemble those in contemporaneous prose cycles.
123 Cothren, “Theophilus,” p. 333; Caviness, “Biblical Stories,” pp. 145–7.
124 Contrast Hérold and Mignot, Vitrail.
Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi is abbreviated as CV throughout. Each of the selected CV works listed below by author has a complete listing of publications to date: see recent “Status of CV Publications” in Raguin and Zakin, with Pastan, Stained Glass Before 1700, vol. 2, pp. 295–6.
Barbara Abou-El-Haj, “Program and Power in the Glass of Reims,” in Wolfgang Kersten, ed., Radical Art History, Internationale Anthologie, Subject: O. K. Werckmeister (Zurich, 1997), pp. 22–33.
Aaron Andersson, Johnny Roosval, C. A. Nordman, A. Roussell, and S. Christie, Die Glasmalereien des Mittelalters in Skandinavien, CVMA Scandinavia (Stockholm, 1964).
Marcel Aubert et al., Le Vitrail français (Paris, 1958).
—— et al., Les Vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte Chapelle de Paris, CV France, 1 (Paris, 1959).
Rüdiger Becksmann, Die architektonische Rahmung des Hochgotischen Bildfensters, Untersuchungen zur obberrheinischen Glasmalerei von 1250–1350 (Berlin, 1957).
——, Deutsche Glasmalerei des Mittelalters: Bildprogramme, Auftraggeber, Werkstätten, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1992).
——, “Fensterstiftungen und Stifterbilder in der deutschen Glasmalerei des Mittelalters,” in Vitrea Dedicata: Das Stifterbild in der deutschen Glasmalerei des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1975), pp. 65–85.
——, “Zum Problem der Ergänzung, Komplettierung und Rekonstruktion Mittelalterlicher Glasmalereien,” in Erich Stephany et al., Licht, Glas, Farbe: Arbeiten in Glas und Stein aus den rheinischen Werkstätten Dr. Heinrich Oidtmann (Aachen, 1982).
Martine Callias Bey et al., Les Vitraux de Haute-Normandie, CVMA France, Recensement 6 (Paris, 2001).
Chantal Bouchon et al., “La ‘Belle-Verrière’ de Chartres,” Revue de l’Art 46 (1979), pp. 16–24.
Beat Brenk, “Bildprogrammatik und Geschichtsverständnis der Kapetinger im Querhaus der Kathedrale von Chartres,” Arte medievale, 2nd series, 5 (1991), pp. 71–95.
Ulrike Brinkmann and Rolf Lauer, “Die mittelalterlichen Glasfenster des Kölner Domchores,” in Himmelslicht. Europäische Glasmalerei im Jahrhundert des Kölner Dombaus (1248–1349), ex. cat. (Cologne, 1998), pp. 23–32.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at Saint-Denis,” Mediaevalia 10 (1988, for 1984), pp. 279–331.
Sarah Brown and David O’Connor, Glass-Painters (Toronto, 1991).
Norman Bryson, Word and Image, French Painting of the Ancien Régime (Cambridge, 1981).
James Bugslag, “Ideology and Iconography in Chartres Cathedral: Jean Clément and the Oriflamme,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 61 (1998), pp. 491–508.
Barbara Butts and Lee Hendrix, with Scott C. Wolf, eds., Painting on Light, Drawings and Stained Glass in the Ages of Dürer and Holbein, ex. cat. (Los Angeles, 2000).
Michael Camille, “‘When Adam Delved’: Laboring on the Land in English Medieval Art,” in Del Sweeney, ed., Agriculture in the Middle Ages: Technology, Practice, and Representation (Philadelphia, 1995), pp. 247–76.
Madeline Harrison Caviness, “Beyond the Corpus Vitrearum: Stained Glass at the Crossroads,” Compte Rendu: Union académique internationale, 72ème session (Bruxelles, 1998), pp. 15–39.
——, “Biblical Stories in Windows: Were they Bibles for the Poor?” in Bernard S. Levy, ed., The Bible in the Middle Ages: Its Influence on Literature and Art (Binghamton, New York, 1992), pp. 103–47.
——, Christ Church Cathedral Canterbury, CV Great Britain, 2 (London, 1981).
——, “‘De convenientia et cohaerentia antique et novi operis’: Medieval conservation, restoration, pastiche and forgery,” in Peter Bloch, ed., Intuition und Kunstwissenschaft, Festschrift für Hanns Swarzenski (Berlin, 1973), pp. 205–21.
——, The Early Stained Glass of Canterbury Cathedral, ca.1175–1220 (Princeton, 1977).
——, “Images of Divine Order and the Third Mode of Seeing,” Gesta 22 (1983), pp. 99–120.
——, “Learning from Forest Lawn,” Speculum 69 (1994), pp. 963–92.
——, Stained Glass Windows (Turnhout, 1996).
——, “Stained Glass Windows in Gothic Chapels, and the Feasts of the Saints,” in Nicolas Bock et al., eds., Kunst und Liturgie im Mittelalter (Rome, 2000), pp. 135–48.
——, Sumptuous Arts at the Royal Abbeys in Reims and Braine: Ornatus Elegantiae, Varietate Stupendes (Princeton, 1990).
——, “The Twelfth-Century Ornamental Windows of Saint-Remi in Reims,” in Elizabeth C. Parker, ed., with Mary B. Shepard, The Cloisters, Studies in Honor of the Fiftieth Anniversary (New York, 1992), pp. 178–93.
——, Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages, Sight, Spectacle, and Scopic Economy (Philadelphia, 2001) pp. 100–19.
Madeline Harrison Caviness, with Evelyn Ruth Staudinger, Stained Glass before 1540: An Annotated Bibliography (Boston, 1983).
Michael W. Cothren, “The Iconography of Theophilus Windows in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 59 (1984), pp. 308–41.
——, “Restaurateurs et créateurs de vitraux à la cathédrale de Beauvais dans les années 1340,” Revue de l’art 111 (1996), pp. 11–24.
——, “The Seven Sleepers and the Seven Kneelers: Prolegomena to a Study of the Belles Verrières of the Cathedral of Rouen,” Gesta 25 (1986), pp. 203–26.
——, “Suger’s Stained Glass Masters and their Workshop at Saint-Denis,” in George Mauner et al., eds., Paris, Center of Artistic Enlightenment. Papers in Art History from Penn State University 4 (1988), pp. 46–75.
——, “Who is the Bishop in the Virgin Chapel of Beauvais Cathedral?” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 125 (1995), pp. 1–16.
John D. Le Couteur, English Mediaeval Painted Glass (London, 1926).
Sumner Crosby et al., The Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis in the Time of Abbot Suger (1122–1151), ex. cat., The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1981).
Yves Delaporte and Etienne Houvet, Les Vitraux de la cathédrale de Chartres: Histoire et description, 4 vols. (Chartres, 1926).
John van Engen, “Theophilus Presbyter and Rupert of Deutz: The Manual Arts and Benedictine Theology in the Early Twelfth Century,” Viator 11 (1980), pp. 147–63.
Charles de l’Escalopier, trans. Théophile, prêtre et moine: Essai sur divers arts (Paris, 1843).
Susan Frank, Glass and Archaeology (London, 1982).
Paul Frankl, The Gothic, Literary Sources and Interpretations through Eight Centuries (Princeton, 1960).
Paul Freedman and Gabrielle Spiegel, “Medievalisms Old and New: The Rediscovery of Alterity in North American Medieval Studies,” American Historical Review 103 (1998), pp. 677–704.
Gabriela Fritzsche, Die Mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien im Regensburger Dom, 2 vols., CV Germany, 13 (Berlin, 1987).
Eva Frodl-Kraft, “Das Corpus Vitrearum, 1952–1987: Ein Rückblick,” Kunstchronik 41 (1988), pp. 1–12.
——, Die Glasmalerei: Entwicklung-Technik-Eigenart (Vienna, 1979).
——, Die Mittelalterlichen Glasgemälde in Niederösterreich. Bibliographie und historische Dokumentation, CVMA Austria, 2 (Vienna, 1972).
——, “The Stained Glass from Ebreichsdorf and the Austrian ‘Ducal Workshop’,” in Elizabeth C. Parker, ed., with Mary B. Shepard, The Cloisters, Studies in Honor of the Fiftieth Anniversary (New York, 1992).
John Gage, “Gothic Glass: Two Aspects of a Dionysian Aesthetic,” Art History 5 (1982), pp. 36–58.
Christian Geerling, Sammlung von Ansichten alter enkaustischer Glasgemälde nebst erlauterndem Text (Cologne, 1827).
Catherine Grodecki, Documents du minutier central des notaries de Paris: Histoire de l’art au XVIe siècle (1540–1600), vol. 1 (Paris, 1985).
Louis Grodecki, “Dix ans d’activité du Corpus Vitrearum,” Revue de l’Art 51 (1981), pp. 23–30.
——, “Fonctions spirituelles,” in Aubert et al., Le Vitrail français (Paris, 1958), pp. 39–45.
——, “Livres récents sur l’art du vitrail,” Revue de l’art 10 (1970), pp. 97–8.
——, “A Stained Glass Atelier of the Thirteenth Century: A Study of Windows in the Cathedrals of Bourges, Chartres and Poitiers,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 11 (1948), pp. 87–111.
——, “Le vitrail et l’architecture,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 36 (1949), pp. 5–24.
——, Vitraux de France, du XIe au XVIe siècle, exh. cat., Musée des arts décoratifs (Paris, 1953).
——, Les Vitraux de Saint-Denis, CV France, Etudes 1 (Paris, 1976).
Louis Grodecki et al., Les Vitraux du centre et des pays de la Loire, CV France, Recensement 2 (Paris, 1981).
Louis Grodecki, with Catherine Brisac, Gothic Stained Glass, 1200–1300, trans. Barbara D. Boehm (Ithaca, 1985).
Louis Grodecki, with Catherine Brisac and Claudine Lautier, Le Vitrail roman (Fribourg, 1977).
Jean-Jacques Gruber, “Quelques aspects de l’art et de la technique du vitrail en France; dernier quart du XIIIe siècle, premier quart du XIVe,” Travaux des étudiants du groupe d’histoire de l’art de la Faculté des lettres de Paris (Paris, 1928), pp. 71–94.
Hans Hahnloser, “Zur Einfürung,” in Ellen J. Beer, ed., Die Glasmalereien der Schweiz vom 12. bis zum Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts (Basel, 1956).
Donald B. Harden et al., Glass of the Caesars, ex. cat. (Milan, 1987).
Paul Hardwick, “The Monkey’s Funeral in the Pilgrimage Window, York Minster,” Art History 23 (2000), pp. 290–9.
Jane Hayward, “Introduction” in Hayward and Walter Cahn, Radiance and Reflection: Medieval Art from the Raymond Pitcairn Collection (New York, 1982).
——, English and French Medieval Stained Glass in the Collection of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2 vols., ed. Mary B. Shepard and Cynthia Clark, CV USA, 1 (London, 2003).
——, “Stained-Glass Windows,” in Florens Deuchler, eds., The Year 1200, 2: A Background Survey (New York, 1970), pp. 67–9.
Jane Hayward and Madeline H. Caviness, “Introduction,” in Caviness, ed., Stained Glass Before 1700 in American Collections: New England and New York, CV USA, Checklist 1, Studies in the History of Art, vol. 15 (Washington, DC, 1985), pp. 10–19.
Penny Hebgin-Barnes, The Medieval Stained Glass of the County of Lincolnshire, CVMA Great Britain, Summary Catalogue, 3 (Oxford, 1996).
Jean Helbig, Les Vitraux médiévaux conservés en Belgique, 1200–1500, CV Belgium, 1 (Brussels, 1961).
Michel Hérold and Claude Mignot, eds., Vitrail et arts graphiques XVe–XVIe siècles, Les Cahiers de l’Ecole nationale du Patrimoine, 4 (Paris, 1993).
Timothy G. Husband, with Ellen Konowitz and Zsuzsanna van Ruyven-Zeman, The Luminous Image, Painted Glass Roundels in the Lowlands, 1480–1560 (New York, 1995).
J. R. Johnson, The Radiance of Chartres: Studies in the Early Stained Glass of the Cathedral (London, 1964).
Alyce A. Jordan, Visualizing Kingship in the Windows of the Sainte-Chapelle (Turnhout, 2002).
Lech Kalinowski, “Virga Versatur, Remarques sur l’iconographie des vitraux romans d’Arnstein-sur-la-Lahn,” Revue de l’art 62 (1983), pp. 9–20.
Wolfgang Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, trans. Caroline Dobson Saltzwedel (Cambridge, 1997).
John A. Knowles, Essays in the History of the York School of Glass-Painting (London, 1936).
Peter Kurmann and Brigitte Kurmann-Schwarz, “Chartres Cathedral as a Work of Artistic Integration: Methodological Reflections,” in Virginia Chieffo Raguin et al., eds., Artistic Integration in Gothic Buildings (Toronto, 1995), pp. 131–52.
Brigitte Kurmann-Schwarz, “L’Architecture et le vitrail aux XIIe et XIVe siècles,” in Mémoire de Champagne 3 (2001), pp. 196–203.
Jean Lafond, “Essai historique sur le jaune d’argent,” in Trois études sur la technique du vitrail (Rouen, 1943), pp. 39–116.
——, “Le Vitrail du XIVe siècle en France, Etude historique et descriptive,” in Louise Lefrançois-Pillion et Jean Lafond, L’Art du XIVe siècle en France (Paris, 1954), pp. 185–237.
——, Le Vitrail: Origines, technique, destinées, ed. Françoise Perrot, rev. edn. (Lyon, 1988).
Jean Lafond, with Françoise Perrot and Paul Popesco, Les Vitraux de l’église Saint-Ouen de Rouen, CV France, 4 (Paris, 1970).
Claudine Lautier, “Les Arts libéraux de la ‘librarie’ capitulaire de Chartres,” Gesta 37 (1998), pp. 211–16.
——, “Les Débuts du jaune d’argent dans l’art du vitrail ou le jaune d’argent à la manière d’Antoine de Pise,” Bulletin monumental 158 (2000), pp. 89–107.
——, “Les Peintres-verriers des bas-côtés de la nef de Chartres au début du XIIIe siècle,” Bulletin Monumental 148 (1990), pp. 7–45.
——, “Les Vitraux de la cathédrale de Chartres: Reliques et image,” Bulletin monumental 161 (2003), pp. 3–96.
Meredith Parsons Lillich, The Armor of Light: Stained Glass in Western France, 1250 – 1325 (Berkeley, 1993).
——, “The Band Window: A Theory of Origin and Development,” Gesta 9 (1970), pp. 26–33.
——, “Early Heraldry: How to Crack the Code,” Gesta 30 (1991), pp. 41–7.
——, “European Glass around 1300: The Introduction of Silver Stain,” reprint in Studies in Medieval Stained Glass and Monasticism (London, 2001), pp. 37–61.
——, “Gothic Glaziers: Monks, Jews, Taxpayers, Bretons and Women,” Journal of Glass Studies 27 (1985): 72–92.
——, “Monastic Stained Glass: Patronage and Style,” in Timothy G. Verdon, ed., Monasticism and the Arts (Syracuse, 1984), pp. 207–54.
——, “A Redating of the Thirteenth-Century Grisaille Windows of Chartres Cathedral,” Gesta 11 (1972), pp. 11–18.
——, “Remembrance of Things Past: Stained Glass Spolia at Châlons Cathedral,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 4 (1996), pp. 461–97.
Alison Luchs, “Stained Glass above Renaissance Altars: Figural Windows in Italian Church Architecture from Brunelleschi to Bramante,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 48 (1985), pp. 177–224.
Kurt H. Ludwigs, “Chronik,” in Erich Stephany et al., Licht, Glas, Farbe: Arbeiten in Glas und Stein aus den rheinischen Werkstätten Dr. Heinrich Oidtmann (Aachen, 1982), pp. 207–17.
Emile Mâle, “La Peinture sur verre en France,” in André Michel, ed., Histoire de l’Art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1906), vol. 2.
——, Religious Art in France, The Thirteenth Century: A Study of Medieval Iconography and its Sources, ed. Harry Bober, trans. Marthiel Mathews (Princeton, 1984).
Colette Manhes-Deremble, Les Vitraux narratifs de la cathédrale de Chartres: Etude iconographique, CV France, Etudes 2 (Paris, 1993).
Richard Marks, The Medieval Stained Glass of Northamptonshire, CV Great Britain, Summary Catalogue 4 (Oxford, 1998).
——, Stained Glass in England during the Middle Ages (Toronto, 1993).
Roy G. Newton, The Deterioration and Conservation of Painted Glass: A Critical Bibliography, CVMA Great Britain, Occasional Papers, 2 (Oxford, 1982).
—— and Sandra Davison, Conservation of Glass (London, 1989).
Heinrich Oidtmann, Die rheinischen Glasmalereien vom 12. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf, 1912–29).
Elizabeth Carson Pastan, “Fit for a Count: The Twelfth-Century Stained Glass Panels from Troyes,” Speculum 64 (1989), pp. 338–72.
——, “Process and Patronage in the Decorative Arts of the Early Campaigns of Troyes Cathedral, c.1200–1220s,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 53 (1994), pp. 215–31.
——, “Restoring Troyes Cathedral: The Ambiguous Legacy of Viollet-le-Duc,” Gesta 29 (1990), pp. 155–66.
——, “‘Tam haereticos quam Judaeos’: Shifting Symbols in the Glazing of Troyes Cathedral,” Word & Image 10 (1994), pp. 66–83.
Elizabeth Carson Pastan and Sylvie Balcon, Les Vitraux du choeur de la cathédrale de Troyes (XIIIe siècle), CVMA France (2006).
Elizabeth Carson Pastan and Mary B. Shepard, “The Torture of Saint George Medallion from Chartres Cathedral in Princeton,” Record of The Art Museum Princeton University 56 (1997), pp. 10–34.
Françoise Perrot, “La Couleur et le vitrail,” Cahiers de civilization médiévale 39 (1996), pp. 211–15.
——, “La Signature des peintres-verriers,” Revue de l’art 26 (1974), pp. 40–5.
——, “Les Verrières du XIIe siècle de la façade occidentale, étude archéologique,” Les Monuments historiques de la France 1 (1977), pp. 37–51.
——, “Le Vitrail, la croisade et la Champagne: réflexion sur les fenêtres hautes du choeur à la cathédrale de Chartres,” in Yvonne Bellenger and Danielle Quéruel, eds., Les Champenois et les croisades (Paris, 1989), pp. 109–30.
Anne Prache, “Le Vitrail de la Crucifixion de Saint-Remi de Reims,” in Sumner McKnight Crosby et al., Etudes d’art medieval offerts à Louis Grodecki (Paris, 1981), pp. 145–54.
Bernard Rackham, The Ancient Glass of Canterbury Cathedral (London, 1949).
Virginia Chieffo Raguin, “The Architectural and Glazing Context of Poitiers Cathedral: A Reassessment of Integration,” in Raguin et al., eds., Artistic Integration in Gothic Buildings (Toronto, 1995), pp. 167–71.
——, “Revivals, Revivalists, and Architectural Stained Glass,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 49 (1990), pp. 310–29.
——, “The Visual Designer in the Middle Ages: The Case for Stained Glass,” Journal of Glass Studies (1986), pp. 30–9.
—— and Helen Jackson Zakin, with Elizabeth Carson Pastan, Stained Glass before 1700 in the Collections of the Midwest, 2 vols., CV USA, Part 8 (London, 2001).
Hartmut Scholz, Entwurf und Ausführung: Werkstattpraxis in der Nürnberger Glasmalerei der Dürerzeit, CV Germany, Studien 1 (Berlin, 1991).
——, “Ornamentverglasungen der Hochgotik,” in Himmelslicht. Europäische Glasmalerei im Jahrhundert des Kölner Dombaus (1248–1349), ex. cat. (Cologne, 1998), pp. 51–62.
A. Charles Sewter, “The Place of Charles Winston in the Victorian Revival of the Art of Stained Glass,” Journal of the British Archeological Association XXIV (1961).
Pamela Sheingorn, “‘The Wise Mother’: The Image of St. Anne Teaching the Virgin Mary,” Gesta 32 (1993), pp. 75–8.
Mary B. Shepard, “‘Our Fine Gothic Magnificence’: The Nineteenth-Century Chapel at Costessey Hall (Norfolk) and its Medieval Glazing,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 54 (1995), pp. 187–9.
Ellen M. Shortell, “Dismembering Saint Quentin: Gothic Architecture and the Display of Relics,” Gesta 36 (1997), pp. 32–47.
Otto von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral, Origins of Gothic Architecture and the Medieval Concept of Order, rev. edn. (Princeton, 1962).
Robert Sowers, “The 12th-century Windows in Chartres: Some Wayward Lessons from the ‘Poor Man’s Bible,’” Art Journal 28 (1968–9), pp. 168–72.
Erich Stephany et al., Licht, Glas, Farbe: Arbeiten in Glas und Stein aus den rheinischen Werkstätten Dr. Heinrich Oidtmann (Aachen, 1982).
Sebastian Strobl, Glastechnik des Mittelalters (Stuttgart, 1990).
Suger, Abbot Suger, On the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and its Art Treasures, ed. Erwin Panofsky, 2nd edn. (Princeton, 1979).
Theophilus Presbyter, De Diversis Artibus, ed. C. R. Dodwell (London, 1961).
Pierre le Vieil, L’Art de la peinture sur verre et de la vitrerie (Paris, 1774).
Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, “Vitrail,” in Dictionnaire raisonné de l’architecture française du XIe au XVIe siècle, vol. 9 (1868), pp. 373–462.
——, “Restauration,” in Dictionnaire, vol. 8 (1866), pp. 14–34.
Stephan Waetzoldt, “Glasmalerei des Mittelalters, Ein Kapital deutscher Wissen-schaftsgeschichte,” in Vitrea Dedicata: Das Stifterbild in der deutschen Glasmalerei des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1975), pp. 11–22.
J. B. Waring, Catalogue of Drawings from Ancient Glass Paintings by the Late Charles Winston Esq. of the Inner Temple, ex. cat., The Arundel Society (London, 1865).
Hilary Wayment, with Kenneth Harrison, The Windows of King’s College Chapel, Cambridge; A Description and Commentary, CVMA, Great Britain, Supplementary 1 (London, 1972).
Hans Wentzel, Die Glasmalereien in Schwaben von 1200–1350, CVMA Germany, 1 (Berlin, 1958).
Mortimer Wheeler, The British Academy, 1949–1968 (London, 1970).
Jane Welch Williams, Bread, Wine and Money (Chicago, 1993).
Charles Winston, An Inquiry into the Difference of Style observable in Ancient Glass Paintings, especially in England, with Hints on Glass Painting, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1867).
Helen Zakin, French Cistercian Grisailles (New York, 1979).