28
Art and Pilgrimage: Mapping the Way
As with many aspects of Romanesque and Gothic art history in the West, study of the relationship of pilgrimage to art is less than a century-and-a-half old.1 Early studies were centered on monumental architecture and sculpture along the pilgrimage roads through France and Spain to Santiago de Compostela.2 But, more recently, scholarly interest has turned toward the experience of the pilgrim at the loca sancta. This includes relics, shrines, and reliquaries on the one hand and pilgrim badges and souvenirs on the other.3
The Pilgrimage Routes to Santiago de Compostela and its Monuments
The historiography of the earliest studies on art and pilgrimage in Northern Europe involves the early studies of both Romanesque art and twelfth-century French literature. These two disciplines intersected early in the twentieth century. Both focused on the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and on a text now known as the Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela.4 The Pilgrim’s Guide, written in the twelfth century, lists the routes to the shrine of St James and is the earliest witness in the West of a pilgrim’s response to architecture and sculpture.5
Although known to earlier scholars, the Pilgrim’s Guide gained prominence with its publication in 1882 by Fita and Vinson.6 The guide lists four routes through France that joined together at Puenta la Reina in Spain and continued across northern Spain to Santiago de Compostela in the northwest of the peninsula (fig. 28-1).7 The easternmost route passed through Orléans, Tours, Poitiers, the Santonge, and Bordeaux. It joined the routes that began at Vézelay and Le Puy at Ostabat near St Jean-Pied-de-Porte in the Pyrenees. The route that began in Vézelay went through Bourges, Limoges, Périgueux, and St Sever, meeting the others at Ostabat. Beginning in Le Puy, the third route went through Conques, Cahors, and Moissac before joining the first two routes at Ostabat. Once joined, these routes crossed the pass at Roncesvalles, descended through Pamplona and continued west to Puente la Reina. The westernmost route came through Arles, St Gilles, St Guilhem, Toulouse, Oloron-Ste-Marie, crossed the Santa Christina pass, descended to Jaca and continued to Puente la Reina. Here it joined the three routes that had crossed the Pyrenees at Roncesvalles. The single route through northern Spain passed through Estella, Logroño, Sto Domingo de la Calzada, Burgos, Frómista, Sahagún, León, crossed the pass of El Cebrero and descended finally to Santiago de Compostela. n consulting maps of France and Spain, it is quite evident that many major Romanesque monuments can be found along these five routes.
FIGURE 28-1 Map of the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela. From Annie Shaver-Crandell, Paula Gerson, and Alison Stones, The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela: A Gazetteer (London, 1995).
Enter Joseph Bédier, the brilliant literary scholar of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Bédier seems to have been the first scholar to conceive of the pilgrimage routes presented in the Pilgrim’s Guide as the paths of transmission of culture. In exploring the roots of the literary form of the epic in the twelfth century, Bédier envisioned the pilgrimage roads as the arteries along which intellectual life traveled in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.8 Although first presented (between 1908 and 1913) in a literary context, the concept was rapidly adapted to Romanesque architecture and sculpture.
We must now step back a few years. In 1892, Abbé Bouillet published an article in which he noted similarities in the architecture of St Sernin, Toulouse, the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, and St Foi at Conques.9 These buildings formed the core of what has come to be known as “the pilgrimage-type church.” Discussions of other relationships between the Romanesque art of France and Spain by both Camille Enlart and Emile Bertaux appeared in 1905 and 1906 in André Michel’s Histoire de l’Art.10
It is in the decade of the 1920s that Bédier’s literary concepts were applied to the nascent history of medieval art. Emile Mâle is the first scholar to bring together Bédier’s theory concerning the role of the pilgrimage routes through France and Spain with the earlier architectural studies.11 First published in 1922, Mâle’s extensive study of twelfth-century art added three monuments to Abbé Bouillet’s original three “similar” churches: St Martin at Tours, St Martial at Limoges and St Sauveur at Figeac.12 Mâle fostered the concept of a pilgrimage school of architecture, noting that one building of the “pilgrimage type” was found on each of the French roads described in the Pilgrim’s Guide. He wrote: “our most famous sanctuaries were spotted along the four routes.”13 Mâle seems to be the first to speak of art “traveling” along the pilgrimage roads.14 While not stated directly in this way, the same concept is implicit in Arthur Kingsley Porter’s ten-volume Romanesque Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads, published in 1923, only one year after Mâle’s volume appeared. The role played by the pilgrimage routes took on even greater significance in articles published by Porter between 1923 and 1926.15
By the end of the 1920s, the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela were established as the primary force in the development of Romanesque architecture and sculpture. Using this model, one might envision artists and builders wending their ways along these routes plying their varied trades. The concept of the “pilgrimage-type church” was completely accepted and enjoyed unusual success through most of the twentieth century. We can note its inclusion in Kenneth John Conant’s influential Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture.16 The diagram containing the five comparative plans published by Conant (fig. 28-2) has become a standard visual document for all classroom discussions of pilgrimage.
The model of the pilgrimage routes as conduits of stylistic developments in monumental art and architecture from the late eleventh century through the first half of the twelfth century seemed to bring together a number of broad cultural movements. The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela dramatically increased during the early years of the Reconquista. At the same time we see the maturing of Romanesque architecture and the rebirth of monumental architectural sculpture. This model has been combined with the other prevalent model for discussing Romanesque architecture and sculpture – the “regional styles” model. Together, they present an overarching order that appears to explain artistic developments in France and Spain.
The concentration on the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela, from its beginning in the early decades of the twentieth century, has had many consequences. Certainly it focused attention on Romanesque art to an extent not seen earlier. Although this was positive, other consequences were not.
Relying on this paradigm has allowed scholars to ignore the complexity created by the extraordinarily diverse examples of architecture and sculpture as well as developments in other areas of Europe. Ultimately, this has distorted the evidence presented by the actual buildings and their sculptural programs.17 In addition, Porter’s work, in particular, led to an explosion of nationalistic debate concerning whether or not Romanesque art and architecture was “invented” first in Spain or France. Since the 1960s and 1970s, the nationalistic fervor has decreased, and arguments presented are more sophisticated. In the second half of the twentieth century, the main scholars concerned with these issues were Durliat, Lyman, Moralejo Alvarez, and Williams.18 The bibliography here is considerable and depends almost entirely on issues of the style and chronology of the monuments cited.19
It is only since the 1980s that scholars have seriously questioned the paradigm of the pilgrimage routes, and there are many issues to question. Here, it is somewhat easier to discuss architecture and sculpture separately.
In architecture, the primary aspect of the “pilgrimage-type church” has been the presence of a ground plan that provides for a ring of peripheral spaces surrounding the central core of the basilica. A pilgrim visiting such a church might enter in the west, then proceed through the north aisle to the transept, where it would be possible to visit any transept chapels. It would then be possible to continue around the ambulatory, again visiting any ambulatory chapels, or perhaps descend to a crypt to venerate relics kept there. The pilgrim could then continue around the south transept to the south aisle and return to the western entrance of the building to exit. In traversing this path, the pilgrim would not disturb the processions or the liturgical activities taking place in the main spaces of the church.
FIGURE 28-2 Comparative plans of “pilgrimage-type” churches (after Conant):St Martin, Tours (1); St Martial, Limoges (2); St Foi, Conques (3); St Sernin, Toulouse (4); Santiago de Compostela (5).
When we consider Mâle’s pilgrimage churches (St Sernin, Toulouse, Santiago de Compostela, St Martial at Limoges, St Martin at Tours, and St Foi at Conques), the basic ground plans are similar, and for good reason. All were coping with similar problems of traffic and liturgy.20 But does the ground plan make the church? It is important to note here that only St Sernin, Santiago de Compostela, and St Foi stand today. St Martin was destroyed in 1796, as was St Martial in the French Revolution. Knowledge of both buildings depends primarily on eighteenth-century ground plans, drawings, and nineteenth- and twentieth-century excavations.21 Thus, while we can be certain of some of the similarities in ground plans, we cannot be certain of many aspects of the elevation, structural systems, wall openings, spaces, and volumes, all elements that are not so dependent on liturgy and function.22 St Foi is instructive in this regard. Although St Foi at Conques shares a similar ground plan with St Sernin and Compostela, its nave is much shorter. As a result, the experience of space is quite different. Standing at the entrance to St Foi, the visitor experiences the verticality of the space and not the long horizontal space of St Sernin or Compostela. The vertical emphasis is strengthened as well, because the crossing tower is so much closer to the entrance and appears more important in the visual organization of the space.23
As our knowledge of eleventh-century architecture expands, it becomes clear that elements said to be part of the “pilgrimage-type church” have precedents. The secondary space provided by the aisles is a perfect solution for any church with relics, whether a major pilgrimage church or not. Similar ground plans can be found in a number of churches begun earlier in the eleventh century and too far north to be considered on the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela as described in the Pilgrim’s Guide (for example, Jumièges and St Remi, Reims). This has been convincingly argued by Isidro Bango Torviso.24 As well, experiments with annular crypts from Old St Peter’s to St Philibert at Tournus can be seen as prototypes for the arrangement of aisles, ambulatory, and chapels in the pilgrimage-type churches.25
One very serious failing of the pilgrimage route model was its restriction to architectural developments in France and Spain and to the five routes to Santiago de Compostela. Not only did this distort our understanding of the development of Romanesque architecture, it also left out the many experiments involved in solving the problems of providing access to pilgrims at other churches. Major pilgrimage shrines in France and Spain were not considered (e.g., St Bénigne, Dijon; Mont-St-Michel; Sto Domingo, Silos). Nor were monuments in England considered (St Cuthbert, Durham; St Fridewide, Oxford), nor in the Lowlands or in Germany (Aachen, Cologne).26
In addition, the over-concentration on just the major monuments on the routes through France and Spain ignored the network of small hostels and churches that gave aid to pilgrims. They, too, must be considered in any real study of the relationship between architecture and pilgrimage.27
As is the case with architecture, study of Romanesque sculpture and pilgrimage began with the early twentieth century work by Bertaux, who signaled the relationship between southern France and Spain, as well as by Mâle and Porter.28 On one level, the issues with monumental sculpture are not quite as complex since, compared to architecture, there was very little monumental architectural sculpture in stone before the end of the eleventh century.29
For sculpture, the first massive display of Romanesque monumental sculpture on a church portal occurred on the south and north transepts of Santiago de Compostela.30 Sculpture in a similar style is found at St Sernin, Toulouse, a building close to Compostela in architecture and prominent on the route from Arles. The consuming questions asked by scholars of the early twentieth century concerned the birthplace of the new style: was it Spain or France? Paul Deschamps came down decidedly on the side of France, with Arthur Kingsley Porter and Manuel Gómez-Moreno supporting Spain. The other major figure in this debate, Georges Gaillard, held a somewhat middle position structured on simultaneous development.31 The debate raged through most of the first half of the twentieth century, based, as it had been for architecture, on issues of style and chronology, with heavy injections of nationalism.
There is no question that sculptors did travel on the pilgrimage route between Toulouse and Santiago. Some of the same hands appear at St Sernin, Jaca, León, Frómista, and Compostela.32 Claimed relationships among Santiago, Moissac, and Conques are not nearly as clear-cut.33 However, finding such longdistance road relationships among the monuments on the other routes to Santiago de Compostela is nearly impossible. The existence of excellent photographic resources and the publication of the Zodiac series on Romanesque art have allowed scholars to look more intensively and comprehensively at Romanesque sculpture.34 The Zodiac volumes in particular, with brightly lit images and organized by region, point up the coherence of local styles and local workshops. Use of these sources seems to have contributed to the erosion of interest in the pilgrimage roads as a major force in the development of Romanesque sculpture.
The pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela, in fact, followed some of the main Roman roads in France and, to a lesser degree, in Spain. These were well-traveled roads and, thus, important sites for the construction of religious houses. Monasteries and cathedrals with important relics situated along main roads were more accessible, and they attracted travelers and pilgrims alike, many willing to donate gifts to the saint honored. The more pilgrims there were, the greater the income from them. More money meant that funds might be available for building campaigns and decorating programs. As is generally the case, artists go where the money is, no matter the road on which that job may be found. Thus it seems that the most important factors in the relationship of the pilgrimage roads to sculpture and architecture are relics and money rather than the specific roads themselves.
The second half of the twentieth century witnessed an explosion of interest in pilgrimage in many disciplines, especially anthropology, cultural and social history, hagiography, and religious studies.35 These fields have reinvigorated studies of pilgrimage and art.
Thus, it is not surprising to see a critical shift in approach to art and its relationship to pilgrimage. The first indication of this change for the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela could be seen in the 1985 exhibition, “Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de Pèlerinage Européen” in Ghent. In the exhibition and catalogue that accompanied it, the pilgrimage, and objects related to it, were treated in a more comprehensive manner and offered rich areas of investigation. The geographic areas covered were not restricted to France and Spain, but included most of Western Europe, even as far as Poland. The time frame extended well into the fifteenth century and beyond. Included in the exhibition were classes of objects that had not been given prominence previously in discussions of the art of the pilgrimage routes (reliquaries, pilgrims’ badges, and souvenirs). As well, it brought medieval hospices for pilgrims into the discussion of architecture. This approach is also seen in the catalogue from the 1993 exhibition, “Santiago, Camino de Europa,” held in Santiago de Compostela.36
Important in this change of approach was Marie-Madeleine Gauthier’s 1983 book Routes de la foi. This volume, devoted to reliquaries found along the pilgrimage routes, signaled an attempt to turn attention more deeply on those objects for which pilgrims specifically made their journeys.37
It was, of course, the saints and their relics that drew pilgrims to sites of cult. Thus, the medieval shrine has become more important, along with studies of the medieval participant and viewer.38 This has had the added benefit of widening the study of art and pilgrimage from Spain and southern France in the Romanesque period to include art of the Gothic period, and has extended the geographic range to shrines in England, northern France, Germany, and the Lowlands.39 Now, too, attention is slowly turning toward local pilgrimages of various kinds. These studies seem to be of greater interest in current scholarship than the kind of studies concerned with style and chronology that consumed an earlier generation. Much of the new scholarship appears in recently published volumes drawn from presentations at conferences and recent dissertations.40
Art, Architecture and the Pilgrims’ Goal
In exploring the pilgrim’s experience at the loca sancta, a number of different approaches have been rewarding. The anthropologist Simon Coleman and art historian John Elsner have collaborated on a number of studies of shrines from Walsingham to Sinai, with some emphasis on the pilgrim, space, and the use of spaces.41
Recent studies of pilgrimage architecture place emphasis on architecture as a setting for the saint’s shrine rather than as an example of a development within architectural history. Although not previously considered in these terms, new studies have included the architecture of cloisters as spaces that could serve as saints’ shrines. While in some cases it is clear that lay persons had access to such cloisters, it is not at all clear to what extent this was common practice.42
English scholars have been very active in this aspect of pilgrimage studies. John Crook has written a number of articles on specific English shrines, in addition to his broad survey covering many monuments in England, France, and Italy.43 Shrines in England have also been of concern to Ben Nilson.44 In general, concentrated examination of specific buildings and their cults have replaced the more general attempt to develop an all-encompassing theory. See, for instance, the very welcome studies on Sto Domingo de la Calzada, on the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela, but now treated in terms of its own development as a site of cult.45 As well, concerns of local pilgrimage and architecture are being explored.46
The general interest in the study of medieval tombs has brought a new focus to tombs created for saints within their architectural setting.47 While saints’ tombs seem to have been placed in areas that were not generally open to laity in the early medieval period, this certainly does not seem to have been the case from the twelfth century on.48 With the growth of pilgrimage movements in Northern Europe (and perhaps the need for income from pilgrims), greater efforts are apparent in providing physical connection between tomb and pilgrim.
A study of a number of French tombs in their settings can be found in the work of Sabine Komm.49 Individual tombs are the subject of many of the essays in the issue of the Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa devoted to the cult of saints.50 Of particular interest is a series of essays in Decorations for the Holy Dead, edited by Stephen Lamia and Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo. Some essays in this volume discuss the decoration that mediated or directed the pilgrims’ visit to the tomb. Other essays are specifically concerned with the intense interaction of the pilgrim with the saint’s tomb.51 Discussions of such physical interactions can be found as well in articles by Stephen Lamia and Ben Nilson.52 Nilson also includes examples of ex votos found in sanctuaries including wax body parts and shaped candles, although these are discussed in terms of offerings rather than in terms of the possible visual effect on the visitor.53
Reliquaries have increasingly received scholarly attention, although primarily in the context of metalwork studies and as cult objects rather than as objects of cult related to pilgrimage.54 There are, to date, only a few instances, as at St Foi, Conques, in which cultic activities involving reliquaries and groups of reliquaries have been explored in terms of the pilgrims’ experience.55
Saints’ tombs were fairly large objects, generally made of durable materials like stone. As such, close proximity does not seem to have been problematic. Reliquaries made of precious materials and covered with gems were a different matter, and there seems to have been considerable variation in how close a pilgrim might come.
Some larger reliquaries were on “permanent” view, as was the reliquary of St Giles described in the Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela or the martyrs shrine that Abbot Suger had made for his new chevet.56 As Ellen Shortell has pointed out, there are a number of instances in the early thirteenth century when saints’ bodies, previously kept in crypts, were translated into reliquaries in the upper parts of churches specifically for display.57
Many smaller reliquaries were placed on altars in chapels, and could be visited by pilgrims. Other reliquaries might be closed up in treasuries and brought out for special occasions, as on the feast day of a saint or for processions. In some instances, intimacy was possible and (perhaps when crowds were small) a reliquary was brought out to be kissed. Scott Montgomery has discussed this practice for the reliquary head of St Just. However, when crowds were large, reliquaries might be displayed from a tower as at St Servatius, Maastricht.58 Reliquaries in procession would also have been seen at a distance, and special souvenir mirrors were sold to pilgrims in order to catch the reflection of the relic in its glittering reliquary.59 It seems clear that the experience of pilgrims was quite varied, depending on time and place, and we await further research on tombs and reliquaries as they relate to pilgrimage.
Pilgrim’s Badges and Souvenirs
Another very important group of objects that has come increasingly to the attention of scholars, especially since about 1985, is pilgrim badges. Collected from at least the nineteenth century, these small, seemingly inconsequential objects were made mostly of lead or of pewter with a heavy tin content, although some were made of silver and bronze. They were produced from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, reaching their height of popularity in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.60 They now have been liberated from dusty storerooms to take an important place in the study of the visual and material culture of pilgrimage.61
Kurt Köster began publishing articles concerning pilgrims’ badges in the late 1950s, although little attention was paid to these objects.62 Brian Spenser’s publications on badges begin in the 1960s.63 Both Köster and Spenser have concentrated attention on the artifacts themselves and their meaning for the pilgrim. The works published by Esther Cohen turn attention to the control and sale of pilgrim badges. Cohen underscores the fundamental importance in understanding the economic role these badges played in pilgrimage.64
Pilgrims’ badges came to greater attention with the 1985 exhibition, “Santiago de Compostela, 1000 ans de Pèlerinage Européan.” The exhibition contained about 100 scallop shells and metal badges, and the catalogue includes an essay by Kurt Köster on these in addition to the catalogue entries on specific badges.65 Important work by A. M. Koldeweij began to appear in 1987 and by Denis Bruna in 1990.66 There were many new finds of badges, especially in the Netherlands in the 1990s.67 The publication by H. J. E. van Beuningen, A. M. Koldeweij, and D. Kicken of Heilig en Profaan 1 in 1993 and Heilig en Profaan 2 in 2001 introduced many of the new finds and essays on the badges, and Denis Bruna’s 1996 catalogue of the badges at the Cluny Museum have brought the subject into greater focus.68
Pilgrims’ badges can be understood on many levels. Sewn or pinned on garments, they identified the pilgrim as someone for whom safe passage should be accorded and to whom hospitality should be offered.69 They certainly had an apotropaic or talismanic nature and could be used to ward off danger and illness. After the pilgrim arrived home, they might be used as objects of meditation for private devotion.70 Since so many badges have been found in rivers or buried in the mud of river banks, some have proposed an ex voto function.71 This may be a difficult thesis to sustain since many profane ornaments (also with attachments so that they could be worn) have been found in the same locations as the pilgrims’ badges themselves.72
With so many new and excellent publications of these small objects, the subject of pilgrim badges and souvenirs can add significantly to our understanding of Romanesque and Gothic art and pilgrimage.
The interest of scholars concerned with the relationship of art to pilgrimage in northern Europe during the Romanesque and Gothic periods has changed considerably since the early part of the twentieth century. Early discussions began in the 1920s. Generated by a literary model, art historians conceived of the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela as the conduits along which Romanesque architecture and sculpture developed. Questions of the style and chronology of monuments along these routes occupied scholars for decades, with answers frequently colored by nationalism: did the style originate in Spain or France? In this debate, other pilgrimage sites in Northern Europe were almost totally ignored, as were monuments of the later medieval period.
For much of the twentieth century, the model presented by the pilgrimage routes remained a powerful construct for ordering our knowledge of Romanesque art, bolstered especially by sculpture found on monuments along the route between Toulouse and Santiago de Compostela. However, by the 1980s, many new studies in the field of architectural history had appeared, and more photographs of eleventh- and twelfth-century sculpture were available. With closer examination, the paradigm of the pilgrimage routes was found to be limiting and misleading. By concentrating on a small number of monuments along these routes, the evidence of the development of Romanesque art and architecture was distorted.
At about the same time that the early twentieth-century model was found to be faulty, new ideas about the relationship of art to pilgrimage emerged. The focus of these current studies has shifted dramatically.
By the 1980s influences from other disciplines within medieval studies indicated new possibilities for understanding the relationship of art to pilgrimage, and they have been more concerned with the experience of the pilgrim. The geographic range has expanded as well as the time period, bringing us into the later Middle Ages. New studies now emphasize the effect of architecture, sculpture, tombs, and reliquaries on the pilgrim, as well as those objects, especially badges and souvenirs, that were taken home by the pilgrim and incorporated into the visual culture of everyday life.
Rather than imposing an artificial model on monuments, today’s scholars prefer to understand pilgrimage art from the pilgrim’s point of view.
My involvement with the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela began many years ago when Alison Stones and I, after our first year or so of teaching, decided to travel these roads during a summer vacation. In subsequent years, many pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela followed with my friend and colleague Annie Shaver-Crandell, during which we photographed the monuments that could be seen along the roads in the twelfth century, when the Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela was written (see note 4 below). Ideas concerning art and pilgrimage developed during those travels, and I owe a great debt to both Alison and Annie for our discussions and for the time spent sorting out and clarifying ideas. Some of the information presented here concerning the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela draws on introductory material in our Gazetteer (see note 4 below) as well as in Paula Gerson, “Le Guide du pèlerin de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle.” My thanks are due also to Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, who kindly read a draft of this essay and offered good and wise counsel, as always.
1 While some would consider Spain in Southern Europe rather than Northern, the subject of this volume, the historiography of art and pilgrimage, would be impossible without discussion of Spain in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries.
2 The literature on the cult of St James in general and its relationship to pilgrimage is enormous. Very valuable, although not primarily for issues of art, are two bibliographic volumes: Davidson and Dunn–Wood, Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages and Davidson and Dunn, Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. [On Romanesque architecture and sculpture, see chapters 14, 15, and 16 by Fernie, Hourihane, and Maxwell, respectively, in this volume (ed.).]
3 [On relic collections, see chapter 10 by Mariaux in this volume (ed.).]
4 Shaver-Crandell et al., The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela: A Gazetteer, hereafter cited as Gazetteer, and Gerson et al., The Pilgrim’s Guide: A Critical Edition, hereafter cited as Critical Edition. The Pilgrim’s Guide is the fifth text in a five-part compilation that contains other texts on the cult of St James. Although originally referred to as the Codex Calixtinus (for the purported author Pope Calixtus II), a more accurate name is the Liber Sancti Iacobi.
5 Gerson et al., Critical Edition, vol. II. In chapter 8 (“The Bodies of Saints which are at Rest along the Road to Saint James which Pilgrims Ought to Visit,” pp. 32–65), the author of the guide mentions and describes a few tombs (St Gilles, St Front), the setting and decoration of St Leonard of Noblat and the architecture of St-Martin at Tours. Chapter 9 (“The Characteristics of the City and the Basilica of St James the Apostle of Galicia,” pp. 66–91) is entirely devoted to a discussion of the architecture, sculpture and church furniture of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.
6 Fita y Colomé and Vinson, eds., “Le Codex de St Jacques, Livre IV,” pp. 1–20; 225–68; 268–70. Fita y Colomé and Vinson published their edition before the fourth book, the Pseudo-Turpin, was reunited with the rest of the texts in the Compostela manuscript. Thus they refer to the Guide du Pèlerin (the actual Book V) as Book IV.
7 See Gerson et al., Critical Edition, vol. II, pp. 10–11 and notes on pp. 146–8.
8 Bédier, Les Légends épiques, especially vol. 3. But see also Lavergne, Les Chemins de Saint-Jacques.
9 Abbé Bouillet, “Ste-Foy de Conques.”
10 Enlart, “L’Architecture romane,” and Bertaux, “La Sculpture chrétienne.”
11 Mâle, “L’Art du moyen-âge,” and more thoroughly in L’Art religieux du XIIe siècle, ch. 8, pp. 281–313. See the English translation with updated notes: Mâle, Religious Art in France, ch. 8, pp. 282–315.
12 Mâle, L’Art religieux du XIIe siècle, pp. 297–300 (Eng. trans.: pp. 299–302). St Sauveur at Figeac is dropped out of the group later.
13 Ibid., p. 288 (p. 289).
14 Ibid., p. 6 (p. 5).
15 Porter, Romanesque Sculpture; “Spain or Toulouse? and other Questions”; “Leonese Romanesque.”
16 Conant, Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. The diagram of the five churches is fig. 28 on p. 94. Conant’s interest in the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela went back to his early trips to Spain. See also Early Architectural History and the translation and reissue, Arquitectura románica da Catedral with excellent commentary by Serafín Moralejo Álvarez, “Notas para unha revisión da obra de K. J. Conant,” on pp. 221–36.
17 This is evident from even a cursory look through the monuments in Shaver-Crandell et al., Gazetteer.
18 The question was reopened by Lyman, “Pilgrimage Roads Revisited,” and answered by Durliat, “Pilgrimage Roads Revisited?” See also Williams, “Spain or Toulouse?” and Moralejo Alvarez, “San Martín de Frómista.”
19 Shaver-Crandell et al., Gazetteer, p. 100 nn.11–16, and bibliography. For a bibliography of Marcel Durliat’s work, see De la création à la restauration. Travaux d’histoire de l’art offerts a Marcel Durliat pour son 75e anniversaire (Toulouse, 1992). For Serafín Moralejo Alvarez, see the new collected edition of his works, Angela Franco, ed., Patrimonio artistico de Galicia y otros estudios. Homenaje al Prof. Serafín Moralejo Alvarez, 3 vols. (Santiago de Compostela, 2004).
20 See the important article by John Williams, “La Arquitectura del Camino de Santiago.” Williams discusses matters of cult in determining architectural form.
21 For St Martin, see Shaver-Crandell et al., Gazetteer, pp. 374–6. For St Martial, see pp. 225–6.
22 Note that there are, in fact, differences even in the ground plans. While St Martin and St Sernin have double side aisles, Santiago, St Martial and St Foi have single side aisles. Also, St Martial had no aisles at the north and south terminals of its transepts.
23 Differences among the monuments also extend to building materials and the changes required by, for instance, the brick of St Sernin and the stonework of Santiago de Compostela.
24 See the analysis of plans by Isidro Bango Torviso in “Las Llamadas iglesias.” See also “El Camino de Santiago.”
25 For a brief survey of the early experiments see, in addition, Stalley, Early Medieval Architecture, pp. 149–53.
26 On these issues, see the chapter on pilgrimage architecture in ibid., pp. 147–65 and the bibliographic essay on this subject, p. 253.
27 Most early studies of hostels are of local institutions and appear in regional journals. For an early attempt to place hostels and hospices in a broader context see Lambert, “Ordres et confréries.” It is only since around 1985 that scholars have seriously explored hostels and hospices. See the exhibition catalogue Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de Pèlerinage Européen (Ghent, 1985), esp. pp. 252–73. See also Jetter, Das europäische Hospital. Most recently, see the dissertation by Morelli, “Medieval Pilgrim’s Hospices,” with excellent bibliography.
28 See above, notes 10, 11, and 15.
29 I do not include here the free-standing stone crosses of Ireland and the British Isles.
30 See Shaver-Crandell et al., Gazetteer, pp. 336–46, with bibliography on pp. 343 and 346. The sculpture is described in the Pilgrim’s Guide. Much of the sculpture originally on the north transept portal was moved to the south in the eighteenth century. The author of the Guide also includes a description of the sculpture originally planned for the west façade.
31 Paul Deschamps, “Notes sur la sculpture romane”; Gómez-Moreno, El arte románico español; Gaillard, Les Débuts. See the analysis by Durliat, La Sculpture romane, pp. 8–10, and a review of the issues by Valdez del Alamo, “Ortodoxia y Heterodoxia,” pp. 12–14, and notes 27–63 on pp. 25–6.
32 See notes 18 and 19 above and Shaver-Crandell et al., Gazetteer, p. 100 n.16.
33 See Durliat, La Sculpture romane, pp. 44–169 for these relationships.
34 The early volumes in this series published at La Pierre-qui-Vire covering French Romanesque monuments appeared in the 1960s.
35 Sumption, Pilgrimage, still remains a classic in the field. Brown, The Cult of Saints, has also been very influential in turning attention to the role of saints and the development of the cult of relics. The essays and the catalogue of the 1984 exhibition Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen at the Bayerischen Nationalmuseum, edited by Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck and Gerda Möhler, indicated some new ways in which to approach pilgrimage and art. The anthropological aspects of Christian pilgrimage were presented by Victor and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage, and more recently Turner, Blazing the Trail. However, see also the critique of the Turners’ work in Eade and Sallnow, eds., Contesting the Sacred. See also Coleman and Elsner, “Contesting Pilgrimage.”
36 Moralejo Alvarez and López Alsina, eds., Santiago. See the essays (each with full bibliographic notes), that continue to explore the theme of the cult of St James in many parts of Europe: France (Humbert Jacomet, pp. 55–81), Germany (Klaus Herbers, pp. 121–39), Italy (Paolo G. Caucci von Saucken, pp. 83–97), the Lowlands (Jan van Herwaarden, pp. 141–59), Britain and the passage by boat (Brian Tate, pp. 161–79) and Scandanavia (Vincente Almázan, pp. 181–91). The catalogue includes a number of objects not in the 1985 exhibition.
37 Gauthier, Routes de la foi. This volume was translated into English by J. A.
Underwood with the title, Highways of the Faith (Secaucus, 1986).
38 Freedberg, The Power of Images. [On reception, see chapter 3 by Caviness in this volume (ed.).]
39 Note the volume edited by Blick and Tekippe, Art and Architecture.
40 See, for example, Bynum and Gerson, “Body-Part Reliquaries”; “Le Culte des saintes à l’époque préromane et romane,” Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 29 (1998); “Les Pèlerinages à travers l’art et la société a l’époque préromane et romane,” Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 31 (2000); Lamia and Valdez del Alamo, eds., Decorations for the Holy Dead; and Stopford, ed., Pilgrimage Explored. Two interesting dissertations that, taken together, indicate the importance of a multidisciplinary approach, are McGrade, “Affirmations of Royalty,” and Ciresi, “Manifestations of the Holy.”
41 Coleman and Elsner, “Pilgrimage to Walsingham and the Re-Invention of the Middle Ages.” See their notes for additional bibliography.
42 See the articles by Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, Leah Rutchick, and Leslie Bussis Tait in Lamia and Valdez del Alamo, eds., Decorations, pp. 111–63.
43 Crook, Architectural Setting.
44 Nilson, Cathedral. As might be expected, Canterbury has generated considerable interest. See Tatton-Brown, “Canterbury.”
45 La Cabecera de la Catedral calceatense y el Tardorrománico hispano; Actas del Simposio en Santo Domingo de la Calzada (Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 2000); Isidiro Bango Torviso, La Cabecera.
46 See for instance, Cassagnes-Brouquet, “Culte des saintes.”
47 For a review of a number of recent books on tombs, see Holladay, “Tombs and Memory.”
48 While restriction of laity to tombs does not seem to have been the case in the early Christian period, it does seem to be the case during the early medieval period. See Hahn, “Seeing and Believing.” The situation for the eleventh century is not clear.
49 Komm, Heiligengrabmäler. See also Stratford, “Le Mausolée”; Mallet and Perry, “Les Tombeaux.”
50 Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 29 (1998): see Andre Bonnery, “Le Sarcophagereliquaire de Saint Saturnine, à Saint-Hilaire d’Aude,” pp. 53–62; Francesca Español, “Le Sepulchre de Saint Ramon de Roda: utilisation liturgique du Corps Saint,” pp. 177–87; Richard Bavoillot-Laussade, “Les Avatars du corps de Guilhem et le culte du fondateur de Gellone,” pp. 189–217.
51 Lamia and Valdez del Alamo, Decorations: see especially Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Imagery and Interactivity: Ritual Transaction at the Saint’s Tomb,” pp. 21–38 and Daniel Rico Camps, “A Shrine in its Setting: San Vincente de Ávila,” pp. 57–76.
52 Lamia, “Souvenir,” and Nilson, “The Medieval Experience.”
53 Nilson, “The Medieval Experience”, pp. 104–12.
54 As, for instance, the catalogue of the exhibition at the Schnütgen-Museums, Ornamenta Ecclesiae: Kunst und Künstler der Romanik (Cologne, 1985). For an overview of literature on the cult of relics see Bynum and Gerson, “Body-Part Reliquaries,” pp. 3–7.
55 See Remensnyder, “Legendary Treasure” and “Un Problème de cultures ou de culture?”; Ashley and Sheingorn, “An Unsentimental View”; Sheingorn, The Book of Saint Foy; Garland, “Le Conditionnement.”
56 For the reliquary of St Gilles, see Critical Edition, vol. II, pp. 37–41 and notes 38–56 on pp. 173–74 with bibliography.
57 Shortell, “Dismembering Saint Quentin,” esp. p. 44 n.4.
58 Montgomery, “Mitte capud meum,” pp. 51–2 and fig. 4.
59 For these interesting objects, see Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, pp. 16–17, and Köster, “Insignes de pèlerin.”
60 Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, pp. 13–14. However, the individual badge can be difficult to date since shrines used the same format over many years.
61 See Bruna’s discussion of the nineteenth-century antiquary, Arthur Forgeais and the objects found in the dredging of the Seine in the 1840s: Enseignes de pèlerinage, pp. 20–6. Important collections are found in museums in Paris, London, Prague, and Düsseldorf. Very important, as well, is the private van Beuningen collection, with many new finds. See Koldeweij, “Lifting the Veil,” esp. pp. 164–8 for historiography.
62 See the bibliography in Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, p. 376.
63 Ibid., p. 381.
64 Cohen, “In haec signa,” “In the Name of God and of Profit,” and “Roads and Pilgrimage.”
65 Santiago de Compostela, 1000 ans de Pèlerinage Européan (Ghent, 1985). Köster’s essay is found on pp. 85–95.
66 See Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, for full bibliographies. For Koldeweji’s work, see p. 378 and for Bruna’s, p. 371.
67 Koldeweij, “Lifting the Veil,” esp. p. 166.
68 Van Beuningen and Koldeweij, eds. Heilig en Profaan 1; van Beuningen et al., eds., Heilieg en Profaan 2; Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage.
69 However, towards the end of the period of their popularity in the sixteenth century, they seem to have been misused by vagabonds and frauds. See Koldeweij, “Lifting the Veil,” esp. pp. 181–5.
70 See Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, pp. 16–17 and Köster, “Kollektionen”; and Koldeweij, “Pilgrim Badges.”
71 Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage, p. 16.
72 This is a difficult problem. Recently, Mellinkoff, Averting Demons, vol. 1, pp. 39–55, has argued for an apotropaic function. Other scholars have been more cautious, especially concerning the erotic nature of some of the secular badges. See Koldeweij, “Lifting the Veil,” p. 167 and note 25, and pp. 185–7.
Kathleen Ashley and Pamela Sheingorn, “An Unsentimental View of Ritual in the Middle Ages, or, Sainte Foi Was No Snow White,” Journal of Ritual Studies 6:1 (1992), pp. 63–85.
Isidiro Bango Torviso, La Cabecera de la Catedral de Santo Domingo de la Calzada (Madrid, 2000).
——, “El Camino de Santiago y el estilo románico en España,” Aspectos didácticos de Geografiá e Historia (Arte) 8, Universidad de Zaragoza (1994), pp. 135–66.
——, “Las Llamadas iglesias de peregrinacion o el arquetipo de un estilo,” El Camino de Santiago, Camino de las Estrellas (Santiago de Compostela, 1994), pp. 11–75.
Joseph Bédier, Les Légends épiques. Recherches sur la formation des chansons de geste, 4 vols. (Paris, 1908–13).
Emile Bertaux, “La Sculpture chrétienne en Espagne des origines au XIVe siècle,” in André Michel, ed., Histoire de l’art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu’ à nos jours, 2, 1 (Paris, 1906), pp. 214–93.
H. J. E. van Beuningen and A. M. Koldeweij, eds., Heilig en Profaan 1, 1000 Laatmiddeleeuwse Insignes uit de collectie H. J. E van Beuningen, Rotterdam Papers 8 (Cothen, 1993).
H. J. E. van Beuningen, A. M. Koldeweij, and D. Kicken, eds., Heilieg en Profaan 2, 1200 Laatmiddeleeuwse Insignes uit openbare en particuliere collectives, Rotterdam Papers 12 (Cothen, 2001).
Sarah Blick and Rita Tekippe, eds., Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles, 2 vols. (Brill, 2005).
Abbé Bouillet, “Ste-Foy de Conques, St-Sernin de Toulouse et St-Jacques de Compostelle,” Mémoires de la société nationale des antiquaires de France, 6th ser., 3 (1892), pp. 117–28.
Peter Brown, The Cult of Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago, 1981).
Denis Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage et enseignes profanes (Paris, 1996).
Caroline Walker Bynum and Paula Gerson, “Body-Part Reliquaries and Body Parts in the Middle Ages, Gesta 36:1 (1997).
Sophie Cassagnes-Brouquet, “Culte des saintes et pèleringes en Bourgogne du XI au XIII siècle,” Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 29 (1998), pp. 63–77.
Lisa Victoria Ciresi, “Manifestations of the Holy as Instruments of Propaganda: The Cologne Dreikoenigenschrein and Aachen Karlsschrein and Marienschrein in Late Medieval Ritual” (Ph.D. thesis, Rutgers University, 2003).
Esther Cohen, “‘In haec signa’: Pilgrim-Badge Trade in Southern France,” Journal of Medieval History 2 (1976), pp. 193–214.
——, “In the Name of God and of Profit: The Pilgrimage Industry in Southern France in the Late Middle Ages” (Ph.D. thesis, Brown University, 1976).
——, “Roads and Pilgrimage: A Study in Economic Interaction,” Studi medievali 21 (1980), pp. 321–41.
Simon Coleman and John Elsner, “Contesting Pilgrimage: Current Views and Future Directions”, Cambridge Anthropology 15, 3 (1991), pp. 63–73.
——, “Pilgrimage to Walsingham and the Re-Invention of the Middle Ages,” in Jennie Stopford, ed., Pilgrimage Explored, (Woodbridge, 1999).
Kenneth John Conant, Arquitectura románica da Catedral de Santiago de Compostela, trans. J. G. Beramendi (Santiago de Compostela, 1983).
——, Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture, 800–1200 (Harmondsworth, 1959).
——, The Early Architectural History of Santiago de Compostela (Cambridge, Mass., 1926).
John Crook, The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Saints in the Early Christian West, c.300–1200 (Oxford, 2000).
Linda Kay Davidson and Maryjane Dunn-Wood, Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages: A Research Guide, Garland Medieval Bibliographies (New York, 1993).
——, The Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: A Comprehensive Annotated Bibliography, Garland Medieval Bibliographies (New York, 1994).
Paul Deschamps, “Notes sur la sculpture romane en Languedoc et dans le Nord de l’Espagne”, Bulletin Monumental 82 (1923), pp. 305–51.
Marcel Durliat, “The Pilgrimage Roads Revisited?,” Bulletin Monumental 129:2 (1971), pp. 113–20.
——, La Sculpture romane de la route de Saint-Jacques de Conques á Compostelle, Comité d’études sur l’histoire de l’art de la Gascogne (Mont-de Marsan, 1990).
J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds., Contesting the Sacred: The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (London, 1991).
Camille Enlart, “L’Architecture romane,” in André Michel, ed., Histoire de l’art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu’ à nos jours, 1, 2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 1–588.
F. Fita y Colomé and J. Vinson, eds., “Le Codex de St. Jacques, Livre IV”, Revue de linguistique et de littératures comparées 15 (1882).
David Freedberg, The Power of Images (Chicago, 1989).
Georges Gaillard, Les Débuts de la sculpture romane espagnole: Leon, Jaca, Compostelle, (Paris, 1938).
Emmanuel Garland, “Le Conditionnement des pèlerins au moyen-âge: l’example de Conques,” Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 29 (1998), pp. 155–75.
Marie-Madeleine Gauthier, Routes de la foi (Fribourg, 1983).
Paula Gerson, “Le Guide du pèlerin de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle: auteurs, intentions, contextes”, Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 31 (2000), pp. 5–16.
Paula Gerson, Jeanne Krochalis, Annie Shaver-Crandell, and Alison Stones, The Pilgrim’s Guide: A Critical Edition, vol. I: The Manuscripts, vol. II: The Text (London, 1998).
Manuel Gómez Moreno, El Arte románico español. Esquema de un libro (Madrid, 1934).
Cynthia Hahn, “Seeing and Believing: The Construction of Sanctity in Early Medieval Saints’ Shrines,” Speculum (1997), pp. 1079–106.
Joan Holladay, “Tombs and Memory: Some Recent Books,” Speculum 78:2 (2003), pp. 440–50.
Dieter Jetter, Das Europäische Hospital: von spätantike bis 1800 (Cologne, 1986).
A. M. Koldeweij, “Lifting the Veil on Pilgrim Badges,” in Jennie Stopford, ed., Pilgrimage Explored (Woodbridge, 1999), pp. 161–88.
——, “Pilgrim Badges Painted in Manuscripts: A North Netherlandish Example,” in K. van der Horst and J.-C. Klamt, eds., Masters and Miniatures, Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands (Doornspijk, 1991), pp. 211–18.
Sabine Komm, Heiligengrabmäler de 11. Und 12. Jahrhunderts in Frankreich: Untersuchung zu Typologie und Grabverehrung (Worms, 1990).
Kurt Köster, “Insignes de pèlerins et objets de devotion,” in Rhine-Meuse, art et civilization, 800–1400, ex. cat. (Cologne and Brussels, 1972), pp. 146–60.
——, “Kollektionen metallener Wallfahts-Devotionalien und kleiner Andachtsbilder, eingenärt in spätmittelalterliche Gebetbuch-Handschriften,” Erlesenes aus der Welt des Buches (Weisbaden, 1979), pp. 77–130.
Elie Lambert, “Ordres et confrèries dans l’histoire du pèlerinage de Compostelle,” Annals du Midi 55 (1943), pp. 369–403.
Stephen Lamia, “Souvenir, Synaesthesia, and the sepulcrum Domini,” in Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo with Carol Stamatis Pendergast, eds., Memory and the Medieval Tomb (Aldershot, 2000), pp. 19–41.
Stephen Lamia and Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, eds., Decorations for the Holy Dead, International Medieval Research 8. Art History Subseries 1 (Turnhout, 2002).
A. Lavergne, Les Chemins de Saint-Jacques en Gascogne (Bordeaux, 1887).
Thomas W. Lyman, “The Pilgrimage Roads Revisited,” Gesta 8:2 (1969), pp. 30–44.
Michael McGrade, “Affirmations of Royalty: Liturgical Music in the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in Aachen, 1050–1350” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1998).
Emile Mâle, “L’Art du moyen-âge et les pèlerinages,” Revue de Paris (1920), pp. 767–802.
——, L’Art religieux du XIIe siècle en France. Étude sur l’origine de l’iconographie du Moyen Âge, 7th edn. (Paris, 1966 [1922]). See the English translation with updated notes.
——, Religious Art in France, The Twelfth Century. A Study of the Origins of Medieval Iconography, trans. Marthiel Mathews, ed., Harry Bober (Princeton, 1978).
Géraldine Mallet and Patrick Perry, “Les Tombeaux de saintes à l’époque romane: quelques examples,” Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 29 (1998), pp. 113–20.
Ruth Mellinkoff, Averting Demons: the Protective Power of Medieval Visual Motifs and Themes, 2 vols. (Los Angeles, 2004).
Scott B. Montgomery, “Mitte capud meum… ad matrem meam ut osculetur eum: The Form and Meaning of the Reliquary Bust of Saint Just,” Gesta 36:1 (1997), pp. 48–64.
Seraf ín Moralejo Alvarez, “San Martín de Frómista en los orígenes de la escultura románica europea,” Jornadas sobre el románico en la provincia de Palencia, 5–10 agosto de 1985 (Palencia, 1986), pp. 27–37.
Seraf ín Moralejo Alvarez and Fernando López Alsina, eds., Santiago, Camino de Europa, Culto y cultura en la peregrinación a Compostela, ex. cat. (Santiago de Compostela, 1993).
Laura Good Morelli, “Medieval Pilgrim’s Hospices on the Road to Santiago de Compostela,” 2 vols. (Ph.D. thesis, Yale, 1998).
Ben Nilson, Cathedral Shrines of Medieval England (Woodbridge, 1998).
——, “The Medieval Experience of the Shrine,” pp. 95–122, in Jennie Stopford, ed., Pilgrimage Explored (Woodbridge, 1999).
Arthur Kingsley Porter, “Leonese Romanesque and Southern France,” Art Bulletin 9 (1926), pp. 235–50.
——, The Romanesque Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads, 10 vols. (Boston, 1923).
——, “Spain or Toulouse? and other Questions,” Art Bulletin 7 (1924) pp. 3–25.
Amy Remensnyder, “Legendary Treasure at Conques: Reliquaries and Imaginative Memory,” Speculum 71 (1996), pp. 884–906.
——, “Un Problème de cultures ou de culture? La statue-reliquaire et les jocas de sainte Foy de Conques dans le Liber miraculorum de Bernard d’ Angers,” Cahiers de civilization médiévale 33 (1990), pp. 351–79.
Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de Pèlerinage Européen, ex. cat. (Ghent, 1985).
Annie Shaver-Crandell, Paula Gerson, and Alison Stones, The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela: A Gazetteer (London, 1995).
Pamela Sheingorn, The Book of Saint Foy (Philadelphia, 1994).
Ellen Shortell, “Dismembering Saint Quentin: Gothic Architecture and the Display of Relics,” Gesta 36:1 (1997), pp. 32–47.
Roger Stalley, Early Medieval Architecture (Oxford, 1999).
Jennie Stopford, ed., Pilgrimage Explored (Woodbridge, 1999).
Neil Stratford, “Le Mausolée de Saint Lazare d’Autun,” Le Tombeau de Saint Lazare et la sculpture romane à Autun après Gislebertus, Ville d’Autun, Musée Rolin, 8 June–15 September 1985 (Autun, 1985), pp. 39–41.
Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Medieval Religion (London and Totowa, 1975).
Tim Tatton-Brown, “Canterbury and the Architecture of Pilgrimage Shrines in England,” in Colin Morris and Peter Roberts, eds., Pilgrimage: The English Experience from Becket to Bunyan (Cambridge, 2000).
Victor Turner, Blazing the Trail: Way Marks in the Exploration of Symbols, ed. Edith Turner (Tucson, 1992).
Victor and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (New York, 1978).
Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, “Ortodoxia y Heterodoxia en el estudio de la Escultura Románica Española: Estado de la cuestión,” Anuario del Departamento do Historia y Teoría del Arte, UAM, 9–10 (1997–8).
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——, “‘Spain or Toulouse?’ A Half Century Later: Observations on the Chronology of Santiago de Compostela,” Actas del XXIII Congreso Internacional de Historia del arte, Granada, 1973, I (Granada, 1976), pp. 557–67.