Ethos and Worldview of
the Filipino Warrior

For the warrior there is no thing more blessed
than a lawful strife. Happy the warriors
who find such a strife coming unsought to them
as an open door to Paradise.
-BHAGAVAD GITA

Introduction

While Filipinos lack a sense of nationalism—as evidenced by Spain's ability to dominate the archipelago by the method of divide-and-conquer-in times of regional and/or national oppression, practitioners of Filipino martial arts have been responsible for launching various underground revolutionary movements. In times of stress and strife the Filipino returns to his spiritual/religious and martial roots-relying upon amulets and prayers, and indigenous martial art forms for consolation and protection. It is no wonder, then, that martial culture and the warrior way of life are such integral parts of Filipino society.

For the mandirigma there was no greater ethic than diligent training, control over mind and emotions, and contact with and control of the spirit world. The single-minded maintenance of this ethic is perhaps what made the Filipino warriors both feared and respected. Maliszewski notes that "the role of the warrior has been a position of importance to many cultures historically, with the efficacy of combat strategies and warrior skills often determining the course of history and the continued existence of groups of people."¹

In generally wanting to take the initiative when confronted, the mandirigma tended to act first, suffer any consequence, and reflect on those actions (should he be so inclined) at a later point in time. As such, he developed efficient methods for disarming, disabling, and dispatching an opponent in seconds. One of the most important distinctions of Filipino martial arts, as opposed to other Asian martial arts, is that they are based on attacking methods. While defensive and countering techniques certainly exist, the initiation of combat is primary. In the Philippines, the profession of arms was valued and admired, to the point that it became one of the guiding principles of the culture. It should be noted, however, that this was a necessity as Filipinos have been consistently out-numbered in battle. The mandirigma , then, had to rely on sophisticated hand-to-hand fighting skills to kill as many opponents as he could in the shortest time possible. His knowledge of battle plans, human physiology, choice and use of arms, and ability to discern his opponent's intentions before he has had the opportunity to initiate them, was acquired during the continuous repression and rebellion of everyday life in the Philippines. The warrior's success in hand-to-hand combat depended on his understanding and use of various cultural artifacts, in the form of physical fighting techniques, weapons, prayers, and amulets.

Dimensions of the Physical Arts

At the forefront of Filipino martial culture are the physical characteristics of the armed and unarmed fighting arts. For the Filipino warrior the development of physical fighting skills was given priority over all else, understandable given the warring history of the Philippines. To exemplify this, Demetrio notes that the history of Mindanao is grounded in a heritage of struggle and conflict among and between the various ethnic groups and tribes of the Philippines: "Maranaos fighting the Sulus, the Sulus fighting the Iranuns; the Maguindanaos fighting the Buayanes; the Tirurays fighting the Maguindanaos; the Muslims of the south fighting the Spaniards and the Christian Visayans on the northern shore of Mindanao; the Bagobos fighting the Bukidnons; the conflict of piracy between Muslim and Muslim over the sea lanes from Jolo to the Malay Peninsula."²

The Filipino warrior was taught the related skills of hand-to-hand combat on three levels: weapon tactics, empty-hand tactics, and healing skills. The need to be well-armed and ready to fight at all times was a general theme in the everyday life of the mandirigma. As a result, skills in weaponry were taught prior to those of the empty hands. This is in distinct contrast to the common progression of most Asian martial arts, which consider skills in empty-hand fighting as a prerequisite to learning weapons techniques (e.g., weapons are considered to be an extension of the empty hands).

Both armed and unarmed skills were developed. Training in the use of arms centered around five weapon categories: slash and thrust weapons, impact weapons, projectile weapons, flexible weapons, and protectants. These weapons could be grouped according to any one or more of six characteristics: solo or paired; long or short; heavy or light; curved or straight; single- or double-edged; and one- or two-handed. Four general categories of empty-hand skills were developed: striking techniques, kicking techniques, grappling techniques, and pressure point striking techniques. Striking maneuvers were made with either the open or closed hand in punching, chopping, tearing, poking, or scraping motions. Kicking techniques included foot strikes from all directions, knee strikes, and tripping or sweeping actions. The grappling phase consisted of joint-locking and breaking, choking, holding, and wrestling maneuvers. The use of nerve strikes could be employed when either striking, kicking, or grappling techniques were implemented to effect a temporary paralysis of an opponent's limbs. This would allow the mandirigma ample time to reposition himself, should the situation demand it, and terminate his opponent. This knowledge of striking points came only with and understanding of physiology and indigenous healing traditions

Although there are a vast number of martial arts in the Philippines, the weapon-based systems share a good deal of common ground. In fact, there are four stages to learning the arts by which all of the given techniques of a system can be categorized. The first stage is called muestracion or demonstration. During this introductory stage or entry-level the student is taught the various methods of footwork, striking sequences, angles of attack, and various defenses. During this stage the student must observe the demonstration of the trainer, teacher, or master and attempt to mimic his movements. The second stage of learning is known as sangga at patama, and this refers to methods of give-and-take. It is at this level that students begin to apply their fighting techniques in prearranged drills with a partner. Some of the more generic fighting methods, or what the Filipinos call "styles," include ocho-ocho (Figure-8), rompido (up-and-down), banda y banda (side-to-side), palis-palis (go-with-the-force), lastiko (elastic), redoble (double-up), redonda (circle), abaniko (fan), and sinawali (weaving). The third stage generally consists of the practice of close-quarter sparring and is known as labanang maalapitan. Practitioners generally employ their defensive "styles" in close quarter sparring from the closed fighting guard (tindig serrada). The fourth stage of learning is called labanang malayuan and consists of the practice of long-range sparring. In this range defensive "styles" are generally executed from the open fighting guard (tindig abierta).

It should be noted that these four stages of learning are somewhat arbitrary and may not be followed by every teacher. Rather, they are general stages that are followed at some point but may be rearranged to fit the needs of a student or teacher. The last two stages will vary the most as some systems focus on long-range fighting tactics as opposed to those of close quarters. Hence, levels three and four might well be reversed during the teaching process. After a student has successfully passed through these four stages of learning they are introduced to labanang totohanan or actual combat-fighting real opponents in tests of skill and courage.

The mandirigma^'s physical training was considered incomplete without skills in the healing arts. There currently exist a number of folk healing traditions in the Philippines ranging from basic massage and bone setting (hilot) and the administration of herbs (albularyo), to psychic healing (espiritista). From a practical standpoint, knowing how to administer yourself first aid or reset the broken bone of your fellow warrior could only help you in battle. The tradition of hilot was historically taught only to those who were breach born, and is traditionally associated with the skills of the midwife. Despite the advances in medical technology in the Philippines today, there is still much faith bestowed on traditional healers-the skills of whom are reminiscent of acupressure, acupuncture, chiropractic, herbology, and homeopathy. An in-depth discussion of related Filipino folk healing traditions, regrettably, is outside the scope of this work.

Spiritual/Religious Ideology

In The Dances of the Emerald Isles , Leonor-Orosa Goquingco divides the Filipino people into six religious groupings, namely: major Christian groups, minor Christian groups, Muslim (Moro) groups, principal pagan or traditionalistic groups, Negrito or Dumagat groups, and multiple-belief-holding groups (such as partially Christianized pagan groups).³

In contemporary Filipino society, a substantial number of "Christianized" Filipinos practice martial arts that stem from a long heritage of pagan or quasi-religious underpinnings. Such foundations include animistic amulets (agimat) and verbally and/or mentally reciting prayers (orasyon), Catholic, Islamic, and animistic. However, it is difficult to identify the ethos and worldview of the Filipino warrior based on his religious orientation alone. Rather, it follows that Filipino martial arts practitioners seldom subscribe to any particular religious doctrine, but instead embrace a syncretic amalgam of cross-cultural religious ideologies. From this, one could rightfully ascribe the Filipino warrior to that of the multiple-belief-holding group.

Although the Philippines prides itself on being the only predominantly Catholic nation in Asia, its roots are founded in a long heritage of animistic beliefs. To this day these beliefs permeate the Filipino warrior's obser-vanee of Christianity.⁴ So proud are the Filipino's of their adopted Catholic faith that some contemporary masters of kali, arnis, and eskrima associate the founding of their martial arts with the Santo Niño, the figure of Christ as boy king and patron saint of Cebu. Some practitioners believe that the staff the Santo Niño is often depicted holding in his right hand is symbolic of an eskrima stick. Although these beliefs are unsupported in a historical sense, the belief and faith in which the mandirigma places in his major God is no less an important part of his preparation for combat.

The belief in the power of supernatural spirits occupies the soul of the mandirigma. The Filipino warrior at once recognizes the holiness of God, yet cannot be pulled away from his belief that ancestral spirits (anito) dwell in the natural world that surrounds him. Such belief in the supernatural world has prevailed in Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao for at least four centuries. The mandirigma believes that the Lord's crucifix when tied around stone forms talismans called anting-anting. These amulets are blessed with prayers, commonly in Latin, known as orasyones. These cultural artifacts often become the warrior's courage and are looked upon to protect him from danger. Not unlike Samson's belief that he became weak once Delilah cut his hair, the Filipino warrior, too, overlooks the merit of his individually developed martial skills in favor of believing that they are manifestations of spirit. It is believed that anito (known as diwata in the Visayas) does not choose their human counterpart but that the mandirigma, in fact, controls the power of the anito. Filipinos at large believe in the power of spirits to influence the lives of men for good and evil.⁵ Moreover, Demetrio, in reference to the engkanto (spell or fairy), notes: "The aspects of the sacred which experience of the engkanto manifests seems to be the demonic ... It does not conduce to repose and calm ending in adoration, but to agitation and excitement crowned with anxiety."⁶ Interestingly, it is believed that the spirits can be controlled by man through confession, sacrifice, and prayer-a syncretic joining of animism and Catholicism.

The Filipino warrior places a great deal of faith in the power of orasyon to provide his ability to control the spirits for his benefit. He is particularly close to them prior to engaging in mortal combat. Orasyones are words, phrases, or sentences considered to possess mystical powers when recited mentally or verbally. Considered divine acts of protection and power manifestation, their possession is not limited to practitioners of martial arts. These prayers also serve to bestow good luck on newlyweds for a happy marriage or to farmers for a bountiful harvest. These general orasyones can be found in little books known simply as libritos. These booklets contain many prayers devoted to the martial arts on various levels, such as to obtain skills in sharpening a sword, for protection against an ambush, to maintain a clear and focused mind in combat, for the ability to disarm an opponent, to break his weapon, or cloud his mind when engaging in a duel.

The following is a list of seven of the more common or "generic" orasyones (relevant to the Filipino warrior) and their intended meanings:

• Licum salicum solorum -A prayer for disarming an opponent

• Oracion de S. Pablo contra armas de foigo ip. Ntro. y Av. -A prayer against firearms and other projectile weapons

• Sa paghasa ng patalim -A prayer for skill in sharpening a weapon

• Upang hindi mabigla ng kaaway -A prayer against being ambushed

• Upang hindi matakot —A prayer for courage or for conquering fear

• Pagsira ng loob ng kaaway -A prayer to weaken the enemy's will

• Jesucristo maria bedreno et curo tenaman —A prayer to weaken the enemy

It must be noted that for these prayers to be "effective" they must be inherited. Like the ancient martial arts of silat and kali, the Filipino warrior's orasyones , too, are considered to be mana (an inheritance or family heir-loom to be handed down from parent to child, or from master to disciple). When a possessor is on his death bed he assigns an heir to take over the practice of the guham (power or force) and kalaki (manly prowess or virility). If no inheritor is appointed or available, the possessor must then tear the orasyon into small pieces and devour it in a serving of samporado , a rice porridge mixed with chocolate, milk, and sugar.⁷ It was only then that the anito or engkanto would be set free.

Orasyones have been preserved by tattooing them on the possessor's body or weapon in the ancient Filipino Baybayin script, Latin, Sanskrit, Jawi, or any combination thereof. Cato notes: "The Moros did, at times, add talismanic symbols and phrases from the Qur'an, written in Jawi script, to the surfaces of their krises .⁸ To confuse their meaning if the wrong person attempted to translate these prayers (and hence use them for his own gains), abbreviations were often used for many of the words. While this method of preservation prevented the wrong person from using one's orasyon, it was not uncommon for the rightful heir to not understand the various dialects in which the prayer was encoded, thus being unable to interpret its meaning and invoke its power.

According to folk beliefs the mandirigma also engaging in specific acts in an effort to counteract orasyones his enemy might possess. For example, prior to facing an opponent who is believed to possess an orasyon that makes him impervious to being cut, the warrior would rub his sword with boiled rice to render his opponent's orasyon useless.

Other supernatural connections with martial arts can be found among the Bagobo of Mindanao who believe that they are ensured victory in battle while under the protection of two deities, Mandarangan and his wife, Barago. To gain access to their spheres of protection, Bagobo warriors offer gifts and sacrifice, presenting to the gods a minimum of two human lives.⁹ In addition, the Manobo of Mindanao believe that the Divinity spirit Apila is the god of wrestling, and must be duly honored to effectively use the art in combat.

While the possession of orasyones is important, the mandirigma places his faith no less in the possession of amulets. Although the orasyon is in itself a powerful protectant, it is generally an accompaniment to the warrior's talisman or anting-anting. Like orasyones, anting-antings possess the power to defeat anything and everything. Unlike orasyones , however, anting-antings are objects that must be carried by, on, or in the body of the possessor to effect its powers. Rather than a magical phrase, anting-antings are objects of Divine power. Furthermore, the form which these power objects assume is as varied as their purported powers. They can be stones or mineral deposits found in the bodies of animals, a snake's fang or crocodile's tooth, a rooster's spur, a piece of polished coconut shell, an odd-shaped root or interesting herb, the seeds of fruits, a magic shirt, parts of the skeletons of children, or a piece of cross-inscribed paper after it has been blessed during Catholic mass. Although anting-antings assume many forms, it is the ceremony on Good Friday which facilitates their transformation from ordinary good-luck charms to powerful spiritual mediums. This ceremony, moreover, although conducted in the physical church building, is not connected with the Catholic church proper.

Like orasyoncs, anting-antings must be inherited or their power will quickly disappear. Generally, a talisman is either given from father to son on the former's death bed, or given as a token of faith from a master to a student prior to the student fighting in a patayan , or "death match." Regardless of the method of transmission, the power of an anting-anting is only perpetuated through it being willingly bequeathed. Although a tourist may purchase any number of anting-antings from peddlers on the streets of Quiapo, these are considered patay (without life) as they have been purchased and therefore possess no spiritual powers.

A common Western misconception associates anting-antings with religion proper. St. Claire, a Spaniard, states that anting-antings are the "remnants of what was once what might be called the religion of the peoples of the Philippines."¹⁰ This is a broad statement which reflects the Spaniard's misunderstanding of the Philippine natives during the former's stay in the archipelago. Conversely, Anima, a Filipino, asserts that "to associate the anting-anting with religion is somehow ridiculous and absurd. The only thing that these two have in common is their 'power to protect its possessor from danger.' Aside from this, they travel separate paths toward opposite goals."¹¹ Although it is not traditionally associated with official Islamic or Catholic doctrine, the belief in anting-antings is woven syncretically into these faiths by the mandirigma , creating a sort of martial folk religion. The Filipino warrior's belief in the power of spirits to protect him through the use of amulets and talismans, blessed with prayers and patron saints, becomes his expression of these world religions. Moreover, as Reid notes: "The prayers of both the scriptural religions have been widely incorporated into rituals of propitiation of spirits; Islamic and Catholic leaders tactfully leave important ceremonies after having said their prayers, so as not to witness rituals they could not approve."¹²

It was the cunning of the Spanish friars who saw religion as a way to unify, subdue, and hence conquer the Philippine natives. They could "sell" the natives on the "idea" of Catholicism by producing and dispersing amulets featuring Christian symbolism and the figures of their saints conquering evil. It is interesting to note that on one such amulet is pictured a scene featuring Saint Michael, holding a sword above his right shoulder, mounted on horseback and trampling the devil. In "classical" systems of eskrima, the strike which originates from right shoulder and ends at the left hip has become known as tagang San Miguel (the strike of St. Michael). From this it is easy to see how such talismans have come to be mistakenly considered part of religion. Although it is not a part of religion proper, anting-antings are a distinctive expression of the mandirigma's past and present belief in the power of the spiritual and religious worlds to effect his ability to perform in hand-to-hand combat, and hence the outcome of his battles.

A concept often associated with the Moros of the southern Philippines (but certainly not unique to them) is parang sabil, or the waging of war in the name of God. It refers to a jihad, or "holy war," against those who threaten the existence and spread of Islam. It is a religious rite enjoined in the Qur'an which is resorted to only when all other forms of organized resistance fail. Khadduri notes that jihad were "employed as an instrument for both the universalization of religion and the establishment of an imperial world state."¹³ In contemporary Islamic Filipino society, parang sabil has become a generic term for the folk epics that express their struggles against the genocidal Christian Spanish colonizers.

The jihad, reflecting the normal adversarial relations existing between Muslim and other, was the state's instrument for transforming the dar al-harb (abode of war) into the dar al-Islam (abode of Islam).¹⁴ It indeed reaffirmed the basis of inter-group relationships by institutionalizing war as part of the Muslim legal system and made use of it by transforming war into a "holy war" designed to be ceaselessly declared against those who failed to become Muslims.¹⁵ This, not unlike the Christian Crusades or the Spanish occupation of the Philippines.

In its proper form, jihad consist of ritually giving notice of the intent to attack, offering the infidel the option of conversion to the Islamic faith or death. To this end, the Qur'an expressly states: "Say to the unbelievers, if they desist from their belief, what is now past shall be forgiven them." If they do not repent, the Qur'an demands: "Oh True believers, wage war against such of the infidels as are near you." And further: "When ye encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads until ye have made a great slaughter among them." Since the jihad is Allah's direct way to paradise, by thus participating in it the individual achieves salvation.

However, among the Moros of Sulu and Mindanao the jihad developed into a degenerative form of "ritual suicide," known as juramentado. Thus, waging a holy war became an individual matter rather than a group dynamic.

In the Moro dialect, these men were known as magsabils, or those who endure the pangs of death. The Moro who decided upon juramentado took the solemn oath (napi), to prepare himself to pursue the parang-sabil, or road to Paradise, with valor and devotion. The candidate was then clothed in a jubba (white robe) and was crowned with a white pattong (turban). To the waist was attached an anting-anting, to ward off the blows of the enemy. The genitals were bound tightly with cords. After beautifying and polishing his weapons, the candidate was ready to go forth to the holy war.

The method of attack of the juramentado was to approach the largest group of Christians possible and shout to them from a distance with the Arabic phrase, "La ilaha il-la'l-lahu" (There is no God but Allah). The kris or barong was then unsheathed and a rush was made, each juramentado hoping to kill at least one Christian before he found a martyr's death. The Muslims who die in the struggle are pronounced shahid (martyrs) and automatically gain a place in sulga (heaven).

Following his final collapse on the battlefield, the dead juramentado was washed again and wrapped in a white cloth for burial. If the enemy was vanquished in the attack and the juramentado escaped with his life after slaughtering the Christians, he passed to Paradise forty years after the battle.

Reid suggests that having "failed to understand this religious dimension, the Spaniards and the Americans have reduced this concept into a psychological disorder, and have referred to the shahid as juramentados and amoks, respectively."¹⁶ Hurley echoes this sentiment and notes that the juramentado, as a degenerative form of the jihad, is an act observed only in the Philippines.¹⁷ Apparently, the Moros of Sulu and Mindanao were more enthusiastic than religious in their adherence to the ritual scripture.

For example, the Qur'an expressly states that "giving due notice to the enemy in this case is indispensibly requisite in such a manner that treachery may not be induced, since this is forbidden." And further: "If a Muslim attack an infidel without previously calling him to the Faith, he is an offender because this is forbidden." Yet the juramentado of Mindanao and Sulu killed treacherously and without warning.

It is little wonder, then, that the juramentado Moros of Sulu and Mindanao take their place among the most deadly combatants in the history of hand-to-hand combat; he was practically unstoppable. Even when riddled with bullets he remained on his feet to kill his enemy.

The utter disregard for death held by the Moro juramentado probably remains unequaled in history. In Mindanao and Sulu, we have the astounding picture of a race of men who sought death as a blessing. And with little wonder, for they were informed by the Qur'an: "And say not of those who are slain in fight for the religion of God, that they are dead; yea they are living, but ye do not understand."

Often confused with the practice of running juramentado is the custom, so prevalent among Southeast Asian people, of running amok. Running amok has no religious significance, and is called manuju by the Moros. This practice occurs when a native has what is called a "bad head," which finds him temporarily insane. The Malay, for example, is prone to manifest imaginary ills and this culminates in the seizure of a kris and a mad slashing of every person in his path. Even the Moros are not spared when in the path of an amok. Moreover, Nakpil notes "that contemporary Filipino psychiatrists say that the behavior aberration is probably brought on ... by environmental conditions, and that it is the very cultural pattern of repressing hostile feelings and dissembling all disagreement that leads to the breaking point: a homicidal mania, really a form of suicide with the victim . . . turning against the whole world until he himself is killed."¹⁸

Psychological Framework

There are a great many stories of Filipino warriors who single handedly defeated a dozen armed men in hand-to-hand combat. These stories, however, do not indicate the warrior's extraordinary fighting skills as a result of dedicated training; rather, they have a tendency toward the supernatural. Conversely, although aided by orasyones and anting-antings, mandirigma are noted for their magnified sense of self and belief in their spirit-given physical abilities, particularly after emerging victorious in hand-to-hand combat or from a patayan. Navarro notes a concept called gilas-the unison of mind, body, and spirit into one tripartite functioning unit.¹⁹ It is believed that during the times of the ancient Bothoan, mandirigma devel-oped gilas through their daily practice of sword-fighting which reflected the realization that death confronts the warrior during every physical encounter. The mandirigma practiced focusing his gaze at a single point (e.g., an opponent's forehead, or the left side of his chest) for extended periods of time without blinking. When fighting, the trajectory of a mandirigma's weapon often changes. This, coupled with unpredictable movement and varying distance of the hands-thus confusing depth perception-makes it nearly impossible to follow the offensive path of an oncoming weapon attack. Mastery of single-point concentration allowed the mandirigma to focus his intention, quiet his mind, and face his opponent as a whole comprised of mind, body, and spirit.

Training sessions in Filipino martial arts are structured to gradually prepare the practitioner for combat. As training progresses from blunt wooden weapons, to sharp bladed ones, a metamorphosis takes place as the practitioner transforms into a warrior. To the extent that the Filipino warrior was able to perform the requisite techniques of blocking, countering, and disarming of an armed opponent, it is easy to see how he would naturally develop a high level of self-confidence. This greater self-confidence, accompanied by the belief that one will be protected by the spirit world through the possession of anting-antings and recitation of orasyones, creates a sense of self-importance that far exceeds the norm. The mandirigma was not considered arrogant; an elevated sense of self-importance was necessary to maintain his fighting spirit and the mental state necessary to engage in combat (even when greatly outnumbered) at any time. The mandirigma was respected by his fellow countrymen, and elevated in society as he embodied the ethos of a martial heritage in part responsible for the Philippines' ultimate freedom from oppressive foreign control.

There exists another concept embedded in the psychological framework of the mandirigma known as dakip-diwa (awareness without consciousness; literally, "to catch the spirit"). As Galang notes: "The alertness of the Filipino warrior, or mandirigma , is not a natural talent but a skill honed and cultivated to its highest degree. The ability of the mandirigma to nullify the unexpected is the product of rigorous and serious training and dedication."²⁰ Dakip-diwa , then, is a somewhat more tangible approach to fighting as it deals with an area over which the warrior has complete control. The mandirigma's ability to overcome an opponent using qualitative technical skills and superior reflex-control and coordination is maximized through forging the proper frame of mind.

At the onset of a physical confrontation the Filipino warrior "catches the spirit" invoked through orasyon and anting-anting, and enters into dakip-diwa. Instantaneously, his unconscious mind begins to control every movement, breath, thought, and emotion. The warrior, when under the psychological control of dakip-diwa, no longer sees himself as facing an opponent who possesses the physical attributes of strength, speed, or timing. Rather, he faces only the concept of combat itself: angles of attack, uncertainty, and death. Under this premise the warrior relies on his honed skills to control offense and defense (timing and rhythm, angles and trajectories) to take advantage of opportunities, to create illusions, and to overwhelm his foe. Under the guidance of a true master, and through proper training, the mandirigma overcomes his weaknesses by training his mind and body to expect the unexpected and condition his unconscious reflexes to react appropriately. It is this mental-edge of the Filipino warrior that enables him to defeat multiple opponents. A clear and focused mind overrides the ability of an opponent to break the warrior's spirit in combat. Dakip-diwa , then, eliminates those fears that cause hesitation, which could ultimately lead to his death. The mandirigma fully expected to be wounded (if not die) in battle, and this allowed him to eliminate the fear causing hesitation.

With regard to such an ethos, a Tagalog maxim states: "Ang bay ani nasusugatan nagiibayo ang tapang" (The hero when wounded releases his courage). Moreover, among the warriors of the Visayas, it was believed that a man dies nine times. Upon his final death, he goes to a place called Sayar where he is greeted by his ancestors who are armed with spear and shield. Demetrio further notes that in everyday life the Moros practice sacrificial rituals to appease the anitos so that they will intercede for the dead warrior when he faces Bathala (God).²¹

Another concept found in the psychological framework of the Filipino warrior is his specially developed skills in visualization (maglarawan). There is a story regarding the late Grandmaster Floro Villabrille, who, prior to facing his last opponent in a challenge match in Hawaii, spent some time in quiet, visualizing himself repeatedly knocking down his opponent. He claimed that his ability to visualize his opponent's defeat before the actual fight gave him the strength, courage, and will to fight until his opponent was unconscious. Villabrille won this match but claims that had he not already been victorious in his mind prior to the fight, he would have lost.

The practice of visualization is nothing new to the mandirigma. On a basic level visualization practices are used by some masters as a teaching tool. The late Grandmaster Angel Cabales, for example, was known to have taught several students these skills as a way to correct their physical fighting techniques when Cabales could not be present. They were to visualize Cabales in a posture, then visualize themselves in the same posture and overlap the two. Where the student's body position was out of place he could adjust it in his mind to follow Cabales' model. When the student next worked out his positioning was invariably better than before.

Techniques of visualization are a mainstay in the practice of Filipino martial arts. It is quite common to watch a master move or react suddenly to a seemingly non-existent attack. The attack, while not occurring on the physical plane did, however, genuinely occur in the master's mind's eye. Many top exponents of Filipino martial arts daily visualize themselves in combat situations. Their minds are never at rest as they are mentally, psychologically, and physically preparing for an encounter at all times. In this way it is believed that the Filipino warrior will never be caught off-guard because his mind is always in tune with combat.