Notes

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Introduction

1. My discussion of the kidnapping industry in the Philippines is based principally on a series of interviews I conducted in Manila during May 2001. Because law enforcement officials in the Philippines are generally thought to have close ties to kidnapping gangs, many families of kidnapped Chinese victims simply pay the demanded ransom rather than report the crime to authorities. As a result, there is little rigorous documentation of the phenomenon. For journalistic accounts, see Caroline S. Hau, “Too Much, Too Little,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June 15, 2001, p. 9;Abigail L. Ho, “Chinese traders won’t flee, won’t invest either,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, August 6, 2001, p. 1; and Reginald Chua, “Country Held Hostage,” Straits Times, February 28, 1993, p. 7.

2. Estimates of Chinese economic control in the Philippines vary somewhat, but usually hover between 50% and 65%. For an up-to-date, if slightly gossipy, report on the wealth and holdings of Chinese Filipino tycoons, see Wilson Lee Flores, “The Top Billionaires in the Philippines,” Philippine Star, May 16, 2001. See also “A Survey of Asian Business,” The Economist, April 7, 2001; Cecil Morella, “Ethnic Chinese Stay Ready, Hope to Ride out Crime Wave,” Agence France-Presse, April 30, 1996; and Rigoberto Tiglao, “Gung-ho in Manila,” Far Eastern Economic Review, February 15, 1990, pp. 68–72.

3. The statistics I cite relating to poverty, health, and sanitation in the Philippines are from: “Annual Poverty Indicators Survey,” released September 15, 2000, by the Income and Employment Statistics Division, National Statistics Office, Republic of Philippines; The World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); The World Bank, Entering the Twenty-First Century: World Development Report 1999/2000 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF Statistical Data: The Philippines (from UNICEF website, updated December 26, 2000); and Mamerto Canlas, Mariano Miranda, Jr., and James Putzel, Land, Poverty and Politics in the Philippines (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1988), pp. 52–53.

4. Roy Gutman, “Death Camp Horrors,” Newsday, October 18, 1992, p. 3, and Laura Pitter, “Beaten and scarred for life in the Serbian ‘rape camps,’” South China Morning Post, December 27, 1992, p. 8.

5. Bill Berkeley, The Graves Are Not Yet Full (New York: Basic Books, 2001), p. 2.

6. See Margot Cohen, “Turning Point: Indonesia’s Chinese Face a Hard Choice,” Far Eastern Economic Review, July 30, 1998, p. 12.

7. Lee Hockstader, “Massive Attack Targets Another Palestinian City,” Washington Post, April 4, 2002, p. A1.

8. Indira A. R. Lakshmanan, “Pakistan Backs Us, Despite Warning by Afghanistan,” Boston Globe, September 16, 2001, p. A5.

9. I borrow this phrase from Orhan Pamuk, “The Anger of the Damned,” The New York Review of Books, November 15, 2001.

10. This story is reported in Jacques deLisle, “Lex Americana?: United States Legal Assistance, American Legal Models, and Legal Change in the Post-Communist World and Beyond,” University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law 20 (1999):179–308 (citing William Kovacic).

11. This description is taken from Matt Biven’s hilarious and eye-opening article, “Aboard the Gravy Train: In Kazakhstan, The Farce That Is U.S. Aid,” Harper’s, August 1, 1997, p. 69. The balloon episode was never actually produced, on the grounds that it would be too expensive.

12. Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (New York: Anchor Books, 2000), pp. ix, xvi, 12.

13. John Lewis Gaddis, “Democracy and Foreign Policy” (transcript of Devane Lecture, delivered at Yale University on April 17, 2001, available at http://www.yale.edu/yale300/democracy, p. 8.

14. Thomas L. Friedman, “Today’s News Quiz,” New York Times, November 20, 2001, p. A19.

15. See Mihai Constantin and Sabina Fati, “Vadim Tudor: Demagogue in Waiting?” CNN.com, December 9, 2000, and Andrei Filipache and Alexandru Nastase, “PRM’s Tudor Attends Antonescu Ceremony, Threatens to ‘Hang’ Hungarians,” World News Connection (NTIS, U.S. Dept. of Commerce), June 2, 2001.

16. Ann M. Simmons, “On Zimbabwe Farms, Push Now Comes to Shove,” Los Angeles Times, July 1, 2000, p. A1 (quoting Agrippa Gava, executive director of the Zimbabwean National Liberation War Veterans Association).

17. “Leader Urges Zimbabwe Blacks to Menace the White Residents,” New York Times, December 15, 2000, p. A8.

18. Adam Roberts makes these points in “The Great Manipulator,” Times Literary Supplement, March 8, 2002, p. 78. See also Donna Harman, “Land Reform: An African Issue,” Christian Science Monitor, March 13, 2002.

19. Thomas Frank, One Market under God: Extreme Capitalism, Market Populism, and the End of Economic Democracy (New York: Doubleday, 2000), p. xv.

20. See The World Bank, Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy (New York: The World Bank and Oxford University Press, 2002), chapter 1.

21. See “Interviewing Chomsky; Preparatory to Porto Alegre,” http://www.zmag.org/chomskypa.htm. Lori Wallach’s quotes are from “Brazil: World Social Forum for Global Equity, Says Activist,” Agence France-Presse, February 2, 2002, and “Lori Wallach and Others on the WTO’s Dubious ‘Doha Round,’” lists.essential.org/pipermail/tw-list/2001-November/000101.html.

22. For various conceptions of “democracy,” see Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (3d ed.) (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1950), p. 269; Robert A. Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), pp. 121–22, 220–22; Jon Elster and Rune Slagstad, eds., Constitutionalism and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 1; and Philippe C. Schmitter and Terry Lynn Karl, “What Democracy Is … and Is Not,” in Geoffrey Pridham, ed., Transitions to Democracy: Comparative Perspectives From Southern Europe, Latin America and Eastern Europe (Aldershot, England: Dartmouth Publishing, 1995), pp. 3–16.

23. Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 51–92. “The ethnic tie is simultaneously suffused with overtones of familial duty and laden with depths of familial emotion,” writes Horowitz. For various perspectives on the larger question of “what is ethnicity?,” see Harold R. Isaacs, Idols of the Tribe (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 38–45; Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1986), pp. 11–13, 32; John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (2d ed.) (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1993), pp. 19–24; and John Hutchinson and Anthony Smith, eds., Ethnicity (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).

24. See Philip Gourevitch’s magnificent book, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families (New York: Picador USA, 1998), especially chapter 4.

Part One Preface

1. As reported in Thomas Frank, One Market under God: Extreme Capitalism, Market Populism, and the End of Economic Democracy (New York: Doubleday, 2000), p. 12.

2. Mitchell Landsberg, “Race, Resentment Fuel Attacks on Indians in Fiji,” Los Angeles Times, June 22, 2000, p. A3.

3. Frank, One Market under God, p. 12.

4. See Anna Gelpern and Malcolm Harrison, “Ideology, Practice, and Performance in Privatization,” Harvard International Law Journal 33 (1992): 240–54; Sander Thoenes, “Trust of People Key to Reform,” Financial Times, July 11, 1996, p. 3; and Jack Epstein, “Brazil’s Economy Lagging Behind,” San Francisco Chronicle, February 28, 1994, p. A8.

Chapter 1

1. Donald L. Horowitz, The Deadly Ethnic Riot (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 2001), pp. 96, 185, 211–12. The contemporary observer was the Britishman Maurice Collins. His account can be found in Maurice Collins, Trials in Burma (London: Faber and Faber Limited, 1945), pp. 140–45.

2. My discussion of Burma relies heavily on David I. Steinberg, Burma: The State of Myanmar (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2001), and Mya Maung, The Burma Road to Capitalism: Economic Growth Versus Democracy (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998), especially pp. 156–207. An authoritative discussion of Chinese (along with Indian and British) economic dominance in colonial Burma can be found in Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), chapter 4.

3. In describing the recent Chinese economic takeover of Mandalay and Rangoon, I draw freely on the eyewitness accounts of Anthony Davis, “Burma Casts Wary Eye on China,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, June 1, 1999; Anthony Davis, “China’s Shadow,” Asiaweek, May 28, 1999, p. 30; Abby Tan, “Mandalay Preparing to Shake Off Frontier Image,” Asia Today, July 1996; Steve Raymer, “British Era Fades, China Gains in Myanmar,” Los Angeles Times, April 3, 1994, p. A20; Philip Shenon, “Burmese Cry Intrusion,” New York Times, March 29, 1994, p. A4; Nirmal Ghosh, “Making Money in Mandalay,” Business Times (Singapore), July 20, 1993; and “Road to Lashio is Paved with Good Fortune for Chinese Businessmen,” Guardian (London), July 16, 1994, p. 16.

4. “Myanmar and China: But Will the Flag Follow Trade?” The Economist, October 8, 1994, p. 35.

5. Christopher S. Wren, “Road to Riches Starts in the Golden Triangle,” New York Times, May 11, 1998, p. A8.

6. Ibid., p. A8. See also Tony Emerson, “Burma’s Men of Gold,” Newsweek, April 20, 1998, p. 24. The early exploits of Lo Hsing-han, Olive Yang, and other opium warlords are described in Bertil Lintner, Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency Since 1948 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), and Martin Smith, Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity (London and New Jersey: Zed Books Ltd., 1991).

7. On Burma’s legal and illegal teak activities, see John Pomfret, “China’s Lumbering Economy Ravages Border Forests, Washington Post, March 26, 2001, p. A19. See also James Fahn, “Little the world can do to help Burma’s forests,” Nation, December 17, 1998; Raymer, “British Era Fades,” p. A20; and Rainforest Relief’s website, “Campaign to End Purchase of Teak from Burma,” November 4, 1998, http://forests.org/archive/asia/teakwee2.htm. On “May Flower” Kyaw Win, see the special report on “Burmese Tycoons” published in the Irrawaddy newsmagazine in July 2000, available at http://www.irrawaddy.org/database/2000/vol8.7/report.htm.

8. Raymer, “British Era Fades,” p. A20.

9. See Maung, The Burma Road to Capitalism, pp. 168–71, 204.

10. Ibid., pp. 170, 204, and Emerson, “Burma’s Men of Gold,” p. 24.

11. See Steinberg, Burma: The State of Myanmar, pp. xx, 139–40, 206, and U.S. Embassy, Rangoon, Country Commercial Guide: Burma (Myanmar) (U.S. & Foreign Commercial Service and the U.S. Department of State, 2000), chapter 2.

12. See U.S. Embassy, Rangoon, Country Commercial Guide: Burma (Myanmar), chapter 2. See also Steinberg, Burma: The State of Myanmar, pp. 136, 206–10.

13. See Maung, The Burma Road to Capitalism, pp. 156–57, and Shenon, “Burmese Cry Intrusion,” p. A4.

14. The descriptions in this paragraph are from Davis, “China’s Shadow,” p. 30; Raymer, “British Era Fades,” p. A20; and “Myanmar and China: But Will the Flag Follow Trade?” p. 35. On anti-Chinese hatred stemming specifically from Chinese connections with SLORC, see Steinberg, Burma: The State of Myanmar, pp. 165, 227–28, and Blaine Harden, “Grim Regime: A Special Report: For Burmese, Repression, AIDS and Denial,” New York Times, November 14, 2000, p. A1.

15. Maung, The Burma Road to Capitalism, p. 166.

16. Shenon, “Burmese Cry Intrusion,” p. A4.

17. One of the best comprehensive histories of the Chinese in Southeast Asia remains Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (2d ed.) (London: Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1965). Grand Eunuch Cheng Ho’s seven voyages to Southeast Asia are described on pp. 16–18.

18. See Clifford Geertz, Peddlers and Princes: Social Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian Towns (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1963), pp. 24–27.

19. Lynn Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor (Boston, Toronto, and London: Little, Brown and Company, 1990), pp. 31–33.

20. Ibid., pp. 32–33 (citation omitted).

21. This discussion of Chinese economic dominance in Vietnam is reproduced in large part from pp. 92–105 of my own article, Amy L. Chua, “Markets, Democracy, and Ethnicity: Toward a New Paradigm for Law and Development,” Yale Law Journal 108 (1998): 1–105, which in turn draws heavily on Golay et al., Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia, chapter 7; Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History (New York: Penguin Books, 1984); and Tran Khanh, The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993).

22. Khanh, The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam, pp. 18–19, and Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, pp. 183–84.

23. The statistics regarding Chinese dominance in Vietnam during the colonial era are from Golay et al., Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 395–96, and Khanh, The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam, pp. 20–21, 41, 47, 57. The anti-Chinese epithets are from Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, p. 190. The intensification of Chinese dominance during the Vietnam War is discussed in Khanh, The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam, p. 80. On the branding of the Chinese as bourgeois capitalists, see Henry Kamm, “Vietnam Describes Economic Setbacks,” New York Times, November 19, 1980, p. A9, and James N. Wallace, “A Ray of Hope,” U.S. News & World Report, August 6, 1979, p. 50.

24. See “Chinese Vietnamese Work Hard for Big Success,” Saigon Times Daily, February 1, 2001; Leo Dana, “Mastering Management: Culture is of the Essence in Asia,” Financial Times, November 27, 2000; Steve Kirby, “Saigon’s Chinatown Bounces Back from Dark Years after 1975,” Agence France-Presse, April 28, 2000; and Gail Eisenstodt, “Caged Tiger,” Forbes, March 25, 1996, p. 64.

25. My discussion of the Chinese in Thailand (and Southeast Asia more generally) draws on Gary G. Hamilton and Tony Waters, “Ethnicity and Capitalist Development: The Changing Role of the Chinese in Thailand,” and Linda Y. C. Lim and L. A. Peter Gosling, “Strengths and Weaknesses of Minority Status for Southeast Asian Chinese at a Time of Economic Growth and Liberalization,” both of which appear in Daniel Chirot and Anthony Reid, eds., Essential Outsiders: Chinese and Jews in the Modern Transformation of Southeast Asia and Central Europe (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1997), the former at pp. 258–84, the latter at pp. 285–317. The study of Thailand’s largest business groups was conducted by Suehiro Akira. See his book Capital Accumulation in Thailand, 1855–1985 (Japan: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1989).

26. See Sumit Ganguly, “Ethnic Politics and Political Quiescence in Malaysia and Singapore,” pp. 233–72, in Michael Brown and Sumit Ganguly, eds., Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997); Lim and Gosling, “Strengths and Weaknesses of Minority Status for Southeast Asian Chinese at a Time of Economic Growth and Liberalization,” pp. 285–317; and “Empires without Umpires,” in Asian Business Survey, The Economist, April 7, 2001, pp. 4–5.

27. On Robert Kuok’s economic empire, see “Empires without Umpires,” pp. 4–5, and http://www.forbes.com/2002/02/28/billionaires.html.

28. On the concentration of land in the Philippines—the most inequitable in Asia—see Mark Mitchell, “This Land is Your Land,” Far Eastern Economic Review, March 29, 2001, p. 27. On the increase in the economic prominence of the Filipino Chinese during the 1980s and 1990s, see Lim and Gosling, “Strengths and Weaknesses of Minority Status for Southeast Asian Chinese at a Time of Economic Growth and Liberalization,” pp. 285–317; Rigoberto Tiglao, “Gung-ho in Manila,” Far Eastern Economic Review, February 15, 1990, pp. 68–72; and Wilson Lee Flores, “The Top Billionaires in the Philippines,” Philippine Star, May 16, 2001, pp. BL1–3.

29. On the growing economic role of the Chinese in Cambodia and Laos, see Dan Eaton, “China, Vietnam, play out old rivalry in Cambodian visits,” Agence France-Presse, November 12, 2000, and Dana, “Mastering Management,” p. 12.

30. The World Bank, Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy (New York: The World Bank and Oxford University Press, 2002), chapter 1.

31. Clifford Geertz’s description of Mojokerto’s bean curd industry can be found on pp. 66–70 of Peddlers and Princes.

32. On Indonesia’s struggling tofu industry today, see Dan Murphy, “The IMF and the Economics of Jakarta Tofu,” Christian Science Monitor, May 10, 2001, p. 8; “Indonesia’s Soybean Imports Still High,” Jakarta Post, July 23, 2001, p. 10; and “Tempeh Makers Left Without a Bean,” Jakarta Post, August 21, 1998.

33. The story of the phenomenal rise of the CP Group is based primarily on the group’s website as well as on Hamilton and Waters, “Ethnicity and Capitalist Development: The Changing Role of the Chinese in Thailand,” pp. 275–77, and Carl Goldstein, “Full Speed Ahead,” Far Eastern Economic Review, October 21, 1993, pp. 66–68.

34. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Talcott Parsons, trans. (London and New York: Routledge, 1992) (1930).

35. For additional reading from a variety of perspectives, see Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (New York: Free Press, 1995); Lawrence Harrison, Who Prospers? How Cultural Values Shape Economic and Political Success (New York: Basic Books, 1992); Joel Kotkin, Tribes: How Race, Religion, and Identity Determine Success in the New Global Economy (New York: Random House, 1993), pp. 165–200; and Thomas Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1996).

36. My discussion of the Chinese in Indonesia during the Suharto period draws heavily on Michael R. J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto (3d ed.) (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), and R. William Liddle, “Coercion, Co-optation, and the Management of Ethnic Relations in Indonesia,” pp. 273–319, in Michael Brown and Sumit Ganguly, eds., Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997).

37. The statistics regarding Chinese economic dominance are from Leo Suryadinata, “Indonesian Politics toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order,” Asian Survey 16 (1976): 770–87, and “A Taxing Dilemma,” Asiaweek, October 20, 1993, pp. 57–58. See also Michael Shari and Jonathan Moore, “The Plight of the Ethnic Chinese,” Business Week, August 3, 1998, p. 48.

38. Michael Shari, “A Tycoon under Siege,” Business Week, September 28, 1998, p. 26. See also William Ascher, Why Governments Waste Natural Resources (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 74–77.

39. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, p. 14.

40. On the recent forest fires in Indonesia, see Alan Khee-Jin Tan, “Forest Fires of Indonesia: State Responsibility and International Liability,” International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48 (1999): 826–55. See also Edward A. Gargan, “Lust for Teak Takes Grim Toll,” Newsday (New York), June 25, 2001, p. A7.

41. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, p. 13.

42. Ravi Velloor, “Fix Chinese Issue, Indonesia Told,” Straits Times, October 10, 1998, p. 2. On the 1998 riots, see also Gregg Jones, “Fear Overwhelming Indonesia’s Chinese,” Dallas Morning News, October 4, 1998, p. 1A, and Shari, “A Tycoon under Siege,” p. 26.

43. Margot Cohen, “Indonesia: Turning Point,” Far Eastern Economic Review, July 30, 1998, p. 12.

44. The comparative economic statistics for Indonesia and Singapore are from The World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

45. On Bengali economic dominance and anti-Bengali violence in Assam, India, see Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 112–13; Sanjoy Hazarika, “India’s Assam Cauldron Bubbles Dangerously Again,” New York Times, December 2, 1982, p. A2; and Ashutosh Varshney, “After the Assam Killings,” Christian Science Monitor, March 22, 1983, p. 27.

46. Sowell, Migrations and Cultures, p. 28. See also Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp. 155–56, 245–46, 616–17.

47. On the “Pentagon gang,” see “Kidnap gang brings new terror to southern Philippines,” China Daily, August 23, 2001, available at http://www.chinadaily.net/news/2001–08–23/28651.html. On Burmese bear bile, see “Life on China’s Edge,” The Economist, September 14, 1996, p. 41.

Chapter 2

1. As loosely translated and reported in “Talks with Farm Leader Break Down,” Press Association, October 2, 2000.

2. Peter McFarren, “Bolivia Farmer Talks Break Down,” Associated Press, October 1, 2000.

3. Paul Keller, “Natural-born Rebel with a Cause to Stir,” Financial Times, February 2, 2002, p. 2, and Clifford Krauss, “Bolivia Makes Key Concessions to Indians,” New York Times, October 7, 2000, p. A8.

4. “Talks with Farm Leader Break Down.”

5. For general discussions of Bolivia in English, see Maria L. Lagos, Autonomy and Power: The Dynamics of Class and Culture in Rural Bolivia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); Waltraud Queiser Morales, Bolivia: Land of Struggle (Boulder and Oxford: Westview Press, 1992); and Robert Barton, A Short History of the Republic of Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba, Bolivia: Los Amigos del Libro, 1968).

6. Manning Nash, “The Impact of Mid-Nineteenth Century Economic Change upon the Indians of Middle America,” pp. 170–83, in Magnus Mörner, ed., Race and Class in Latin America (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970).

7. Tristán Marof, “La Tragedia del Altiplano,” Editorial Claridad (Buenos Aires, 1934). On the process of “encholamiento,” see Salvador Romero Pittari, “Las Claudinas,” Editorial Karaspas (La Paz, 1988).

8. “Bolivia: Congress Passes Controversial Land-Reform Law,” IAC (SM) Newsletter Database (TM), Latin American Database, October 18, 1996.

9. See Seymour Martin Lipset, “Values and Entrepreneurship in the Americas,” pp. 77–140, in Revolution and Counterrevolution: Change and Persistence in Social Structures (rev. ed.) (New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books, 1988), especially pp. 84–87; Frederick B. Pike, Chile and the United States, 1880–1962 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1963), pp. 280–87; and Jaime Vicens Vives, “The Decline of Spain in the Seventeenth Century,” pp. 121–95, in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Economic Decline of Empires (London: Methuen, 1970). The term “gentleman’s complex” is usually attributed to the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre.

10. “Patience Runs Out in Bolivia,” The Economist, April 21, 2001; Clifford Krauss, “Bolivia Falls Short,” New York Times, July 12, 1998, p. 3.

11. William Finnegan, “Leasing the Rain,” The New Yorker, April 8, 2002, pp. 43–53; Krauss, “Bolivia Falls Short,” p. 3; and “Don’t Run My Stop Signs,” Newsweek, May 4, 1998, p. 64 (interview with Bolivia’s former vice president Jorge Quiroga Ramirez). See also http://www.converge.org.nz/1ac/articles/news990801a.htm.

12. Magnus Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967), pp. 22, 24.

13. This list was compiled by Magnus Mörner in Ibid., p. 58. My discussion of pigmentocracy draws heavily on Mörner, especially Ibid., pp. 1–2, 21–27, and pp. 53–68.

14. Ibid., p. 13.

15. See Ibid., pp. 43, 60, 99, 140–41; Magnus Mörner, The Andean Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), p. 181; and David Bushnell and Neill Macaulay, The Emergence of Latin America in the Nineteenth Century (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 5.

16. See “The right not to be Hispanic,” The Economist, March 7, 1998, p. 88, and Enrique Krauze, “The new nativism,” World Press Review, June 1998, p. 47. See also James F. Smith, “Mexico’s Forgotten Find Cause for New Hope,” Los Angeles Times, February 23, 2001, p. A1; Ginger Thompson, “Mexican Rebel Chief Says the Fight is Now for Peace,” New York Times, January 30, 2001, p. A3; and Kevin Sullivan, “Chiapas Indians Pin Hopes on Fox,” Washington Post, December 5, 2000, p. A34.

17. See Joel Millman, “Mexico’s Clubby Corporate World Gets Jolt from U.S. over Insider Trading,” Wall Street Journal, May 14, 2001, p. A16.

18. Anthony DePalma, “Going Private: A Special Report,” New York Times, October 27, 1993, p. A1.

19. See Jonathan Kandell, “Yo Quiero Todo Bell,” Wired Magazine, January 2001, available at http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/9.01/slim_pr.html.

20. My discussion of Carlos Slim draws heavily on Ibid.; Andrea Mandell Campbell, “Carlos Slim, El Hombre Mas Rico de America Latina,” Financial Times, July 16, 2000; and David Luhnow, “It’s Going to be Fine,” Wall Street Journal Europe, February 8, 2001, p. 24. On Telmex’s postprivatization improvements, see Elliot Blair Smith, “Mexico Struggles with Networks,” USA Today, June 26, 2001, p. 14E.

21. Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1999), pp. 68, 70–73. There is a voluminous interdisciplinary literature on the Spanish Conquest and subjugation of Latin America’s indigenous populations. In addition to Jared Diamond, my discussion draws principally on John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970); Mörner, The Andean Past, pp. 30–48; Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America, pp. 23–25; and Nash, “The Impact of Mid-Nineteenth Century Economic Change upon the Indians of Middle America,” pp. 170–83.

22. As reported in Mörner, The Andean Past, p. 34.

23. Ibid., pp. 35–37. For discussions of the encomienda system, see Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas (New York: Walker and Company, 1964), pp. 18–24, and Mörner, The Andean Past, p. 38.

24. See Nash, “The Impact of Mid-Nineteenth Century Economic Change upon the Indians of Middle America,” pp. 173–74. See also Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas, p. 22.

25. See Lipset, “Values and Entrepreneurship in the Americas,” p. 85.

26. See Jeff Silverstein, “Mexico on the Brink of a New Revolution,” San Francisco Chronicle, November 27, 1991, p. A8; Sally Bowen, “Peru set to sweep away 27-year-old ‘land reform’ laws,” Financial Times, July 18, 1995, p. 29; and Linda Diebel, “Women harvest the grapes of NAFTA,” Toronto Star, May 27, 1995, p. A18.

27. See Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Death without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), which includes on pp. 152–57 a discussion of the disturbing studies of the Zona da Mata cane workers conducted by Nelson Chaves and his disciples. Chaves’s quote can be found at Ibid., p. 153. See also the vivid accounts in Linda Diebel, “Bittersweet sugar plantations dominate northeastern Brazil,” Toronto Star, December 6, 1998, p. B1, and John Vidal, “The Long March Home,” Guardian (London), April 26, 1997, p. T14.

28. Lipset, “Values and Entrepreneurship in the Americas,” pp. 107–9. See also Magnus Mörner (with Harold Sims), Adventurers and Proletarians: The Story of Migrants in Latin America (UNESCO, Paris: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985); Raymond Vernon, The Dilemma of Mexico’s Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), chapter 6; and W. Paul Strassman, “The Industrialist,” pp. 161–85, in John J. Johnson, ed., Continuity and Change in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964).

29. Judith Laikin Elkin, The Jews of Latin America (rev. ed.) (New York and London: Holmes & Meier, 1998), pp. 131, 136.

30. See Ibid., pp. 80, 145–46. See also Henrique Rattner, “Economic and Social Mobility of Jews in Brazil,” pp. 187–200, in Judith Laikin Elkin and Gilbert W. Merkx, eds., The Jewish Presence in Latin America (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987). For discussions of the prominent role played by Jews in Panama’s commercial sectors, see Jon Mitchell, “The Panama Free Zone: Paradise for would-be millionaires,” April 28, 1998, available at http://www.foreignwire.com/cf2.html, and Michele Labrut, “Picking Up the Pieces in Panama,” Jerusalem Report, November 15, 1990, p. 35.

31. On Argentina’s Jewish community see Haim Avni, Argentina and the Jews, Gila Brand, trans. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991). On the Elsztain family, see Clifford Krauss, “This Year in Argentina, Two Brothers Build an Empire,” New York Times, April 14, 1998, p. D1.

32. See Rex A. Hudson, “Country Study & Country Guide for Uruguay,” June 4, 1992, available at http://www.1upinfo.com/country-guide-study/uruguay/uruguay11.html.

33. On the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century waves of mass immigration from Europe to Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, see Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America, especially pp. 133–34, and Mörner and Sims, Adventurers and Proletarians, chapters 3 and 4.

34. Pike, Chile and the United States, 1880–1962, pp. 289–93.

35. See Anthony W. Marx, “Contested Citizenship: The Dynamics of Racial Identity and Social Movements,” pp. 177–82, in Charles Tilly, ed., International Review of Social History: Citizenship, Identity, and Social History (Supplement 3) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), and Charles H. Wood and Jose A. M. Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), chapter 6. See also David L. Marcus, “Melting Pot Coming to a Boil,” Dallas Morning News, January 16, 1994, p. 1A.

36. See Eugene Robinson, Coal to Cream: A Black Man’s Journey Beyond Color To an Affirmation of Race (New York: Free Press, 1999). Robinson’s encounter with Vilma is described on pp. 10–14. See also pp. 11, 32. On the racial inequity Robinson encounters, see especially chapters 7 and 8. Scholarly treatments of race and racism in Brazil include France Winddance Twine, Racism in a Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998), and Wood and Carvalho, The Demography of Inequality in Brazil, chapter 6.

37. See Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas, pp. 61–63; Twine, Racism in a Racial Democracy; Marx, “Contested Citizenship,” pp. 179–80; and Marcus, “Melting Pot Coming to a Boil,” p. 1A.

38. Robinson, Coal to Cream, pp. 145, 181.

39. Anthony Faiola, “Peruvian Candidate Reflects New Indian Pride,” Washington Post, March 31, 2000, p. A1.

40. Finnegan, “Leasing the Rain,” p. 50.

41. See John Otis, “Popular Uprising,” Houston Chronicle, September 28, 2000, p. A16; Larry Rohter, “Bitter Indians Let Ecuador Know Fight Isn’t Over,” New York Times, January 27, 2000, p. A3; and Nicole Veash, “Ecuador on the Verge of Anarchy as Indians Revolt,” Independent (London), January 14, 2000, p. 16.

42. Veash, “Ecuador on the Verge of Anarchy as Indians Revolt,” p. 16.

43. My discussion of hip-hop in Brazil draws heavily on Jennifer Roth-Gordon, “Hip-Hop Brasileiro: Brazilian Youth and Alternative Black Consciousness Movements” (presented at the American Anthropology Association meeting held on November 18, 1999). See also Stephen Buckley, “Brazil’s Racial Awakening, Washington Post, June 12, 2000, p. A12.

Chapter 3

1. See Chrystia Freeland, Sale of the Century: Russia’s Wild Ride from Communism to Capitalism (New York: Crown Business, 2000), which is based on Freeland’s personal interviews of the oligarchs. I draw extensively on Freeland’s book throughout the chapter. Other books covering the oligarchs include Paul Klebnikov, Godfather of the Kremlin: Boris Berezovsky and the Looting of Russia (New York, San Diego, and London: Harcourt, Inc., 2000), and Matthew Brzezinski, Casino Moscow (New York: Free Press, 2001).

2. See John Lloyd, “The Autumn of the Oligarchs,” New York Times Magazine, October 8, 2000, pp. 88–94.

3. Freeland, Sale of the Century, p. 128.

4. Ibid., p. 175; Klebnikov, Godfather of the Kremlin, p. 212.

5. For two rather different descriptions of the loans-for-shares deal, see Freeland, Sale of the Century, chapter 8, and Klebnikov, Godfather of the Kremlin, chapter 8.

6. As reported in Rachel Blustain, “Too Many Jews in the Kremlin?” Forward, April 4, 1997, p. 14.

7. See National Conference on Soviet Jewry, Anti-Defamation League, “The Reemergence of Political Anti-Semitism in Russia: A Call for Action” (presented to Secretary of State Madeline Albright on January 21, 1999), pp. 6–7, available at http://www.adl.org/international/russian_political_antisemitism.html, and The World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001). Determining the size of the Jewish population in Russia is complicated by a number of factors. The main problem is definitional: Different Jewish groups (e.g., Orthodox Jews as opposed to Reform Jews) apply different standards in determining who “counts” as Jewish. In Russia, many individuals with a single Jewish grandparent, or even just a “Jewish-sounding” surname, self-identify, and are perceived by others, as Jewish. At the same time, because of the long legacy of anti-Semitism in the country, many Russian Jews are not open about their heritage.

8. On the Jews during the Middle Ages, see Solomon Grayzel, A History of the Jews (New York and Ontario: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1968), pp. 276–367, especially pp. 362, 365. See also Michael Grant, The Jews in the Roman World (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973).

9. On the “commanding economic position” of the Jews in interwar Romania, see Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans: Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 160; in interwar Poland and Lithuania, see Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press), pp. 23, 26, 226; and in interwar Hungary, see Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (rev. ed.) (London: Peter Halban Publishers, 1988), pp. 10–11, 13. An accessible summary of the economic history of the Jews in Europe can be found in Thomas Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1996), pp. 238–82.

10. My discussion of Jews in tsarist Russia draws heavily on Zvi Gitelman, A Century of Ambivalence: The Jews of Russia and the Soviet Union, 1881 to the Present (2d expanded ed.) (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000), especially chapter 1, and John Doyle Klier, Imperial Russia’s Jewish Question, 1855–1881 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), especially pp. 13–50, 285–331.

11. Gitelman, A Century of Ambivalence, p. 11.

12. Ibid., pp. 50, 52; Klier, Imperial Russia’s Jewish Question, 1855–1881, pp. 290–91, 311–13.

13. Gitelman, A Century of Ambivalence, pp. 14, 49–52; Sowell, Migrations and Culture, p. 64.

14. See Gitelman, A Century of Ambivalence, chapters 2, 5, and 6, especially pp. 151–54; Sowell, Migrations and Culture, pp. 271–72; and Paul Johnson, A History of the Jews (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), pp. 450–55, 568–72.

15. Freeland, Sale of the Century, p. 171.

16. See Annalise Anderson, “The Red Mafia: A Legacy of Communism,” in Edward P. Lazear, ed., Economic Transition in Eastern Europe and Russia: Realities of Reform (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1995).

17. Freeland, Sale of the Century, pp. 114–15.

18. Ibid., pp. 116–19.

19. Ibid., p. 118. See also Robert Cottrell, “Foreigners are reluctant but locals are confident,” Financial Times, July 2, 2001, p. 5.

20. Lloyd, “The Autumn of the Oligarchs,” p. 90.

21. Freeland, Sale of the Century, pp. 146–56, 194, 239–41.

22. Ibid., p. 148.

23. Ibid., pp. 121–26, 182–86.

24. Khodorkovsky’s wealth and holdings are documented in Bernard S. Black, Reinier Kraakman, and Anna Tarassova, “Russian Privatization and Corporate Governance: What Went Wrong?” Stanford Law Review 52 (2000): 1731–1803, pp. 1748, 1768; Oksana Yablokova, “Forbes List’s Rich Russians Get Richer,” Moscow Times, March 4, 2002, p. 1; and Sabrina Tavernise, “Fortune in Hand, Russian Tries to Polish Image,” New York Times, August 18, 2001, p. C3.

25. Freeland, Sale of the Century, p. 121.

26. See Black, Kraakman, and Tarassova, “Russian Privatization and Corporate Governance,” pp. 1754–55, and Tavernise, “Fortune in Hand, Russian Tries to Polish Image,” p. C3.

27. Freeland, Sale of the Century, p. 135.

28. Klebnikov, Godfather of the Kremlin, pp. 89–90.

29. For a vivid and detailed description of the Avva scheme, see Ibid., pp. 140–43.

30. Freeland, Sale of the Century, pp. 137–41. See also Daniel W. Michaels, “Capitalism in the New Russia,” Journal of Historical Review 16 (1997): 21–27, p. 24.

31. Freeland, Sale of the Century, pp. 141–45.

32. See Peter Baker, “An Unlikely Savior on the Tundra,” Washington Post, March 2, 2001, p. A1; John Lloyd, “A miracle worker,” Financial Times, January 6, 2001, p. 1; and Sabrina Tavernise, “An Aluminum Behemoth is Born in Russia,” New York Times, April 6, 2001, p. W1.

33. Freeland, Sale of the Century, pp. 127–33.

34. Ibid., pp. 128, 172–89.

35. Lloyd, “The Autumn of the Oligarchs,” p. 88.

36. “Putin says 1996 Chechnya pullout was ‘major error,’” BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, March 20, 2000.

37. “Putin versus the oligarchs?” The Economist, June 17, 2000.

38. Robert Siegel, Jacki Lyden, Lawrence Sheets, “Boris Berezovsky to release documentary in London,” All Things Considered, National Public Radio, February 21, 2002.

39. Ibid. (interviewing Moscow journalists Masha Lipman and Stanislav Kucher).

40. Brzezinski, Casino Moscow, pp. 180–81.

41. On Friedman, see Cottrell, “Foreigners are reluctant but locals are confident,” p. 5. On Khodorkovsky’s new attitude, see Maura Reynolds, “An ‘Oligarch’s’ U-Turn toward Probity,” Los Angeles Times, December 26, 2001, p. A26.

42. As reported in Barry Schweid, “Jewish group says Putin’s ‘instincts’ help fuel bias,” Seattle Times, March 16, 2001.

43. On Abramovich’s recent replacement by Geraschenko, see Andrei Grigoriev, “Twelve and a Half,” What the Papers Say, January 22, 2002, pp. 17–21. On the recent rise of political anti-Semitism, see National Conference on Soviet Jewry, “The Reemergence of Political Anti-Semitism in Russia,” pp. 1–4.

44. Judith Matloff, “Russians seek scapegoats in hard times,” Christian Science Monitor, August 13, 1999, p. 9.

45. Michael R. Gordon, “Russian Jews Turning Edgy as the Country’s Chaos Creates an Ugly Mood,” New York Times, March 9, 1999, p. A12.

46. National Conference on Soviet Jewry, “The Reemergence of Political Anti-Semitism in Russia,” p. 4.

47. Ibid., p. 5.

48. Ibid., p. 6; Matloff, “Russians seek scapegoats in hard times,” p. 9.

49. Nabi Abdullaev, “New Political Party Campaigns against Jews,” Moscow Times, February 28, 2002.

Chapter 4

1. Ryszard Kapuściński, Another Day of Life (San Diego, New York, and London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987), pp. 10, 23–24, 66–67. For additional reading on Angola, see Gerald J. Bender, Angola under the Portuguese (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978). See also Reference Center, “Virtual Historical Tour of Angola,” http://209.183.193.172/referenc/history/virtualtour.html and “Angola—A History,” http://www.africanet.com/africanet/country/angola/history.htm.

2. The World Bank, World Bank Country Brief on Angola, July 2001, available at http://www.worldbank.org/afr/ao2.htm.

3. David J. Lynch, “A Wary Nation Looks to a Time of Transition,” USA Today, December 15, 1997, p. 17A. The quote from Namibia’s President Nujoma is from “Namibia: President raps commercial farmers for firing workers ‘arbitrarily,’” BBC Worldwide Monitoring, March 29, 2001.

4. On the historical economic dominance of South Africa’s English speakers vis-à-vis the more numerous Afrikaners, see Milton J. Esman, “Ethnic Politics and Economic Power,” Comparative Politics 19 (1987): 395–418. General histories of South Africa include Michael Attwell, South Africa: Background to the Crisis (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1986), and T. R. H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History (4th ed.) (London: Macmillan, 1991).

5. The statistics I cite on the persisting economic dominance of South Africa’s white minority, and the continuing mass poverty of the black majority, are from recent reports by South Africa’s Black Economic Empowerment Commission (2000 and 2001), available at http://www.bmfonline.co.za/bee_rep.htm. See also Maurice Hommel, “Escaping Poisonous Embrace of Racism,” Toronto Star, August 24, 2001, p. A21; “Skin Deep,” The Economist, July 21, 2001; Hardev Kaur, “Affirmative Action Plan Calls for Advancement of Blacks,” New Straits Times (Malaysia), May 24, 2001, p. 10; Hardev Kaur, “Blacks Continue to Live in Poverty,” New Straits Times (Malaysia), May 23, 2001, p. 10; and Christopher Ogden, “The Post-Miracle Phase,” Time International, September 16, 1996, p. 46.

6. On colonial Namibia, see Jan-Bart Gewald, Herero Heroes: A Socio-Political History of the Herero of Namibia, 1890–1923 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001). On the persisting extreme economic inequality between the white minority and the black majority, see the 2001 Country Review on Namibia written by CountryWatch.com and the World Bank Africa Live Database. See also The World Bank Group, “Namibia,” September 2000, available at http://www.worldbank.org/afr/na2.htm, and “Namibia,” The Economist, November 7, 1992, p. 49.

7. See Nicholas Stein, “The De Beers Story: A New Cut on an Old Monopoly,” Fortune, February 19, 2001, p. 186.

8. See Ibid., p. 186; Rob Edwards, “Mining Giant Goes to Court,” Scotsman, April 20, 1997, p. 8; and Daniel J. Wakin, “Surf’s Up in Swakopmund,” Ottawa Citizen, December 4, 1999, p. K6. The 2000 sanitation statistic is based on The World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

9. For further reading on Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia), see David Blair, Degrees in Violence (London and New York: Continuum, 2002), and Robert Blake, A History of Rhodesia (London: Eyre Methuen, 1977).

10. Jeremy Hardy, “Farming Today,” Guardian (London), April 8, 2000, p. 22.

11. See “State lists 57 more white farms for Mugabe land grab,” Deutsche Presse-Agentur, September 15, 2000, and Simon Baynham, “Redistribution of Land Angers Many,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, February 1, 1998, p. 13.

12. My account of Cholmondeley and the decadent years of Kenya’s Happy Valley is based on James Fox, White Mischief (New York: Random House, 1982). See also Louise Tunbridge, “Whites take up politics ‘to halt Kenya’s decay,’” Daily Telegraph, December 23, 1997, p. 19.

13. My description of the Kenyan Cowboys draws on Danna Harman, “Past echoes in infamous Kenyan club,” Christian Science Monitor, February 15, 2001, p. 1. On the Leakeys, see Tunbridge, “Whites take up politics ‘to halt Kenya’s decay,’” p. 19, and “Big-game safari,” The Economist, July 31, 1999.

14. John M. Cohen, “Ethnicity, Foreign Aid, and Economic Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of Kenya” (Development Discussion Paper 520, Harvard Institute for International Development, November 1995). See also Paul Kennedy, African Capitalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Frank Holmquist and Michael Ford, “Kenya: State and Civil Society the First Year after the Election,” Africa Today 41 (1994): 5–25; and Shin-wha Lee and Anne Pitsch, “Kikuyu, Kisii, Luhya, and Luo in Kenya,” October 1999, http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/inscr/mar/kenkik.htm.

15. See Bill Berkeley, “An Encore for Chaos?” Foreign Affairs, February 1996.

16. For a wonderful description of the Onitsha Marketplace, and Africa generally, a must-read is Ryszard Kapuściński, The Shadow of the Sun, Klara Glowczewska, trans. (New York and Toronto: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001), pp. 298–305.

17. See Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 27–28, 154–55, 164–66, 243–49.

18. See Ibid., pp. 112, 153, 245–46.

19. Probably the best English source on the economically dynamic Bamiléké in Cameroon is Victor T. Le Vine, The Cameroon Federal Republic (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1971). More recent articles documenting the market dominance of the Bamiléké are James Brooke, “Informal Capitalism Grows in Cameroon,” New York Times, November 30, 1987, p. D8, and Richard Everett, “The Bamiléké—Merchant Tribe of Cameroon,” Record, August 10, 1986, p. A48.

20. On Rwanda, see Philip Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families (New York: Picador USA, 1998), especially chapter 4, and Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), especially pp. 26–45. On Burundi, see Rene Lemarchand, Burundi: Ethnocide as Discourse and Practice (Cambridge and Washington, DC: Cambridge University Press and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1994).

21. An excellent discussion of the highly successful (and recently deported) Eritrean business community in Ethiopia can be found in Noah Benjamin Novogrodsky, “Identity Politics,” Boston Review, summer 1999. On the economically advanced Ewe in Togo and Chagga in Tanzania, see Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp. 37, 46, 149, 152, 154, 159. On the Baganda in Uganda, see Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp. 163–64; Mahmood Mamdani, Politics and Class Formation in Uganda (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1976), pp. 29–34, 41–44, 120–22; and Bill Berkeley, “An African Success Story?” (Uganda), The Atlantic, September 1994, p. 22. The Susu in Guinea are discussed in the country reports compiled by Freedomhouse (http://www.freedomhouse.org) and the University of Minnesota Human Rights Library (http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/africa/guinea.htm).

22. Hazel M. McFerson, “Ethnicity, Individual Initiative, and Economic Growth in an African Plural Society: The Bamiléké of Cameroon,” in U.S. AID Evaluation Special Study No. 15 (1983), and Etienne Tasse, “Cameroon Politics: It Just Takes a Spark to Ignite Ethnic Fires,” Inter Press Service, July 11, 1995.

23. See Karl Vick, “A New View of Kenya’s ‘Asians,’” Washington Post, March 15, 2000, p. A21, and Simon Baynham, “Racial fears flare in Kenya,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, February 1, 1997, p. 11.

24. See Vick, “A New View of Kenya’s ‘Asians,’” p. A21, and Baynham, “Racial fears flare in Kenya,” p. 11.

25. See, for example, Michael Cowan and Scott MacWilliam, Indigenous Capital in Kenya (Helsinki: Institute of Development Studies, University of Helsinki, 1996).

26. The “Goldenberg case” is discussed in “Kenya’s Man in the Middle,” Business in Africa, June 18, 2001. On the history and economic success of Indians in East Africa, see J. S. Mangat, A History of the Asians in East Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), and Thomas Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1996), chapter 7.

27. See Keith B. Richburg, “Tanzanian Reforms Opening Up Socialist, One-Party System,” Washington Post, March 24, 1992, p. A14, and Scott Straus, “In Zambia, Race Hatred Simmers,” Baltimore Sun, January 26, 1996, p. A2.

28. Moyiga Nduru, “Behind the Scenes of a Democratic Election,” available at http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/news/kenya231297.html. On the 1982 riots, see Alan Cowell, “A Fearful Reminder Lingers for Asians in Kenya,” New York Times, September 1, 1982, p. A2.

29. See James Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” The New York Review of Books, June 29, 2000, pp. 61–66, and “The Darkest Corner of Africa,” The Economist, January 9, 1999, p. 41.

30. Neil O. Leighton, “Lebanese Emigration: Its Effect on the Political Economy of Sierra Leone,” in Albert Hourani and Nadim Shehadi, eds., The Lebanese in the World: A Century of Emigration (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992), pp. 579–601, especially pp. 582–84.

31. Ibid., pp. 584–97, and H. L. van der Laan, The Lebanese Traders in Sierra Leone (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1975), chapter 9.

32. Graham Greene, The Heart of the Matter (New York: Penguin Books, 1948), p. 6.

33. See “The Inner Circle of the Taylor Regime,” January 1, 2001, available at http://www.theperspective.org/innercircle.html.

34. The statistics on population and ethnic demographics cited throughout the chapter are from Africa South of the Sahara (29th ed.) (London: Europa Publications, 1999). Most of the statistics relating to poverty, illiteracy, and other measures of development are from United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

Part Two Preface

1. John Lewis Gaddis, “Democracy and Foreign Policy,” p. 8 (Transcript of Devane Lecture, delivered at Yale University on April 17, 2001, available at http://www.yale.edu/yale300/democracy. See also Thomas Carothers, Aiding Democracy Abroad (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), pp. 40–44.

Chapter 5

1. See Catherine Buckle, African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions (Johannesburg and London: Covos Day Books, 2001), pp. 31, 50–55, 72, 74, and Adam Roberts, “The great manipulator,” Times Literary Supplement, March 8, 2002, p. 7.

2. See Buckle, African Tears, p. 32; Roberts, “The great manipulator,” pp. 7–8; and “Leader Urges Zimbabwe Blacks to Menace the White Residents,” New York Times, December 15, 2000, p. A8.

3. Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7.

4. Seumas Milne, “Colonialism and the new world order,” Guardian (London), March 7, 2002, p. 20, and Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7. For a history of Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe, see Martin Meredith, Our Votes, Our Guns (New York: Public Affairs, 2002).

5. See Buckle, African Tears, p. 140, and Rupert Cornwell, “Zimbabwe Crisis: Mugabe Declares War on Country’s White Farmers,” Independent (London), April 19, 2000, p. 13.

6. Peter Beinart, “Beloved Country,” The New Republic, April 1, 2002, p. 6, and Milne, “Colonialism and the new world order,” p. 20.

7. Rosie DiManno, “In Zimbabwe, Change is Just a Word,” Toronto Star, March 26, 2001. See also Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7.

8. Claire Keeton, “Thousands of S. African squatters facing government wrath,” Agence France-Presse, July 4, 2001; and “South Africa: Pan Africanist Congress urges summit to discuss land issue,” BBC Worldwide Monitoring, July 8, 2001.

9. Michael Dynes, “South Africa’s license for black redress,” The Times (London), February 7, 2001.

10. Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), pp. 137, 158, 166, 181, 191–95, 197–98.

11. See Dennis Austin, Democracy and Violence in India and Sri Lanka (London: Printer Publishers Limited, 1994), pp. xvii, 66–70, and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 383, 683.

12. Golay et al., Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 209, 211, and Martin Smith, Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity (London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 1991), pp. 200–201.

13. Omar Noman, Pakistan (London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1990), pp. 20, 41, 75–80, 93–94; Richard F. Nyrop, ed., Pakistan: A Country Study (5th ed.) (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1984), pp. 104, 137; Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 124–26, 135–39; and Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History (London: Hurst and Company, 1998), pp. 215, 233.

14. See Robert Barton, A Short History of the Republic of Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba, Bolivia: Los Amigos del Libro, 1968), pp. 255–75; Magnus Mörner, The Andean Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), pp. 69, 205, 221–22; and “Victor Paz Estenssoro,” The Economist, June 23, 2001, p. 84.

15. I have documented this in more detail in Amy L. Chua, “The Privatization-Nationalization Cycle: The Link between Markets and Ethnicity in Developing Countries,” Columbia Law Review 95 (1995): 223–303.

16. Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (New York: Anchor Books, 2000), p. 450 (citing Larry Diamond).

17. Clifford Geertz, “Starting Over,” The New York Review of Books, May 11, 2000, pp. 22, 24.

18. Tom McCawley Serang, “A People’s Economy,” Asiaweek, December 18, 1998, p. 62.

19. See David Jenkins, “The Business of Hatred,” Sydney Morning Herald, October 28, 1998, p. 8; “Indonesia’s Anguish,” New York Times, October 16, 1998, p. A26; Ravi Velloor, “Fix Chinese Issue, Indonesia Told,” Straits Times, October 10, 1998, p. 2; and Kafil Yamin, “Economy-Indonesia: Not Too Happy With Very Strong Currency,” Inter Press Service, July 2, 1999.

20. See Warren Caragata, “One Lousy Job,” Asiaweek, February 16, 2001, p. 27, and “Nationalizing Indonesia: Commanding Depths,” The Economist, July 24, 1999, p. 61.

21. Caragata, “One Lousy Job,” p. 27, and “Privatization should be reactivated,” Jakarta Post, December 31, 2001.

22. Fyodor Dostoyevsky, “The Jewish Question,” Kenneth Lantz, trans., A Writer’s Diary (March 1877) (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1997), pp. 905–6.

23. My accounts of rising political anti-Semitism in Russia are based on the following sources: National Conference on Soviet Jewry, Anti-Defamation League, “The Reemergence of Political Anti-Semitism in Russia: A Call for Action” (presented to Secretary of State Madeline Albright on January 21, 1999), pp. 1–4, available at http://www.adl.org/international/russian_political_antisemitism.html; Michael R. Gordon, “Russian Jews Turning Edgy as the Country’s Chaos Creates an Ugly Mood,” New York Times, March 9, 1999, p. A12; and Paul Goble, “Russia: Analysis From Washington—Another Outburst of Anti-Semitism,” available at http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/1998/12/F.RU.981216135725.html. On anti-Semitic demagoguery in Krasnodar, see Celestine Bohlen, “Where Russians Are Hurting, Racism Takes Root,” New York Times, November 15, 1998, p. A3.

24. See Igor Semenenko, “Top Official: Invalidate Unfair Sell-Off Deals,” Moscow Times, March 10, 1999, and “TV analyses developing parliamentary election race in Russia,” BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, January 19, 1999.

25. See Vladimir Todres and Eduard Gismatullin, “Russia Shuts Down Last Nationwide Private TV Channel,” Bloomberg News, January 22, 2002; “Blank Screens,” The Economist, January 26, 2002; and “Democracy is Step One, Mr. Putin,” Los Angeles Times, April 19, 2001, p. B10.

26. Judith Matloff, “Russians seek scapegoats in hard times,” Christian Science Monitor, August 13, 1999, p. 9.

27. Nabi Abdullaev, “New Political Party Campaigns against Jews,” Moscow Times, February 28, 2002.

28. Larry Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” New York Times, July 28, 2000, pp. A1, A8. For a historical synopsis of the often symbiotic relationship between Venezuela’s roughly 20 percent white elite and the country’s military, see Heinz R. Sonntag, “Crisis and regression: Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela,” in Manuel Antonio Garretón M. and Edward Newman, eds., Democracy in Latin America (Tokyo, New York, and Paris: United Nations University Press, 2001), chapter 6.

29. See Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” pp. A1, A8; and “Back to the soil,” The Economist, April 28, 2001.

30. Linda Diebel, “Seattle Fallout Drifts South,” Toronto Star, December 26, 1999; Bart Jones, “Venezuelans Overwhelmingly Approve New Constitution,” Associated Press, December 16, 1999; Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” pp. A1, A8; and “Venezuelan president replaces profit with food in the ‘peaceful revolution,’” Irish Times, October 12, 1999, p. 10.

31. Fabiola Sanchez, “Venezuela central bank director says no nationalization despite presidential threats,” Associated Press, December 18, 2001, and “Chavez Seeks to Tax Financial Transactions,” LatinFinance, February 1, 2002, p. 6.

32. See David Adams, “Twelve killed in Venezuelan street protests,” The Times (London), April 12, 2002. On the disastrous economic effects of Chavez’s policies, see “Consolidating Power in Venezuela,” New York Times, August 2, 2000, p. A24.

33. See Andy Webb-Vidal, “Strengthened Caracas leader strikes a more moderate tone,” Financial Times, April 15, 2002, p. 7, and Ginger Thompson, “Behind the Upheaval in Venezuela,” New York Times, April 18, 2002, p. A8.

Chapter 6

1. James Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” The New York Review of Books, June 29, 2000, pp. 61–66; Colin Muncie, “On a mission to hell and back,” Medical Post, August 25, 1998, p. 19; and Alex Duval Smith, “This is a nation of husbands who have seen their wives executed and their children’s hands chopped off,” The Independent, January 23, 1999, p. 1.

2. See William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 72–73, and H. L. van der Laan, The Lebanese Traders in Sierra Leone (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1975), pp. 9, 58–62, 280–81.

3. Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, pp. 4, 87, 110–11, 118–20.

4. David Fashole Luke, “The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone,” Journal of Modern African Studies 27 (1989): 133–41, p. 137, and “Waxing fat on a diet of shrimps, diamonds—and good connections,” South, December 1982, p. 60.

5. Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, pp. 155–60, 172–74; Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” p. 61; and “Waxing fat on a diet of shrimps, diamonds—and good connections,” p. 60.

6. Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” p. 61.

7. See Kathryn Ellis, “Diamonds Are Fundamental to Sierra Leone Conflict, U.S. Editor Says,” State Department Information Programs, available at http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/af/security/a1062501.htm. On the Lebanese exodus, see “Fuel Crisis New Worry to War-Weary Sierra Leone,” January 27, 1999, available at http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/africa/9901/27/sierra.leone.01.

8. Michael R. J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto (3d ed.) (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 14–15, 32–59, 105–6, 126–30; Leo Suryadinata, “Indonesian Politics toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order,” Asian Survey 16 (1976): 770–87; and R. William Liddle, “Coercion, Co-optation, and the Management of Ethnic Relations in Indonesia,” pp. 273–319, in Michael F. Brown and Sumit Ganguly, eds., Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), p. 318.

9. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, pp. 15, 51. The estimates of the Suharto family’s wealth are from George J. Aditjondro, “Suharto & Sons (and Daughters, In-Laws, and Cronies),” Washington Post, January 25, 1998, p. C1.

10. William Ascher, Why Governments Waste Natural Resources (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 75–76.

11. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, p. 151, and Salil Tripathi, “Children of a Lesser God,” Far Eastern Economic Review, June 4, 1998, p. 66.

12. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, pp. 156–61, 227.

13. Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 162.

14. For discussions of pre-Marcos anti-market backlashes against the Chinese in the Philippines, see Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), chapter 2, and Edgar Wickberg, “Anti-Sinicism and Chinese Identity Options in the Philippines,” pp. 152–83, in Daniel Chirot and Anthony Reid, eds., Essential Outsiders: Chinese and Jews in the Modern Transformation of Southeast Asia and Central Europe (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 168–74.

15. See Sterling Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), pp. 22–27.

16. See Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, pp. 112–27, especially p. 125.

17. Ibid., pp. 256–63.

18. Ibid., pp. 127, 161.

19. Ibid., pp. 161–62, 247–48. On Imelda’s courting of Kissinger, and its results, see Ibid., p. 155. As for Imelda’s being dumped by Ninoy Aquino, see Ibid., pp. 21–22.

20. Ibid., pp. 388–89; Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty, pp. 234–35.

21. See “Was Marcos Misunderstood?” BusinessWeek Online, October 11, 1999, available at http://www.businessweek.com/1999/99_41/b3650091.htm. For testimony regarding Marcos’s demand for 60 percent of a Chinese company’s equity, see Jovito R. Salonga, Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos’ Ill-Gotten Wealth (Quezon City: University of the Philippines & Regina Publishing, 2000), pp. 335–37.

22. On the antidemocracy positions taken by prominent Indian leaders before independence, see Michael Cowan and Scott MacWilliam, Indigenous Capital in Kenya (Helsinki: Institute of Development Studies, University of Helsinki, 1996), p. 113. For a detailed discussion of Indian contributions to President Kenyatta’s political campaign, see pp. 114–15. On President Moi’s evolving relationship with Kenya’s Indian minority, see pp. 117–19, 129–30.

23. “Victor Paz Estenssoro,” The Economist, June 23, 2001, p. 84.

24. See Rodolfo Stavenhagen, “Social Dimensions: Ethnicity,” in Manuel Antonio Garretón M. and Edward Newman, eds., Democracy in Latin America (Tokyo, New York, and Paris: United Nations University Press, 2001), chapter 7, and Joseph Contreras, “Rise of the Indian,” Newsweek, August 13, 2001, p. 20. On President Alemán’s reprivatization campaign, see Peter H. Smith, “Mexico Since 1946: Dynamics of an Authoritarian Regime,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Mexico Since Independence (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 321, 337, 339–40. On Guatemala, see Thomas and Marjorie Melville, Guatemala: The Politics of Land Ownership (New York: Free Press, 1971), pp. 81–94, 297–99, and Contreras, “Rise of the Indian.”

25. On Brazil’s emerging racial consciousness, see Stephen Buckley, “Brazil’s Racial Awakening, Washington Post, June 11, 2000, p. A12; Andrew Downie, “Brazil creates race quotas to aid blacks,” Washington Times, August 28, 2001, p. A10; “I’m black, be fairer to me,” The Economist, October 20, 2001; and “Brazilian political movement aims to get blacks to take pride in their race,” NPR, All Things Considered, October 24, 2001.

26. Anthony Faiola, “Peruvian Candidate Reflects New Indian Pride,” Washington Post, March 31, 2000, p. A1.

27. Larry Rohter, “Bitter Indians Let Ecuador Know Fight Isn’t Over,” New York Times, January 27, 2000, p. A3, and “The Indians and the dollar,” The Economist, March 4, 2000.

28. Paul Keller, “Natural-born rebel with a cause to stir,” Financial Times, February 2, 2002, p. 2, and Clifford Krauss, “Bolivia Makes Key Concessions to Indians,” New York Times, October 7, 2000, p. A8.

Chapter 7

1. Roy Gutman, “Death Camp Horrors,” Newsday, October 18, 1992, p. 3.

2. Bill Berkeley, The Graves Are Not Yet Full (New York: Basic Books, 2001), p. 259.

3. On anti-Russian policies in the former Soviet Union, see Jeff Chinn and Robert Kaiser, Russians as the New Minority (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), especially pp. 1–3, 12, and Gail W. Lapidus and Victor Zaslavsky, with Philip Goldman, From Union to Commonwealth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), especially pp. 45–70. On the departure of Jews from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus, see Tel Aviv University, “Anti-Semitism Worldwide 1999/2000: Former Soviet Union,” available at http://www.tau.ac.il/Anti-Semitism/asw99-2000/fsu.htm. See also Jay Solomon, “Indonesia’s Chinese Move to Increase Civil Rights after a Decades-Long Ban on Political Activities,” Wall Street Journal, June 9, 1998, p. A14.

4. My discussion of the recently deported Eritrean business community in Ethiopia draws heavily on Noah Benjamin Novogrodsky, “Identity Politics,” Boston Review, summer 1999, and Julia Stewart, “Ethiopian government under fire for deportation of Eritrean businessmen,” Birmingham Post, November 7, 1998. See also “Eritrean rights group claims Ethiopia intends to seize Eritreans’ property,” Agence France-Presse, March 1, 2000.

5. Philip Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families (New York: Picador USA, 1998), pp. 47–49, 55–56.

6. Berkeley, The Graves Are NotYet Full, p. 258, and Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), especially pp. 26–45.

7. Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families, pp. 58–60.

8. Ibid., pp. 60–61, 64–65.

9. Ibid., pp. 82, 89–92.

10. Ibid., pp. 82–83, 85–88, 93.

11. Ibid., pp. 100, 115.

12. Ibid., p. 59.

13. The population figures for Serbs and Croats in the former Yugoslavia are based on the 1981 census, as reported in Bruce McFarlane, Yugoslavia (London and New York: Pinter Publishers, 1988), p. 2. The economic figures from 1918 and 1930 are from Branka Prpa-Jovanović, “The Making of Yugoslavia: 1830–1945,” in Jasminka Udovički and James Ridgeway, eds., Burn This House (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), p. 54.

14. On the different cultural and religious roots of the north and south, see Hugh Poulton, The Balkans (London: Minority Rights Publications, 1991), pp. 7, 22–24, 34–35; Marcus Tanner, Croatia: A Nation Forged in War (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 29–40, 187, 192, 195–97; and Jasminka Udovički, “The Bonds and the Fault Lines,” in Udovički and Ridgeway, eds., Burn This House, pp. 14–21.

15. Dijana Pleština, Regional Development in Communist Yugoslavia (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), p. xxi. The statistics on the stark economic, health, and educational disparities between north and south are from: Jack C. Fisher, Yugoslavia (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing, 1966), p. 72; United Nations, InfoNation, available at http://www.un.org/Pubs/CyberSchoolBus/infonation/e-infonation.htm; and the World Bank’s “country at a glance” data, available at http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/aag/yug_aag.pdf.

16. Stephen Engelberg, “Carving Out a Greater Serbia,” New York Times, September 1, 1991, p. 19. See also Pleština, Regional Development in Communist Yugoslavia, pp. 13–58, 69–71.

17. See Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997), chapters 8 and 9, especially pp. 165, 177.

18. Johanna McGeary, “Face to Face with Evil,” Time, May 13, 1996, p. 46. See also Blaine Harden, “Serbian Leader in Firm Control Despite Protests,” Washington Post, March 10, 1992, p. A12, and Eric Margolis, “The End for Slobodan?” Ottawa Sun, July 19, 1999, p. 15.

19. Richard Beeston, “Rape and Revenge,” The Times, December 17, 1992, and Laura Pitter, “Beaten and scarred for life in the Serbian ‘rape camps,’” South China Morning Post, December 27, 1992, p. 8.

20. Engelberg, “Carving Out a Greater Serbia,” p. 19 (emphasis added).

Chapter 8

1. Along with most China scholars, I assume here that the “Han” Chinese in China may be viewed appropriately as a single ethnic group, even though the category of “Han” is highly artificial. See, for example, John King Fairbank and Merle Goldman, China: A New History (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1998), p. 23.

2. On Singapore, see Joseph B. Tamney, The Struggle Over Singapore’s Soul (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1996), pp. 20, 96–103, 187. On Japan, see “Japanese Parliament Passes ‘Ainu’ Minority Rights Bill,” Agence France-Presse, May 8, 1997. On Taiwan, see Alan M. Wachman, Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), pp. 15–17.

3. Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (2d ed.) (London: Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1965), pp. 85, 92–93, 115–23.

4. Ibid., p. 131. On Chinese economic dominance in Thailand, see pp. 127–31, 139.

5. Ibid., pp. 143–47, and David K. Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 254–55, 292.

6. Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, pp. 134–40.

7. G. Bruce Knecht, “Thais that Bind,” National Review, November 21, 1994, p. 58.

8. Michael Vatikiotis, “Sino Chic,” Far Eastern Economic Review, January 11, 1996, pp. 22–23.

Chapter 9

1. See “The Forbes Four Hundred,” September 27, 2001, available at http://www.forbes.com/2001/09/27/400.html.

2. Thomas Babington Macaulay, “The People’s Charter” (May 3, 1842) in Miscellanies (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Company, 1900), volume 1, pp. 263–76. The quotes from Adam Smith, James Madison, and David Ricardo are from: Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), book V, chapter I, part II, p. 232; James Madison, “Note to His Speech on the Right of Suffrage” (1821), in Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), volume 3, pp. 450, 452; and Piero Sraffa, ed., The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo, volume VII (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952), pp. 369–70.

3. Claus Offe, Modernity and the State: East, West (Cambridge, England: Polity Press, 1996), p. 154. See also Adam Przeworski, “The Neoliberal Fallacy,” in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy Revisited (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), p. 47.

4. Forest McDonald, Novos Ordo Seclorum (Wichita: University Press of Kansas, 1985), p. 26; Chilton Williamson, American Suffrage: From Property to Democracy, 1760–1860 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), p. 280; and Robert J. Steinfeld, “Property and Suffrage in the Early American Republic,” Stanford Law Review 41 (1989): 335–76, especially p. 353. This chapter is based on an earlier article of mine. See Amy L. Chua, “The Paradox of Free Market Democracy: Rethinking Development Policy,” Harvard International Law Journal 41 (2000): 287–379, especially pp. 293–308.

5. Regarding suffrage limits in England, see McDonald, Novos Ordo Seclorum, pp. 25–26. On France, see Henry W. Ehrmann and Martin A. Schain, Politics in France (5th ed.) (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 199–200. On Belgium, see Pierre van den Berghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon (New York: Elsevier, 1981), p. 202.

6. Others have recently made this point. See, for example, Robert A. Dahl, On Democracy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), pp. 175–76, and John Gray, False Dawn (New York: New Press, 1998), pp. 17–18.

7. Nancy Birdsall, “Population Growth,” Finance and Development, September 1984, pp. 10–14.

8. Reuven Brenner, “Land of Opportunity,” Forbes, October 12, 1998, p. 66.

9. Mark Barenberg, “Federalism and American Labor Law,” in Ingolf Pernice, ed., Harmonization of Legislation in Federal Systems (Baden-Baden, Germany: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 93, 110.

10. Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, The Breaking of the American Social Compact (New York: New Press, 1997), pp. 12, 92.

11. C. V. Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 23, and James Oakes, The Ruling Race (London and New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1998), p. 234 (quoting a Georgia commissioner speaking before the Virginia secession convention).

12. Oakes, The Ruling Race, p. 238 (quoting James S. Clark).

13. Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, pp. 83–88. There is a large literature on the Jim Crow era in the United States. In addition to Woodward, works particularly relevant here include the classic W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: Doubleday, 1956), and John W. Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremacy: The Origins of Segregation in South Africa and the American South (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).

14. Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, pp. 85, 111–12.

15. See Gordon A. Craig, Germany, 1866–1945 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 80–86, 119–24, 312, 470, 478, and Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, 1840–1945 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), pp. 374–83.

16. These statistics about poverty and economic distress in Weimar Germany are from Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, pp. 435, 450–55, and Hans Mommsen, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, Elborg Forester and Larry Jones, trans. (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996) (1989), pp. 117–18. On the chronic housing shortage, see Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 167–94.

17. The figures regarding the Jewish economic position in Weimar Germany are based on: Richard Grunberger, The 12-Year Reich: A Social History of Nazi Germany, 1933–1945 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1995) (1971), p. 456; Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, 1840–1945, p. 279; and Donald L. Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), pp. 13–15.

18. James Pool, Who Financed Hitler (New York: Pocket Books, 1997), pp. 63, 301–5.

19. Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, 1840–1945, pp. 278–79, and Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany, p. 16.

20. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), p. 40.

21. See Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, p. 153; Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, pp. 284–85; and Pool, Who Financed Hitler, pp. xxxi, 79.

22. See Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, p. 113; Grunberger, The 12-Year Reich, p. 456; and Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (rev. ed.) (London: Peter Halban Publishers, 1988), pp. 144–45. The quote from Martin Luther is from Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (rev. ed.) (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1985), volume 1, p. 16.

23. On the rapid marketization during the Weimar period, see Bessel, Germany after the First World War, pp. 143, 164–65; Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, pp. 451–52; and Mommsen, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, pp. 116–18, 121, 125, 134. As to Weimar democratization, see Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, pp. 397, 416.

24. Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, p. 550.

25. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, p. 85.

26. See Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, pp. 550–51; Mommsen, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, pp. 345–47; Pool, Who Financed Hitler, pp. 107–14, 152, 301–5; and Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria, pp. 281–82. The quote regarding “National Socialist bread prices” is from Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, p. 550.

27. Craig, Germany, 1866–1945, pp. 633–37, 750.

28. The statistics on Korean market dominance are from Heather MacDonald, “Their American Nightmare,” Washington Post, May 7, 1995, p. C1, and William Booth, “Mercy for the Motherland,” Washington Post, December 21, 1997, p. A1. On the black beauty products industry, see Philip Dine, “Blacks Resent Korean Competition,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 30, 1995, p. 1B.

29. On the Flatbush boycott, see MacDonald, “Their American Nightmare,” p. C1. On the Los Angeles riots, see “Rebuilding South Central,” California Journal, July 1, 1997. For Norman Reide’s quote, see Wendell Jamieson, “Rev. Al’s Friend Pushed Boycotting Other Shops,” Daily News, December 14, 1995, p. 4. On the more recent firebombing in Washington, DC, see Petula Dvorak, “Boycotted Store is Firebombed,” Washington Post, December 1, 2000, p. B1.

30. On the Crown Heights conflict, including the quote from Nancy Mere, see William Bunch, “Racial Rift Spills to City Hall Steps,” Newsday, August 27, 1991, p. 29. The anti-Jewish boycotts are discussed in Jamieson, “Rev. Al’s Friend Pushed Boycotting Other Shops,” p. 4.

31. “Changing population in California, where whites are no longer the majority,” NPR, Talk of the Nation, June 18, 2001.

Chapter 10

1. Population estimates for the Middle East vary considerably. My figure for the region’s total Arab population is a conservative one, based on the 1990 estimate reported in Youssef M. Choueiri, Arab Nationalism: A History (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), p. vii. The estimate for Israeli Jews is from the Israeli daily newspaper Ha’aretz, as of April 15, 2002. The estimates I use for the ethnic and religious breakdowns in specific Arab countries are from the CIA World Factbook.

2. On the Berbers in North Africa, see “The Kabylie Erupts: Algeria’s Berbers Are Heard From,” The Estimate, May 4, 2001, and The Political Risk Services Group, “Berbers,” in Morocco Country Forecast: Political Framework, November 1, 2001, p. 28. On the Copts in Egypt, see Anthony McDermott, Egypt from Nasser to Mubarek: A Flawed Revolution (London: Croom Helm, 1988), pp. 185–86, and “Copts in Egypt,” The Economist, May 23, 1998, p. 42.

3. For additional reading see Michael Herb, All in the Family: Absolutism, Revolution and Democracy in the Middle Eastern Monarchies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), and F. Gregory Gause, III, Oil Monarchies (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1994).

4. For different perspectives on Syria and Lebanon, see William L. Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994); William W. Harris, Faces of Lebanon (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1997); and Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1988).

5. Bernard Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites (New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1999), pp. 64–65. See also Yitzchok Adlerstein, “Israel’s Jewish Problem and the Archbishop of Canterbury,” Jewish Law Commentary, available at http://www.jlaw.com/Commentary/archbishop.html.

6. Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites, pp. 79–80, and Pierre L. van den Berghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon (Westport, CT and London: Praeger, 1980), pp. 233–34.

7. As reported in Ella Shohat, Israeli Cinema (Austin: University of Texas Press), p. 116.

8. Yinon Cohen and Yitchak Haberfeld, “Second-generation Jewish immigrants in Israel: have the ethnic gaps in schooling and earnings declined?” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21 (1998): 507–28, especially pp. 512–15.

9. The per capita income, literacy, and infant mortality figures are from The World Bank, 2000 World Development Indicators Database (updated April 2002).

10. See Seymour M. Hersh, “King’s Ransom,” The New Yorker, October 22, 2001, p. 35, and Stephen Glain, “Slide Rule,” The New Republic, November 19, 2001, p. 20. The literacy statistic for Saudi Arabia is from the CIA World Factbook, available at http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/sa.html. On unemployment, see Mark Katz, “Saudi Economic Woes Could Have Implications for Anti-Terrorism Campaign,” Eurasia Insight, December 18, 2001, available at http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav121801.shtml.

11. Mary Anne Weaver, A Portrait of Egypt (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2000), pp. 11–12, 81–83.

12. Limor Nakar, “Peace slow, but Israeli economy on fast track,” Chicago Sun-Times, January 27, 2001, p. 16.

13. These statistics are from Michael Wolffsohn, Israel: Polity, Society, Economy, 1882–1986, Douglas Bokovoy, trans. (New Jersey: Humanities Press International, 1987), especially pp. 268–69.

14. See, for example, David Remnick, “In a Dark Time,” The New Yorker, p. 51.

15. Van den Berghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon, p. 232.

16. As reported in Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites, p. 229.

17. Ibid., p. 269.

18. This is from an interview with Fouad Ajami, professor of Middle East Studies at Johns Hopkins University, by Neal Conan on NPR’s Talk of the Nation, broadcast November 13, 2001.

19. Remnick, “In a Dark Time,” p. 51, and Abraham Rabinovich, “Hezbollah fires on Israeli border,” Washington Times, February 7, 2002.

20. Thomas L. Friedman, “Today’s News Quiz,” New York Times, November 20, 2001, p. A19.

21. Fareed Zakaria, “How to Save the Arab World,” Newsweek, December 24, 2001, p. 22.

22. Ibid.

Chapter 11

1. Neal Ascherson, “11 September,” London Review of Books, October 4, 2001 (italics added).

2. Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (New York: Anchor Books, 2000), pp. xix, 13, 381–82.

3. Mortimer B. Zuckerman, “Still the American century,” U.S. News & World Report, February 10, 1997, p. 72.

4. These figures are from the CIA’s official website. See http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/us.html.

5. Thomas Frank, One Market under God: Extreme Capitalism, Market Populism, and the End of Economic Democracy (New York: Doubleday, 2000), p. 12; Edward Luttwak, Turbo-Capitalism: Winners and Losers in the Global Economy (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1999), pp. 1, 2, 22; and Paul Krugman, “America the Polarized,” New York Times, January 4, 2002, p. A21. On poverty in the United States, see Almanac of Policy Issues, available at http://www.policyalmanac.org/social_welfare/poverty.shtml.

6. Jonathan Freedland, “The Right Turns against America,” Spectator, April 21, 2001, pp. 22–24.

7. See Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, p. 437, and Joseph Kahn, “Globalization Proves Disappointing,” New York Times, March 21, 2002, p. A8.

8. See Thomas Omestad, Bay Fang, Eduardo Cue, and Masha Gessen, “A world of resentment,” U.S. News & World Report, March 5, 2001, p. 32.

9. Ibid., p. 32.

10. See James Kitfield, “A Tale of Two Allies,” National Journal, February 10, 2001, p. 398.

11. See Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 175–78.

12. On the 1974 U.N. resolution, see Alan C. Swan and John F. Murphy, Cases and Materials on the Regulation of International Business and Economic Relations (2d ed.) (New York: Matthew Bender & Company, 1999), pp. 1057–58. On the May 2001 ouster of the United States from the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, see Dalia Acosta, “Rights: Cuba Applauds U.S. Removal from U.N. Rights Commission,” Inter Press Service, May 4, 2001.

13. Claire Cozens, “U.S. brands suffer as anti-American feeling runs high,” Guardian (London), December 21, 2001.

14. Mary Beard, “11 September,” London Review of Books, October 4, 2001.

15. See David Ellwood, “French Anti-Americanism and McDonald’s,” History Today, February 1, 2001, p. 34–35.

16. As reported in Ibid., p. 34.

17. On Vedrine, see Philip H. Gordon, “The French position,” National Interest, fall 2000. Mitterand’s and Lang’s statements, and the quote from Le Monde, are reported in Ellwood, “French Anti-Americanism and McDonald’s,” pp. 34–36.

18. David Pryce-Jones, “Toujours l’antiaméricanisme: The religion of the French elite,” National Review, June 11, 2001, p. 45.

19. Ellwood, “French Anti-Americanism and McDonald’s,” pp. 34, 36; Gordon, “The French position”; and Pryce-Jones, “Toujours l’antiaméricanisme,” p. 45.

20. Kitfield, “A Tale of Two Allies.” See also Elizabeth Pond, “Europe’s ‘anti-Americanism’ may reflect worry over Soviet military power,” Christian Science Monitor, July 15, 1981, p. 3.

21. As reported in Gordon, “The French position.” See also Freedland, “The Right Turns against America,” p. 22.

22. These quotes are from Kitfield, “A Tale of Two Allies.”

23. The former defense secretary is quoted in Ibid. See also Jason Beattie, “Cook to Launch Staunch Defense of Euro Army,” The Scotsman, April 25, 2001, p. 11.

24. See George Soros, On Globalization (New York: Public Affairs, 2002), p. 10 (citing the 2001 United Nations Human Development Report). See also Robert P. Weiss, introduction to “Criminal Justice and Globalization at the New Millennium,” Social Justice 27 (Summer 2000): 1–15, and John Cassidy, “Helping Hands,” The New Yorker, March 18, 2002, p. 60.

25. See The World Bank, Globalization, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy (New York: The World Bank and Oxford University Press, 2002), chapter 1.

26. “Why the world loves to hate America,” Financial Times, December 7, 2001, p. 23 (quoting Greek writer Takis Michas).

27. Michael Mathes, “Many Vietnamese happy with attacks on U.S.,” Deutsche Presse Agentur, September 13, 2001.

28. Ibid.

29. See www.Daijhi.com. Daijhi is a weekly columnist for Nepal’s Samacharpatra newspaper. He is known in the West as Richard Morley.

30. Michel Fortin, “Reflections on the Occasion of an Act of Terrorism,” Africana Plus, October 2001, available at http://pages.infinit.net/africana/terrorism.htm.

31. Brazzil, November 2001, available at www.brazzil.com (letter to the Editor submitted by Paul Betterman).

32. Robert Ryal Miller, Mexico: A History (University of Oklahoma Press, 1985), pp. 320–21; Harry K. Wright, Foreign Enterprise in Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971), pp. 67–70; and Alan Knight, “The Rise and Fall of Cardenismo,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Mexico Since Independence (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 279–84.

33. David Rock, Argentina, 1516–1982 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 258, 262–63, 283–86, 312, and James R. Scobie, Argentina: A City and a Nation (New York, London, and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 143, 188, 196, 222–23, 235.

34. On nationalizations in Chile, see Philip O’Brien, ed., Allende’s Chile (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976), pp. 223–30; in Uruguay, see M. H. J. Finch, A Political Economy of Uruguay Since 1870 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1981), pp. 207–11; in Burma and Indonesia, see Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), pp. 188, 209–11, 215; and in Africa, William Redman Duggan and John R. Civille, Tanzania and Nyerere (New York: Orbis Books, 1976), pp. 192–94.

35. Vidyadhar Date, “Trade Unions, Academics Plan Protests against Clinton’s Visit,” Times of India, March 24, 2000.

36. David Lynch, “U.S. investors caught in Russian tug of war,” USA Today, December 17, 1999, p. 1B. See also John Varoli, “Revolutions Come and Go, but a Porcelain Factory Endures,” New York Times, December 21, 2000, p. F6.

37. Lynch, “U.S. investors caught in Russian tug of war,” p. 1B, and Varoli, “Revolutions Come and Go, but a Porcelain Factory Endures,” p. F6.

38. See Marcus W. Brauchli, “We Were the Guinea Pigs,” Wall Street Journal, April 27, 1995, p. A1.

39. Donna Bryson, “U.S.-based energy company linked to human rights abuses,” Associated Press, January 24, 1999. See also “Anti-Enron Protesters to Step Up Campaign,” Gulf Daily News, February 10, 2001.

40. Fouad Ajami, “The Sentry’s Solitude,” Foreign Affairs, November/December 2001, p. 2.

41. Yossef Bodansky, Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America (Roseville, CA: Prima Publishing, 2001), pp. 269–70.

42. Translation supplied by Associated Press, October 7, 2001, available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/waronterror/story/0,1361,565069,00.html.

43. Stephen Engelberg, “Carving Out a Greater Serbia,” New York Times, September 1, 1991, p. 19.

44. See www.daijhi.com.

45. Lamia Radi, “Bulls-eye say Egyptians as they celebrate anti-US attacks,” Middle East Times, available at http://www.metimes.com/2K1/issue2001-37/eg/bulls_eye_say.htm.

46. Martin Peretz, “Death Trap,” New Republic, December 31, 2001 and January 7, 2002, p. 12.

47. Robert Kaplan, The Coming Anarchy (New York: Random House, 2000), p. 42.

48. Translation supplied by Associated Press, October 7, 2001, available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/waronterror/story/0,1361,565069,00.html.

49. Orhan Pamuk, “The Anger of the Damned,” The New York Review of Books, November 15, 2001, p. 12.

Chapter 12

1. As reported in Thomas Carothers, Aiding Democracy Abroad (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1999), p. 5.

2. Robert D. Kaplan, The Coming Anarchy (New York: Random House, 2000), pp. 63–78.

3. Seymour Martin Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,” American Political Science Review 53 (1959): 69–77, and Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968).

4. Youssef M. Ibrahim, “Saudi King Rules Out Free Elections,” New York Times, March 30, 1992, p. A6.

5. See Takashi Inoguchi and Edward Newman, “Introduction: ‘Asian Values’ and Democracy in Asia,” available at http://www.unu.edu/unupress/asian-values.html.

6. Fareed Zakaria, “Culture is Destiny: A Conversation with Lee Kuan Yew,” Foreign Affairs, March/April 1994, pp. 113, 119.

7. Kaplan, The Coming Anarchy, p. 60.

8. See the excellent essays in Larry Diamond and Mark F. Plattner, eds., Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy Revisited (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), and especially Adam Przeworski, “The Neoliberal Fallacy,” pp. 39–53. See also Larry Diamond, “Democracy and Economic Reform: Tensions, Compatibilities, and Strategies for Reconciliation,” in Edward P. Lazear, ed., Economic Transition in Eastern Europe and Russia: Realities of Reform (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1995), pp. 107–246.

9. See Robert Klitgaard, Adjusting to Reality (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1991), pp. 214–15, and Harry Anthony Patrinos, “Differences in Education and Earnings across Ethnic Groups in Guatemala,” Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance 37 (1997): 809–21.

10. For further reading, see the sources listed in notes 34 and 35 to chapter 1.

11. See Klitgaard, Adjusting to Reality, p. 188.

12. Gunnar Myrdal, “International Inequality and Foreign Aid in Retrospect,” in Gerald M. Meier and Dudley Seers, eds., Pioneers in Development (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), pp. 151, 154.

13. Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital (New York: Basic Books, 2000).

14. John C. Coffee, Jr., “The Future as History,” Northwestern University Law Review 93 (1999): 641, 706.

15. Milton J. Esman, “Ethnic Politics and Economic Power,” Comparative Politics 19 (1987): 395–418, especially pp. 396–401.

16. Ibid., pp. 395–96, 399.

17. See Sumit Ganguly, “Ethnic Policies and Political Quiescence in Malaysia and Singapore,” in Michael Brown and Sumit Ganguly, eds., Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), pp. 233–72.

18. Ibid., p. 251.

19. See James V. Jesudason, Ethnicity and the Economy (Singapore and New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 72, 137, 141; Ganguly, “Ethnic Policies and Political Quiescence in Malaysia and Singapore,” pp. 257–63; and Steve Glain, “Malaysia’s Grand Social Experiment May Be Next Casualty of Asian Crisis,” Wall Street Journal, April 23, 1998, p. A15.

20. These statistics are from Ganguly, “Ethnic Policies and Political Quiescence in Malaysia and Singapore,” p. 261, and K. S. Jomo, “A Specific Idiom of Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia,” in Daniel Chirot and Anthony Reid, eds., Essential Outsiders: Chinese and Jews in the Modern Transformation of Southeast Asia and Central Europe (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 237–57, especially p. 244.

21. Thomas Sowell, Preferential Policies: An International Perspective (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1990), p. 49.

22. See Murray Hiebert and S. Jayasankaran, “Formative Fury: Affirmative action policies enacted after riots 30 years ago still play a vital role in fostering racial harmony,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 20, 1999, p. 45.

23. Ibid., p. 45.

24. Sowell, Preferential Policies, pp. 49–50, and Jill Eyre and Denis Dwyer, “Ethnicity and Industrial Development in Penang, Malaysia,” in Denis Dwyer and David Drakakis-Smith, eds., Ethnicity and Development (Chichester and New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1996), pp. 181–94.

25. See Sowell, Preferential Policies, pp. 15, 53, 57, 74–75, and Myron Weiner and Mary Fainsod Katzenstein, India’s Preferential Policies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 147.

26. On this point, see the excellent essays in Manuel Antonio Garretón M. and Edward Newman, Democracy in Latin America (New York, Paris, and Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2001). See also Mariano Tommasi and Andrés Velasco, “Where Are We in the Political Economy of Reform?” Policy Reform 1 (1996): 187, 220.

27. Minxin Pei, “Is China Democratizing?” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1998, p. 68.

28. Ibid.

29. Fareed Zakaria, “How to Save the Arab World,” Newsweek, December 24, 2001, p. 22.

30. As reproduced in Jonathan G. Katz, “Muslims Caught in the Middle,” Sunday Oregonian, September 30, 2001, p. B1.

31. Abdolkarim Soroush, “Tolerance and Governance: A Discourse on Religion and Democracy,” in Reason, Freedom & Democracy in Islam, Mahmoud Sadri and Ahmad Sadri, trans. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).

32. Zakaria, “How to Save the Arab World,” p. 22.

33. See Linda Y. C. Lim and L. A. Peter Gosling, “Strengths and Weaknesses of Minority Status for Southeast Asian Chinese at a Time of Economic Growth and Liberalization,” in Daniel Chirot and Anthony Reid, eds., Essential Outsiders, pp. 285–317, especially p. 293; Michael R. J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto (3d ed.) (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), p. 41; and Jomo, “A Specific Idiom of Chinese Capitalism,” p. 252.

34. Leah Makabenta, “Indonesia: Ethnic Chinese Economic Success Fuels Racial Tension,” Inter Press Service, March 25, 1993.

35. Naomi Klein, No Logo (New York: Picador, USA, 1999), pp. 327–28.

36. As reported in Peter Waldman and Jay Solomon, “As Good Times Roll, Indonesia’s Chinese Fear for Their Future,” Wall Street Journal, June 5, 1997, p. A18.

37. See Robert G. Gregory, The Rise and Fall of Philanthropy in East Africa (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992), pp. 43–65, especially pp. 55 and 205, and “Building Capacity,” Business in Africa Online, available at http://www.businessinafrica.co.za/kenar.html.

38. See Peter Baker, “An Unlikely Savior on the Tundra,” Washington Post, March 2, 2001, p. A1, and John Lloyd, “A miracle worker,” Financial Times, January 6, 2001, p. 1.

39. As reported in Baker, “An Unlikely Savior on the Tundra,” p. A1.

40. See Anthony DePalma, “In Mexico City, A State-of-the-Art Children’s Museum,” New York Times, November 18, 1993, p. C4, and Christine MacDonald, “Hands-On Museum Catches Kids’ Fancy,” Dallas Morning News, December 21, 1993, p. C5. See also the Coca-Cola and Nike home websites.

41. “United by rugby?” The Economist, October 30, 1999.

42. Christopher Clarey, “This Is No Picnic: In Southeast Asia, Respect Rides on a Shuttlecock,” New York Times, June 25, 1996, p. B14.

43. See World Huaren Federation, “Contributions and Achievements: Susi Susanti & Alan Budi Kusuma,” available at http://www.huaren.org/contributions/.

44. Ian Thomsen, “Rugby: South Africa Ascends World Stage,” New York Times, May 26, 1995, p. B9.

45. Jared Diamond, “Why We Must Feed the Hands That Could Bite Us,” Washington Post, January 13, 2002, p. B1.

46. Alan Friedman, “World Bank Presses U.S. to Increase Aid,” International Herald Tribune, January 31, 2002, p. 1, and John Cassidy, “Helping Hands,” The New Yorker, March 18, 2002, pp. 60, 66.

47. Gregory Clark, “More aid, more regrets later,” Japan Times, January 22, 2002.

48. Daniel Pipes, “God and Mammon: Does Poverty Cause Militant Islam?” National Interest, Winter 2001/2002, p. 14.

49. Cassidy, “Helping Hands,” p. 64. Cassidy also notes that in absolute dollar terms, the U.S. spends more on aid than any other country apart from Japan.