3 The Game

Each player portrays a leading figure in the government of one of the European powers in July 1914. In most cases each faction will be made up of one chief executive (a monarch, a president, or a prime minister), a foreign minister, and a military commander (a war minister or an army chief of staff). Unlike many other Reacting games, there is no one setting where the action takes place, unless an international conference is called. Most discussion will take place within factions; contacts between factions are understood to represent telegrams, telephone calls, or meetings with ambassadors.

`MAJOR ISSUES FOR DEBATE`

Who or what was most responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914? Were there certain individuals who bear a greater share of blame? Certain countries? What about ideologies, such as balance of power, nationalism, social Darwinism, or militarism? What about structural factors, such as the alliance system, or capitalism?

Under what circumstances should a country to go to war—to maintain the balance of power, to satisfy nationalist aspirations, to uphold a particular form of government, to assist allies, to protect smaller countries from aggression, or something else?

What is “national interest”? Is it the interests of the government, the people of a country, people of similar ethnic heritage who live beyond the country’s borders, or some other group?

Which is the more effective means of securing national interest—the pursuit of careful diplomacy combined with strict adherence to international law, or reliance on armed might and firm alliances?

Should a country always abide by the terms of treaties, even when those terms no longer serve the national interest?

Is it acceptable to silence, or even jail, dissenters in times of grave national crisis?

`RULES` `AND PROCEDURES`

Europe on the Brink, 1914 is primarily a game about negotiations, both intranationally and internationally. Most of the action will take place in groups of three players (one or two for smaller powers), representing the primary decision-makers in each country. For example, the German “faction” is made up of Kaiser Wilhelm I, Chancellor Theobald on Bethmann-Hollweg, and Chief of the General Staff Helmuth von Moltke. In most factions, all national decisions must be agreed to unanimously; however, in the case of Russia and Germany Tsar Nicholas II and Kaiser Wilhelm II, respectively, have the power to force a decision if the other members of the faction are divided. At the same time, players may also send messages to their counterparts in other countries, either to negotiate with hostile powers or to coordinate efforts with allies.

`The Austro-Hungarian Response to the Assassination`

The first decision that must be made in the game is by the Austro-Hungarian faction—Foreign Minister Leopold Berchtold, Army Chief of Staff Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, and Hungarian prime minister István Tisza. They must agree unanimously on how to respond to the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Normally this will take place outside of class, since the game cannot properly begin until this critical decision has been made and announced to the other players.

`Mobilization`

The first set of decisions that the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, German, and French factions will have to make concerns mobilization of the armed forces: under what circumstances should they be mobilized, against whom, and in what disposition (i.e., what proportion of the armed forces should be assigned to which fronts)? This will be determined during Game Session 1.

The mobilization of a modern army is a vastly complicated process which involves the calling up of reserves, requisitioning enormous quantities of munitions and supplies, arming and equipping of troops, and movement of men from rallying points throughout the country to the border. It can take anywhere from a few days to many weeks, depending on the country’s geographic area, the size of its army, and the state of its railroad network.

The question of whether and when to mobilize is a critical one. Because mobilization takes time, it requires statesmen to look into the future and imagine how circumstances are likely to develop in the next days or weeks. Also, while the specific details of mobilization may be kept secret, the fact that a country is mobilizing is public knowledge. Mobilizing too early could alarm other powers and close off possibilities for negotiations; mobilizing too late could put a country into the difficult position of having to defend itself from attack before its forces are fully deployed.

There are four characters specifically tasked with presenting plans for mobilization: the military commanders Joffre (France), von Moltke (Germany), Sukhomlinov (Russia), and Conrad von Hötzendorf (Austria-Hungary). Other members of their factions are then free to comment on the proposal, and the goal will be to end up with a plan that is acceptable to all members. Once approved, the plan is formally submitted to the gamemaster.

The strength of each country’s army is represented abstractly through the use of a number called “Firepower.” Each country will have a number of Firepower Points (FPs). These represent not only the size but the overall effectiveness of the military. Thus, a country with a massive army but one made up largely of poorly trained and poorly equipped conscripts may have an equal or even a lesser number of FPs than a smaller but better-trained and better-equipped force.

Each faction will know how many Firepower Points it has; it will not possess this information about other factions, although it may learn it during the course of the game. This will likely occur because either an allied power has chosen to divulge its number of FPs or a careless player has leaked that information.

The mobilization plan (written as a paper, to be presented to the other members of the commander’s faction) must contain the following:

A recommendation for when mobilization should take place. For example, a commander might call for mobilization to occur at once, immediately after some other power mobilizes, or when some other development arises. The recommendation should include a detailed justification, since it should be understood that while the commander is generally recognized as the faction’s expert on military affairs, other faction members may be skeptical about his proposal.

A recommendation for how Firepower Points are to be deployed to each possible front (see table 1). For example, if a country has four FPs and borders three possible fronts, the commander must propose how the FPs will be allocated among the three. Here again the recommendation should include a detailed justification.
For each front where FPs are assigned, a recommendation as to whether the troops should be ordered to go on the offensive or to stand on the defensive.
Other elements as indicated in the commanders’ individual role descriptions.

There are nine possible fronts on which combat may occur. Table 1 lists the possible fronts and which countries may commit FPs to the fronts. The fronts are depicted on the following page.

Once the members of a faction have agreed on the specific terms of the mobilization plan, the plan is submitted to the gamemaster. If no mobilization plan is agreed on, the country’s armed forces will not be mobilized unless the country is attacked. (It should be noted that a country that must fight before it has mobilized its forces may only use half of its FPs; factions therefore have a considerable incentive to reach an agreement on how and when to mobilize.)

`TABLE` `1` `The Fronts`
	`Front`	`May contain FPs owned by`
`1`	`Flanders*`	`Germany, France, Belgium, Great Britain`
`2`	`Lorraine`	`Germany, France`
`3`	`Alps`	`France, Italy`
`4`	`Dolomites`	`Italy, Austria-Hungary`
`5`	`Bohemia`	`Germany, Austria-Hungary (fighting here is theoretically possible but unlikely)`
`6`	`Poland`	`Germany, Russia`
`7`	`Galicia`	`Austria-Hungary, Russia, Romania`
`8`	`Balkans`	`Austria-Hungary, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece`
`9`	`Caucasus`	`Russia, Ottoman Empire`
`*The first faction that mobilizes offensively on the Flanders front is assumed to have violated the neutrality of Belgium. This will result in Belgium joining the opposing side. Once Belgian neutrality has been violated, either side may subsequently mobilize offensively on the Flanders front without affecting Belgium’s status.`

`International Negotiations`

Negotiations among the various countries represented in the game may happen at any time, either during class sessions (through passed notes or face-to-face conversation) or outside of class (through conversation, e-mails, instant messaging, etc.). Protocol normally dictates that discussion will occur between faction members who have the same essential function; for example, foreign ministers will communicate with other foreign ministers, military commanders with other military commanders (presumably of allied countries). Each role description includes a list of those individuals with whom a character may speak.

In 1914 there were two major alliance blocs: the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy) and the Triple Entente (Great Britain, France, and Russia). It is not a requirement of the game that these alliances remain in place; members of each country’s faction may negotiate with members of any other faction. Relations between the two blocs are tense, but there is no assumption that they will go to war against one another. At the same time, it would not be wise to assume that countries that are allied with one another have a unity of interests. Individual role descriptions will provide more information about how players should deal with members of other factions.

`International Conferences`

Ever since the end of the Napoleonic Wars, international conferences were the preferred methods for dealing with crises. Representatives of the great powers would gather in some location—usually a plush resort—to discuss difficult matters that might, if left unchecked, bring about war. These conferences would usually end with a treaty that all participants would sign.

Any foreign minister can propose an international conference to attempt to deal with the July Crisis. If one is proposed, each faction must decide (again, unanimously for most factions) whether it will participate. If two or more great powers (Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and Italy [if in the game]) refuse to participate, the conference does not take place.

If an international conference is held, it must take place during Game Session 2. Each faction member of every participating country may be present to discuss the issue collectively. Anyone at the conference may propose a diplomatic solution to the crisis. The solution is then voted on by the representatives of the great powers (Britain, France, Germany, Italy [if in the game], Austria-Hungary, and Russia, with each faction receiving a single vote); other powers, if played, may send representatives to participate in the discussions, but they may not vote. A proposal is assumed to be approved if it receives a majority of votes, but any country may decide to defy the international community by refusing to accept a proposal that has been approved at a conference. Note that defying the decision of a conference is normally regarded as a serious breach of international etiquette. If a country suspects that a conference will not produce a favorable result, it is generally wiser to prevent the conference from happening in the first place.

`Declarations of War and Neutrality`

If the powers fail to reach a negotiated settlement of the July Crisis, international differences will be decided on the battlefield. No combat (see the following text) can take place between countries unless there has been a declaration of war. Any country may declare war on any other country at any point after the first game session, but a country cannot go to war for no reason. Your faction may declare war on another country in any of the following circumstances:

That country is Serbia, and you are part of the Austro-Hungarian faction.
That country declares war against a country with which you have an alliance.
That country mobilizes its armies in an area on your country’s border and refuses to stand down upon being called upon to do so.
That country violates a treaty that your country has signed.
That country defies the decision of an international conference in which your country was a participant.
A member of that country’s faction insults your country and refuses to apologize upon being called upon to do so (see Treitschke on the need for a state to possess “a very highly-developed sense of honor”).

Decisions for war, like all other important decisions in the game, must be made unanimously within most factions. (As absolute monarchies, Germany and Russia may declare war even if one faction member opposes it, as long as the dissenting member isn’t the kaiser or the tsar.) A country need not have completed the mobilization of its armed forces—or even started the process—before issuing a declaration of war. However, fighting may begin any time after war has been declared, and, as mentioned under “Mobilization,” a country that is forced to fight before mobilization is complete may use only half of its FPs.

The drafting of a declaration of war is the responsibility of the faction’s foreign minister. (Exception: in the French faction it is Poincaré—the president—who will have this responsibility; in this instance he is not actually declaring war, but asking the legislature to do so.) These declarations should be presented in the form of speeches during Game Session 2. Each declaration should include a detailed discussion of the events that led up to the decision to engage in hostilities and an explanation of why the country is justified in taking up arms. The audience for this declaration should be the other powers, particularly the neutrals, in the hope that they might eventually be drawn into the war as allies.

If, on the other hand, a faction does not agree to go to war, it is up to the foreign minister (or, in the case of France, the president) to draft a statement of neutrality (even if the foreign minister wanted war). This statement should explain why the country is remaining on the sidelines, and, if applicable, why it is justified in not going to war in defense of its allies (or in defense of other national interests). Again, the audience for this declaration should be the other powers.

`Chief Executives and War`

Once it has been determined whether or not a country will go to war, it is the job of each faction’s chief executive (monarch or prime minister) to convey this to the country’s citizens. (Exception: In the case of France, it is Viviani—who is both premiere and war minister—who has this responsibility.) This will take the form of a speech to the nation during Game Session 3. In some ways this speech will be similar to the foreign minister’s declaration of war, in that it will seek to justify the decision. However, because the audience for this address will be domestic, it should attempt to persuade the public that the sacrifices that they can be expected to bear during the conflict are worthwhile. The speech should also touch on any special domestic circumstances that exist at the time (for example, Irish home rule for Great Britain; labor unrest in France, Germany, and Russia; ethnic tensions in Austria-Hungary), and explain why these must recede into the background for the duration of the conflict.

The gamemaster will judge the effectiveness of each chief executive’s address. Those deemed particularly effective will produce an outpouring of patriotic fervor that will translate into bonuses on the battlefield. Those judged to be lackluster may result in reduced morale on the home front—a dangerous situation for any country at war.

Optional: Instructors who wish to encourage creative activity on the part of their students may invite them to prepare posters promoting service to the nation. For example, the students might design recruitment posters for the armed forces, or ones exhorting women to sacrifice on the home front. Particularly strong posters might affect morale. Another possibility would be for students to sing a stirring rendition of some patriotic song of the period (examples: “Deutschland über Alles,” the “Marseillaise,” or “Rule Britannia”). Again, effective performances might influence national morale.

`Combat`

At the end of Game Session 3, after the foreign ministers have issued their declarations of war or neutrality and the chief executives have addressed their nations, combat takes place. This will reflect the battles that take place in the first weeks of the war. In the normal three-session game, the results of this fighting will determine whether either side wins an outright victory and is able to bring its troops home “before the leaves fall,” as the expression went.

If using the optional fourth session (see the following “Other Rules”), this initial round of fighting is not final, but it sets the stage for an additional round of negotiations in which those countries that remained neutral at the outset of the war may reconsider.

To resolve combat, the gamemaster reveals the mobilization plans of those countries that are at war. First, the number of Firepower Points that those countries have assigned to each front is made public. Fighting is assumed to take place on any front that borders any two powers that are at war with one another, as long as either power has committed at least one FP to it. For each front the number of FPs committed is revealed and compared with the others.

Second, one side must be designated the attacker, and the other the defender. This is done by revealing whether the mobilization plans of the powers involved call for the FPs in a front to go on the offensive or stand on the defensive. If both sides ordered their FPs to remain on the defensive, there is no combat. If one side designated its FPs for offense and the other designated its FPs for defense, then the former is the attacker, the latter the defender. If both sides’ mobilization plans indicated that FPs on this front are to go on the offensive, the side that completed its mobilization first is considered the attacker.

Once the attacker is determined, odds are computed by dividing the number of FPs on that front owned by the attacker by the number of FPs controlled by the defender (rounding in favor of the defender). The attacker then rolls two dice and adds the results. Based on the die roll, the gamemaster determines which of the following outcomes occurs.

Major defeat. The attackers are routed, losing two FPs on that front.
Minor defeat. The attackers are driven back with heavy losses, losing one FP on that front.
Stalemate. No effect, with casualties on both sides.
Minor victory. The attackers advance, inflicting heavy casualties on the defenders, who lose one FP on that front.
Major victory: The defenders are routed, allowing the attackers to advance deep into enemy territory. The defenders lose two FPs on that front.

`OBJECTIVES AND VICTORY CONDITIONS`

Players win or lose in one of two ways.

Faction victory (“home before the leaves fall”): If a country goes to war and wins that war before the end of the final session, every member of that country’s faction is assumed to win the game, as long as those members continue to hold their positions in government. Every player in every country that loses a war is assumed to lose. (Victory or defeat in a war is determined by number of victories and defeats on the various fronts, as well as the countries involved on each side.) If a country’s government falls from office, every player in that faction loses, even if the country achieves a military victory.
Individual victory: If a country remains neutral, or if it has gone to war but has neither won nor lost, individual players win or lose based on the objectives stated in their role descriptions. Those who achieve 80 percent or more of their objectives are declared winners; those who achieve fewer than half lose.

Note that the first condition takes precedence over the second: a member of a faction that loses a war loses the game, even if he or she managed to achieve all of his or her individual objectives. The reverse is also true. This means that all players, no matter what their attitude to war was at the start of the game, have an interest in seeing their country win—or, at least, to avoid being defeated—once war is declared. In practice, this may mean agreeing to things that run contrary to their individual objectives, if those objectives seem likely to hinder the war effort.

`OTHER RULES`

`Nonplayer Powers`

In all games France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia are controlled by factions of players. If a sufficient number of players are available, additional countries may be involved: Great Britain (three players); Italy, the Ottoman Empire, Romania, and Greece (two players each); and Bulgaria and Serbia (one player each).

Any country that is not controlled by a faction of players is considered a nonplayer power. All nonplayer powers are assumed to remain neutral unless a player-controlled power declares war on them, or if they are “activated” by one side or the other. This may be done in the third or the optional fourth session; a die roll is made for each nonplayer power to see if it enters the war on either side. There are various actions that can be taken by player-controlled powers to modify that die roll.

Belgium is always a nonplayer power, but may not be activated. It will remain neutral unless attacked.

`Disputed Territories`

Certain parts of Europe are disputed between countries, usually based on the ethnic makeup of their populations. These lands, and the countries disputing them, are listed in Table 2 below).

`TABLE` `2` `Disputed Territories`
	`Territory`	`Owned by`	`Desired by`
`1`	`Alsace-Lorraine`	`Germany`	`France`
`2`	`Posen`	`Germany`	`Russia`
`3`	`East Prussia`	`Germany`	`Russia`
`4`	`Galicia`	`Austria-Hungary (Austrian half)`	`Russia`
`5`	`Trentino`	`Austria-Hungary (Austrian half)`	`Italy`
`6`	`Istria`	`Austria-Hungary (Austrian half)`	`Italy`
`7`	`Dalmatia`	`Austria-Hungary (Austrian half)`	`Italy and Serbia`
`8`	`Bosnia-Herzegovina`	`Austria-Hungary (Austrian half)`	`Serbia`
`9`	`Slavonia`	`Austria-Hungary (Hungarian half)`	`Serbia`
`10`	`Transylvania`	`Austria-Hungary (Hungarian half)`	`Romania`
`11`	`Bessarabia`	`Russia`	`Romania`
`12`	`Dobruja`	`Romania`	`Bulgaria`
`13`	`Skopje`	`Serbia`	`Bulgaria`
`14`	`Macedonia`	`Greece`	`Bulgaria`
`15`	`Thrace`	`Bulgaria`	`Greece`
`16`	`Edirne`	`Ottoman Empire`	`Bulgaria and Greece`
`17`	`Black Sea Straits`	`Ottoman Empire`	`Russia and Greece`
`18`	`Bursa`	`Ottoman Empire`	`Greece`
`19`	`Ionia`	`Ottoman Empire`	`Greece`
`20`	`Cyprus`	`Ottoman Empire`	`Greece`
`21`	`Crete`	`Greece`	`Ottoman Empire`
`22`	`Dodecanese Islands`	`Italy`	`Ottoman Empire and Greece`
`23`	`Batum-Kars`	`Russia`	`Ottoman Empire`
`24`	`Corsica`	`France`	`Italy`
`25`	`Nice`	`France`	`Italy`
`26`	`Savoy`	`France`	`Italy`

Certain characters in the game are instructed to seek written guarantees that these lands will be transferred to their countries, either peacefully (perhaps as a price for entering a war, or even for remaining neutral) or as spoils from a successful war. Offering a nonplayer power a disputed territory that it wants may help to bring that power into a war on your side.

`Monarchs`

Most European countries in 1914 were monarchies in which kings had at least some authority. However, only certain kings are represented by players in the game: Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany and Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, and, in larger classes, King Carol I of Romania, King Constantine I of Greece, and Tsar Ferdinand of Bulgaria. This is because of all the monarchs, they were the most directly involved in the decision-making process during the July Crisis. Others either were constitutionally kept from a direct role (George V of England, for example) or made it clear from the outset that they would endorse any course that could be agreed upon by the leading statesmen (Kaiser Franz Josef of Austria-Hungary, for instance).

However, it is possible for monarchs to affect the deliberations even if they do not appear as characters, particularly if a player-monarch drafts a personal letter to his fellow royal. This letter should be submitted to the gamemaster, who will determine if the intended recipient is sufficiently influenced by it to send a message to the members of that faction encouraging war, neutrality, or other action.

`Journalists`

There may, in larger classes, be up to five journalists in the game. All come from the United States, trying to make sense of the events in Europe for their readers back home. They will be looking for interviews with the other players and should not be ignored. While there appears to be no chance that the Americans will abandon their traditional neutrality, it would be helpful for the European powers to have friends in the only great power unlikely to become involved in the looming conflict.

Each journalist has the job of producing an account of the crisis, discussing how war came or, alternatively, how war was averted. At the end of the game, the gamemaster and the other players (now out of character, and instead portraying members of the Pulitzer Prize committee) must read and evaluate each story. The one judged best overall will win the 1914 Pulitzer Prize for news reporting.

`Optional Fourth Session`

The three-session version of the game is designed to end after the initial battles of August–September 1914. Instructors who are able to spare the time and who would like to explore more of the dynamics of the early war may add a fourth session in which those countries that remained neutral during the outbreak of war have the opportunity to change their minds based on what happened during the opening weeks of the conflict. If a fourth session is used, members of any faction that decided on neutrality during the second and third sessions will give their speeches during session 4.

Session 4 should begin with negotiations, as both sides try to convince the neutrals to join their cause—or, at the very least, to persuade them not to join the other side. At some point the gamemaster will then ask if any neutrals would like to declare war. Foreign ministers from those powers then give their speeches, announcing either that they will remain neutral or that they will enter the conflict. National leaders may then address their populations justifying the decision either to fight or to remain at peace. Any factions that enter the war must secretly record how they are allocating their FPs and indicate whether they are committing them to offense or defense.

After the neutrals are finished, the original belligerents have an opportunity to shift FPs from one front to another, and decide whether they will be used for offense or defense. This should also be recorded secretly. Once this step is complete, all sides will reveal how they have allocated their FPs, and a second round of combat is resolved in each front containing FPs belonging to a country at war. Afterward, the numbers of victories and defeats, as well as the countries arrayed on both sides, are totaled to determine whether the war has ended.

`BASIC OUTLINE OF THE GAME`

The game itself is played over the course of three class sessions, with the option of a fourth. First, even before the first session the members of the Austro-Hungarian faction must meet to decide on a response to the assassination of Franz Ferdinand; once reached, that decision is conveyed to the other players. If a response is needed from Serbia, the Russian faction will determine what it will be. (In larger classes Serbia may be represented by a “faction” of a single player, who will make this decision.)

During the first session, the members of most factions must agree as to what the circumstances must be for the country to mobilize the armed forces. Should it happen automatically on a particular date? Or should it be carried out in response to something that another country does? In this session it is either the war minister or army chief of staff who will do most of the talking, presenting the country’s military plans and putting forward his views on when mobilization must occur, and against whom. (The British faction, which does not have a war minister or chief of staff, will have a somewhat different goal for the first session.) Before the end of this session, each faction must complete and submit a Mobilization Form that informs the gamemaster (privately) what was agreed upon. If members of a faction fail to agree, it is assumed that mobilization will not take place unless another country declares war on it.

Based on the mobilization plans developed during the first sessions, the gamemaster then announces which countries have mobilized against one another, and in what order—although the precise allocation of Firepower Points (FPs) will remain secret. There will likely be a flurry of diplomatic activity at this point, and perhaps an attempt at international mediation of the crisis. Armed with this information, the foreign ministers of each faction then come to the second session prepared to make a speech, either declaring war or announcing neutrality. (Often it will be unclear until the second session whether or not a country will go to war; in these cases, foreign ministers should come prepared to declare either war or neutrality.) Diplomatic wrangling, final decisions for war (which, again, must be made unanimously within most factions, or with the consent of the monarch and one other faction member in the case of Germany and Russia) and the foreign ministers’ speeches will occupy the second session.

During the third session one member of each faction (normally the head of state—president, prime minister, kaiser, tsar, etc.) makes a public address to his people, explaining either why they are being called upon to make the great sacrifices entailed by war or why the country must remain at peace. At the end of this session the gamemaster will reveal the allocation of FPs to the various fronts, and the initial battles of the war are resolved by die roll. The goal for all belligerents is to win and bring home their troops “before the leaves fall.”

Assuming that neither side wins a decisive victory at the outset, instructors may opt for a fourth game session, representing the situation in autumn 1914. Based on how the war has gone so far (i.e., the results of the die rolls made at the end of session 3), and the no-doubt-feverish diplomatic efforts of the belligerent countries since then, any countries that remained neutral at the start of the war have the option of entering. If this optional fourth session is used, foreign ministers and national leaders of powers that remained neutral in session 3 postpone their speeches until this one. The attitude of states that are not represented by players in the game will be determined by die roll. At the end of this session another round of die rolls will decide whether the war ends before the end of the year.

`ASSIGNMENTS`

Each player will generally be expected to write one paper and to give one speech based on that paper. The military commander’s job is to develop a mobilization plan and present it to the other members of his faction. The foreign minister is responsible for drafting a declaration of war or of neutrality and presenting that to members of all factions (in other words, to the entire class). The chief executive is tasked with writing and giving an address to the people of his nation (although, in practice, it will be to the class).

Optionally, instructors may require that each player create a poster designed to exhort his or her country’s citizenry to sacrifice for the good of the nation. This might be a call to enlist in the armed forces, to buy war bonds, or to conserve food or other resources. A good source of inspiration for such posters is http://www.ww1propaganda.com/.