| AGPC-NYSA | Adjutant-General Petitions and Correspondence, New York State Archives, Albany, N.Y. |
| BPL | Boston Public Library, Boston, Mass. |
| CL | Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. |
| CWDC-USAMHI | Civil War Document Collection, U.S. Army Military History Institute, Carlisle, Pa. |
| DEB | Daily Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia, Pa.) |
| GNMP | Gettysburg National Military Park, Gettysburg, Pa. |
| HSP | Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. |
| LOC | Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. |
| NARA | National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. |
| NYSL | New York State Library, Albany, N.Y. |
| NYT | New York Times |
| OR | The War for the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 vols., Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1881–1901 |
| PP | Philadelphia Press |
| PSA | Pennsylvania State Archives, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania |
| USAMHI | U.S. Army Military History Institute, Carlisle, Pennsylvania |
| WHS | Wisconsin Historical Society |
1. Goss, Recollections of a Private, iv.
2. Adams, Story of a Trooper, 260.
3. Smith, Stormy Present, 17–18.
4. Oakes, Freedom National, 81.
5. “What the Soldiers Think of the Proclamation,” Chicago Tribune, January 31, 1863.
6. The War Democrats were an ambiguous lot whose goals and positions varied. The most influential treatment can be found in Silbey, Respectable Minority, esp. 56–59, 92–93, 96–97, 161–62. Silbey sees the War Democrats themselves as a relatively narrow, short-lived experiment. He divides the balance of the party into “purists,” or those who chose a hardline peace path no matter the political cost, and “legitimists,” who were vehemently pro-Union and would support the war, but opposed the administration where necessary in seeking long-term party survival. For a more controversial analysis, see Dell, Lincoln and the War Democrats.
7. The Copperheads dominate the literature on Civil War–era Democrats. Frank Klement’s works downplay any actual threat antiwar Democratic activity posed to the northern war effort, highlighting instead the efforts of Republican politicians and editors to manipulate fears to their advantage. See Klement, Copperheads in the Middle West, vii–viii, 134–69, 174–75; Klement, Limits of Dissent, 109–11; and Klement, Dark Lanterns, 2–6, 78–80. In contrast, Jennifer Weber argues that the threat of antiwar activity was much more real than imagined. See Weber, Copperheads, 1–12, 66, 93–94, 141.
8. Adams, Our Masters the Rebels, 105–27; Rafuse, McClellan’s War, 30–49. Rafuse notes, “Concern for the maintenance of professional standards was most clearly manifest in a deep hostility toward citizen-soldiers and political meddling in military affairs” (41). On the tension between professional and political generals in particular, see Goss, War within the Union High Command, 1–23.
9. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 40–50.
10. Richards, Slave Power, 4–7, 153–54, 211–12; Holt, Political Crisis of the 1850s, 51–52.
11. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 45.
12. On the gag rule as a measure to stifle antislavery discussion in 1830s and 1840s national political dialogue, see Richards, Slave Power, 81–82.
13. Neely, Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation, 87; Cunliffe, Soldiers and Civilians, 328–29. Cunliffe observes of regular army officers: “One may argue that they were forced into partnership by the realization that the only chance of promotion, and sometimes of survival, lay in a real or apparent conversion to radicalism” (328).
14. Holt, Political Parties and American Political Development, 323–53; Smith, No Party Now, 67–84, 101–53.
15. Huntington, Soldier and the State, 80–97. For an emphasis on the virtues of “subjective control,” including during the Civil War itself, see Cohen, Supreme Command, esp. 15–51, 241–64. This debate draws heavily on a Clausewitzian understanding of war’s political nature; see Clausewitz, On War, 75–89.
16. Orr, “All Manner of Schemes and Rascalities.” Orr’s analysis responds to Eric McKitrick’s landmark assertion that the presence of a two-party system in the North channeled political opposition in a way that strengthened the war effort; see McKitrick, “Party Politics.” Orr’s point supports Mark Neely’s rebuttals to McKitrick; see Neely, Union Divided, and Neely, Lincoln and the Democrats, 10–44.
17. For controversies surrounding the Union military vote, see Benton, Voting in the Field; Williams, “Voters in Blue”; and White, “Canvassing the Troops.” Specific to state politics, see Burcher, “History of Soldier Voting”; Downs, “Soldier Vote”; Trenerry, “Votes for Minnesota’s Civil War Soldiers”; and McSeveney, “Re-Electing Lincoln.”
18. On the subject of the public sphere in early American politics, see Brooke, “Reason and Passion in the Public Sphere”; and, specific to the Union Army, Horner, “Blood and Ballots,” esp. 9–22, 72–81, 91–100.
19. Scholars have debated how successfully the U.S. Army developed a distinct sense of professionalism in the early republic and antebellum periods. See Weigley, History of the United States Army, 144–53, 157–58; Cunliffe, Soldiers and Civilians, 149–51; Kohn, Eagle and Sword, 188–89, 293–96; Coffman, Old Army, 96–102; Skelton, American Profession of Arms, xii–xvi, 34, 37–39; 87–105, 119–30, 203–12; 238–59; Watson, Jackson’s Sword, 1–3, 225–54, 281; Watson, Peacekeepers and Conquerors, xiii–xiv, 234–37, 249–51, 437–40; and Romaneski, “Importing Napoleon,” 94–102, 220–23, 227–30, 248, 262.
20. My understanding of culture is indebted to Schein, Organizational Culture and Leadership, 1–15.
21. Neely, Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation, 5–7; Weber, Copperheads, 4.
22. On the concept of republicanism as an animating influence in early American politics, see Bailyn, Ideological Origins; Wood, Creation of the American Republic; Shalhope, “Toward a Republican Synthesis”; Peacock, Machiavellian Moment; Appleby, “Republicanism and Ideology”; and Wood, Radicalism of the American Revolution.
23. Blair, With Malice toward Some, 201–2; Ayers, Thin Light of Freedom, 107. From a legal perspective, any discussion of loyalty in the North is incomplete without Neely, Fate of Liberty, which corrects long-standing criticisms of Lincoln’s use of military trials and suspension of habeas corpus. My understanding of the Democratic mindset has been informed by Silbey, Respectable Minority, 24–27; and Baker, Affairs of Party, which states “[Democrats’] characteristic commitments included states’ rights, federal restraint, and an assertive Unionism based on a white man’s government” (145).
24. Baum, Civil War Party System, relies on the quantitative methodology of the “new political history” to emphasize the importance of economic free soil arguments and the radical “Bird Club” of the Massachusetts Republican Party.
25. Nicole Etcheson, Emerging Midwest, xi–xiii, 27–28. On the importance of free soil and white Protestantism, see Cayton and Onuf, Midwest and the Nation, xvii–xviii, 16–17, 89–92. The literature on Midwestern politics during the sectional crisis is rich. Unfortunately, far less work has examined the intersection of national politics and state issues, at least after the Jacksonian period, in Pennsylvania and New York.
26. The antiparty image arguably had strong roots in antebellum politics across the North. See Grant, North Over South, 4–9, 21, 35, 130–31; Vos-Hubbard, Beyond Party, 5–6, 10–14, which emphasizes the effect of the Know Nothing movement; and Smith, No Party Now, 9–24.
27. Summers, Plundering Generation; Bensel, American Ballot Box in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, esp. 158, 192.
28. On hyperbole, the lack of nuance, and accusations of treason in civil-military affairs, see Cunliffe, Soldiers and Civilians, 325.
29. Baker, Affairs of Party, 12, 22, 29–33, 71–107. On political culture more broadly, see Pye and Verba, Political Culture and Political Development; and Formisano, “Concept of Political Culture.”
30. Altschuler and Blumin, Rude Republic, 48–53.
31. Grinspan, Virgin Vote, 1–15, 115–19. See also Grinspan, “‘Young Men for War,’” for an insightful contrast to Altschuler and Blumin’s interpretation of 1860 paramilitary political clubs.
32. Altschuler and Blumin, Rude Republic, 178.
33. Neely, Boundaries of American Political Culture, 5–8.
34. An insightful analysis of Union soldier correspondence with home front newspapers can be found in Siegel, For the Glory of the Union, esp. 148–55. Siegel’s study of the Twenty-Sixth New Jersey emphasizes how soldier accounts could be manipulated by the press. Just as important, however, was the willingness of officers and men to manipulate and capitalize on politics back home.
35. For the debate on Union soldier attitudes toward emancipation, see McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 19, 110, 117–29; Frank, With Ballot and Bayonet, 67–73; Davis, Lincoln’s Men, 88–108; Manning, What This Cruel War Was Over, 12–14, 83–102; Gallagher, Union War, 2–3, 75–118; Ramold, Across the Divide, 1–6, 55–86; White, Emancipation, esp. 38–68; and Teters, Practical Liberators, 2–4, 60–63, 69–70, 106–32. Of these, Frank’s book takes the most scientific approach, arguing that approximately one-quarter of Civil War soldiers demonstrated high political awareness. Among Union soldiers, Frank contends, those who followed contemporary politics tended to support Republican policies of emancipation and “hard war” against the Confederacy. McPherson and Manning are most forceful in interpreting a steady progression of emancipationist sentiment in the Union rank and file, while Gallagher, White, and Teters insist that freeing the slaves only ever motivated most soldiers as a means to the end of restoring the Union.
36. White, Emancipation, 5–6, 98–128.
37. Grinspan, Virgin Vote, 89–92. See also Baker, Affairs of Party, 305–11, for a wider discussion of party preparations and voting practices.
38. For another recent and insightful analysis of Union army political culture, see Matsui, First Republican Army, 1–8, which argues Maj. Gen. John Pope’s Army of Virginia in 1862 was the political opposite of the Army of the Potomac for its early and earnest adoption of hard war policy.
39. Cromwell’s Soldier’s Catechism.
40. On print culture and the politics of the New Model Army, see Parker, Global Crisis, 365–73.
41. Lynn, Bayonets of the Republic, 119–62. See also Rothenberg, Art of Warfare, 109–14; and Bell, First Total War, 148–53, 177.
42. Authoritative narrative treatments of the Army of the Potomac include Bruce Catton’s epic trilogy from the 1950s, comprised of Mr. Lincoln’s Army, Glory Road, and A Stillness at Appomattox; Wert, Sword of Lincoln; and Sears, Lincoln’s Lieutenants.
43. Two works that brilliantly connect the experience of combat with morale, determination, and unit cohesion are Hess, Union Soldier in Battle; and Sodergren, Army of the Potomac.
44. Sears, Controversies and Commanders; Simpson, “General McClellan’s Bodyguard”; Rafuse, McClellan’s War; Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac; Rafuse, Corps Commanders in Blue; and Sears, Lincoln’s Lieutenants.
45. Wiley, Life of Billy Yank, 340; Linderman, Embattled Courage, 235; Mitchell, Vacant Chair, 158. Scholars have observed a similar phenomenon in the Wehrmacht in World War II; see Fritz, Frontsoldaten, 18–19.
46. Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, esp. 1–16, 126–28, 147–52. I am also indebted to insights on the tension between officers and enlisted men in Carmichael, War for the Common Soldier, 21, 59–62.
47. The premiere works on the Union officer class are Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, and Bledsoe, Citizen-Officers.
48. See Hennessy, “We Shall Make Richmond Howl”; Hennessy, “I Dread the Spring”; and Hennessy, “Evangelizing for Union.”
49. See Orr, “Viler Enemy in Our Rear”; and Orr, “All Manner of Schemes and Rascalities.”
50. Matsui, First Republican Army; and Matsui, “War in Earnest.”
1. Joseph D. Baker to Brother and Sister, August 2, 1862, in Joseph Baker Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
2. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 16.
3. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 22–29; Mitchell, Vacant Chair, 4–18, 63–64.
4. Joseph Griner to Sophia Jane Griner, November 7, 1861, in Griner et al., “Civil War of a Pennsylvania Trooper,” 42.
5. Joshua Jones to Celia Gibson Jones, November 7, 1861, in Berwanger, “Absent So Long,” 217.
6. “Colonel James Page,” PP, November 4, 1861.
7. “The Pennsylvania Reserve Brigade, Stand of Colors Presented, Speeches of Gov. Curtin and Gen. McCall,” Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, September 12, 1861. On the wider context of communities preparing for war, see Paludan, People’s Contest, 3–31.
8. “Speech of Gov. A.G. Curtin,” Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, December 11, 1861. For the broad appeal of the Slave Power narrative and the degradation of free labor, see Richards, Slave Power, 4–6; and Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 40–41.
9. “Presentation of Colors to the Sixty-First Regiment,” New York Herald, November 8, 1861.
10. “Stirring Speech of Thomas Francis Meagher,” PP, August 31, 1861. The literature on Irish-American political allegiance in the Civil War era is rich. As with German-American politics, the debate since the 1970s has revolved mostly around the “ethnocultural thesis,” that is, that immigrant groups voted in blocs according to ethnic and religious interests in response to nativist threats. See Formisano, “Invention of the Ethnocultural Interpretation.” Specific to foreigners and soldier motivation, see Burton, Melting Pot Soldiers, esp. 46–71; Keller, “Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen,” 119, 123–30; and Bruce, Harp and the Eagle, 1–5, 42–81.
11. Nalty, “‘Come Weal.’”
12. Joseph Griner to Sophia Jane Griner, November 19, 1861, in Griner et al., “Civil War of a Pennsylvania Trooper,” 43.
13. Applegate, Reminiscences and Letters of George Arrowsmith, 53.
14. “Death of Col. Ellsworth After hauling down the rebel flag, at the taking of Alexandria, Va., May 24th 1861” (New York: Currier & Ives, 1861), in Prints and Photographs Division, LOC; “Ellsworth. Memorial Col. E. E. Ellsworth, the patriot martyr. The Marshall house, Alexandria, Va. Francis E. Brownell, the avenger of Ellsworth” (New York: Brady’s National Photographic Portrait Galleries, 1861), in Prints and Photographs Division, LOC. On the Ellsworth image in northern cultural artifacts, see Neely and Holzer, Union Image, 27–29.
15. “Civil War envelope showing Elmer Ellsworth with sword, pistol, and American flag with message ‘One flag, one country’” (publisher and date unknown), Prints and Photographs Division, LOC; “Civil War envelope showing Corporal Francis Brownell killing James Jackson after he murdered Colonel Elmer Ellsworth with message from Brownell, ‘Father—Col. Ellsworth was shot this morning. I killed his murderer. Frank’” (New York: J. G. Wells, c. 1861), Prints and Photographs Division, LOC. On Ellsworth’s presence on patriotic stationery, see Boyd, Patriotic Envelopes of the Civil War, 91–92; and Gallagher, Union War, 60–61.
16. J. Magee, “Song on the Death of Colonel Ellsworth, the Gallant Zouave,” (Philadelphia: J. Magee, 1861), in Rare Book and Special Collections Division, LOC.
17. “The Ellsworth Regiment,” undated Utica Morning Herald clipping, “44th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
18. “From the Ellsworth Regiment,” undated Utica Morning Herald clipping, “44th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
19. “The People’s Ellsworth Regiment,” undated Utica Morning Herald clipping, “44th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
20. Glatthaar, “A Tale of Two Armies,” 317–27; Marvel, Lincoln’s Mercenaries.
21. Gould, Investigations in the Military and Anthropological Statistics, 570.
22. For a discussion of formal and informal regimental schools in the Union Army, see Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, 46–47.
23. “The Evangelical Alliance and the Army,” Evening Post, September 4, 1861.
24. Wilder, History of Company C, 12. On Union soldiers and early war religious activity in camp, see Woodworth, While God Is Marching On, 175–98.
25. Rable, God’s Almost Chosen People, 3.
26. Rable, God’s Almost Chosen People, 55–56; Stout, Upon the Altar of the Nation, 35–46.
27. Sears, For Country, Cause and Leader, 70; Horner, “Blood and Ballots,” 91–100.
28. See Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day.
29. See Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army.
30. See Marcotte, “George Breck’s Columns,” NYSMM. On how newspapers could employ soldier accounts to benefit their own agendas, see Siegel, For the Glory of the Union, esp. 7–11, 142–55.
31. “Army Theatricals,” PP, March 4, 1862. Soldiers in Brig. Gen. Christopher Augur’s brigade constructed a similar stage; see “Military Theatre,” PP, January 1, 1862, and Raus, Banners South, 107–11.
32. Reed, Original Iron Brigade, 45–46.
33. Neely, Boundaries of American Political Culture, 112. In contrast to Neely’s interpretation, Baker in Affairs of Party, 218–22, and Howe, What Hath God Wrought, 638–40, point to strong connections between minstrel performance and Democratic voter identity. Peter Luebke generally follows this tack in “‘Equal to Any Minstrel Concert I Ever Attended at Home.’” See also Billings, Hardtack and Coffee, 69–71.
34. Reed, Original Iron Brigade, 45–46.
35. Sears, George B. McClellan, 65–66; Rafuse, McClellan’s War, 22–29, 83–86.
36. Catton, Mr. Lincoln’s Army, 52.
37. Simpson, “General McClellan’s Bodyguard,” 58.
38. Charles J. Goodwin to “Friend John,” September 15, 1862, in Charles J. Goodwin Papers, (17th Maine), CWDC-USAMHI.
39. “The War for the Union, ‘Stand by me, and I’ll stand by you,’ Gen. McClellan,” American Broadsides and Ephemera, American Antiquarian Society.
40. “McClellan is our man—Favorite song of the Army of the Potomac,” Prints and Photographs Division, LOC.
41. Joseph Griner to Sophia Jane Griner, November 12, 1861, in Griner et al., “Civil War of a Pennsylvania Trooper,” 42.
42. Norton, Army Letters, 87.
43. George B. McClellan to Montgomery C. Meigs, April 23, 1862, in George B. McClellan Papers, LOC.
44. Aubery, Recollections of a Newsboy, 18.
45. Sears, George B. McClellan, 142–43, 345.
46. Aubery, Recollections of a Newsboy, 17–18. On the role of newspapers in camp, see Wiley, Life of Billy Yank, 153; Robertson, Soldiers Blue and Gray, 82, 185; Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers, 85–86; and Frank, With Ballot and Bayonet, 15, 30.
47. Samuel Sumner Jr. to parents, November 12, 1861, in Marshall, War of the People, 52–53.
48. On the Hutchinsons and their place in the abolition movement, see Gac, Singing for Freedom.
49. William B. Franklin to Seth Williams, January 18, 1862, in McClellan Papers, LOC.
50. Lang, Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt, 9–10.
51. Book of Brothers, 13–14.
52. Book of Brothers, 17–18.
53. Franklin to Williams, January 18, 1862, McClellan Papers, LOC.
54. Book of Brothers, 19; McWhirter, Battle Hymns, 8–12.
55. “Sword Presentations near Langley, Va. Patriotic Speeches,” PP, February 10, 1862.
56. Bledsoe, Citizen-Officers, 28; Horner, “Blood and Ballots,” 57–59.
57. Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, 5–7; Bledsoe, Citizen-Officers, 40–41.
58. Meade, Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, 1:231.
59. Dwight, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight, 97. See also Wongsrichanalai, Northern Character, 148–50; and Bledsoe, Citizen-Officers, 33–36.
60. Aaron Ward to Horatio Seymour, September 28, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
61. H. J. Sickels to Horatio Seymour, April 4, 1864, in AGPC-NYSA.
62. Bishop Perkins to Horatio Seymour, January 12, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
63. Engle, Gathering to Save the Nation, 487–89.
64. S. S. Sollenberger to Andrew Curtin, September 30, 1862, General Correspondence, Office of the Adjutant General, Record Group 19, PSA.
65. Linderman, Embattled Courage, 47–56.
66. Sears, For Country, Cause and Leader, 7.
67. Bledsoe, Citizen-Officers, 62–101.
68. Hess, Liberty, Virtue, and Progress, 56–80; Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, 17–40.
69. Sears, For Country, Cause and Leader, 70.
70. Sears, For Country, Cause and Leader, 235.
71. Social scientists have identified three basic forms of compliance in military organizations—remunerative (material or pay-based), coercive (physical or threat-based), and normative (psychological or value-based). See Wesbrook, Political Training, 36–38; Lynn, Bayonets of the Republic, 23–25; and Coss, All for the King’s Shilling, 14–17.
72. Sears, For Country, Cause and Leader, 288.
73. Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 20–24.
74. Sears, Controversies and Commanders, 27–50.
75. Sears, Lincoln’s Lieutenants, 112–19, 141–45.
76. “Our Washington Letter,” Chicago Tribune, January 8, 1862; Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 21, 64.
77. Scott, Fallen Leaves, 91, 102–3.
78. Beatie, Army of the Potomac: McClellan Takes Command, 519–20. Stone was also the subject of controversy with Gov. John Andrew of Massachusetts, who alleged Stone was dissuading officers of the Twentieth Massachusetts from harboring escaped slaves. See Sears, Controversies and Commanders, 37; and Miller, Harvard’s Civil War, 96–100.
79. William C. White letter, February 13, 1862, quoted in Ernsberger, Paddy Owen’s Regulars, 1:159.
80. Krom, 1st MN, 114–15, 130, 133.
81. See Hennessy, “Conservatism’s Dying Ember,” 19–23. Hennessy focuses on Pickell and Martindale in their feud with division commander Fitz John Porter, mostly overlooking Kerrigan’s court martial.
82. Union officers having filibustering experience was not unique to Kerrigan. Thomas H. Smyth, eventually a brigadier general in the Second Corps, had followed Walker to Nicaragua, as had Col. William Northedge and Lt. Col. Max A. Thoman of the Fifty-Ninth New York. See Warner, Generals in Blue, 465; Walker, War in Nicaragua, 287; and Max A. Thoman Compiled Military Service Record, Record Group 94, NARA.
83. “The Kerrigan Conspiracy, Alarming Rumors, The Real Objects of the Movement, The Rejuvenation of the Democratic Party,” New York Daily Tribune, December 17, 1860.
84. “The Case of Colonel and Congressman Kerrigan,” undated clipping, “25th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
85. “Colonel Kerrigan,” Evening Post, March 20, 1862.
86. Sears, Lincoln’s Lieutenants, 120–29, 155–60.
87. Sears, George B. McClellan, 149–64; Rafuse, McClellan’s War, 178–97.
88. On this controversial decision, see Grimsley, “Lincoln as Commander in Chief,” 62–88.
89. Sears, Lincoln’s Lieutenants, 208–9.
90. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 111–45; see also Newton, Joseph E. Johnston and the Defense of Richmond, 172–98.
91. On the Seven Days, see Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 181–336; Burton, Extraordinary Circumstances; and Hubbell, “Seven Days of George Brinton McClellan.”
92. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 338–46; Rafuse, “Fighting for Defeat?”
93. For insight into McClellan’s preferred policy, see Sears, Civil War Papers of George B. McClellan, 344–45, 352–53; and Rafuse, McClellan’s War, 233–36.
94. On the transition to hard war and policy debates during the summer of 1862, see Grimsley, Hard Hand of War, 72–78; Blair, “Seven Days and the Radical Persuasion”; and Brasher, Peninsula Campaign, 163–214.
95. Philip Kearny to Courtland Parker, “Just after Fair Oaks,” typescript copy in Philip Kearny Papers, LOC.
96. Gould, Major-General Hiram G. Berry, 196.
97. Birney to George Gross, July 20, 1862, in David B. Birney Papers, USAMHI.
98. Styple, Writing and Fighting the Civil War, 113.
99. Messent and Courtney, Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell, 161–63.
100. OR, series 1, vol. 12, part 3, 313–14, 331–33, 383; Keyes, Fifty Years’ Observation, 407–8, 486–87.
101. “A Private’s Opinion of the Policy of the War,” Juneau County Argus, July 31, 1862.
102. George W. Beidelman to father, August 7, 1862, in Vanderslice, Civil War Letters of George Washington Beidelman, 73–75.
103. Joseph D. Baker to brother, c. mid-July 1862 (precise date missing), Baker Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
104. William Houghton to father, July 14, 1862, quoted in Baxter, Gallant Fourteenth, 91.
105. “From the Army of the Potomac,” Daily Evening Traveller, August 1, 1862. Interestingly, the Fifth Wisconsin, Fifty-Seventh Pennsylvania, and Fourteenth Indiana were all among several dozen regiments to denounce critics of the president’s policies the next spring by publishing political resolutions; see chapter 3.
106. Chesson, Journal of a Civil War Surgeon, 32.
107. Andrew A. Humphreys to “Campbell,” July 28, 1862, in Andrew A. Humphreys Papers, HSP.
108. Grimsley, Hard Hand of War, 68–78; Brasher, Peninsula Campaign, 216–17; Oakes, Freedom National, 142–43, 176. The authoritative studies on wartime confiscation and the contraband experience are Siddali, From Property to Person; and Syrett, Civil War Confiscation Acts.
109. Both articles found republication in the Pittsburgh Daily Gazette and Advertiser. See, “Latest from McClellan’s Army,” July 29, 1862; and “Gen. McClellan Guarding Rebel Property,” August 5, 1862.
110. Castleman, Army of the Potomac, 184.
111. Brasher, Peninsula Campaign, 205–6; Pohanka, Vortex of Hell, 296.
112. William H. Walling to sister, July 16, 1862, William H. Walling Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
113. “Interesting from the Peninsula,” New York Herald, July 15, 1862.
114. “News from the Peninsula,” New York Herald, July 17, 1862.
115. “Condition of McClellan’s Army,” Boston Herald, July 21, 1862.
116. Coco, From Ball’s Bluff, 115–16. Greeley of course was editor of the pro-Republican New York Tribune, and Bennett headed the Herald.
117. Styple, Writing and Fighting the Civil War, 109.
118. “Army Correspondence,” Grand Haven News, July 23, 1862.
119. Scott, Fallen Leaves, 133–34.
120. “Army Correspondence,” Daily Evansville Journal, August 2, 1862.
121. Collier and Collier, Yours for the Union, 114–15.
122. William T. H. Brooks to father, June 22, 1862, and August 10, 1862, in William T. H. Brooks Papers, USAMHI.
123. Taylor, Gouverneur Kemble Warren, 80. On the Fifth Corps’ culture, see Hennessy, “Conservatism’s Dying Ember.”
124. Brooks to father, August 10, 1862, in Brooks Papers, USAMHI.
125. Heintzelman Diary Entry for August 8, 1862, in Heintzelman Papers, LOC.
126. Heintzelman Diary Entry for August 11, 1862, Heintzelman Papers, LOC.
127. Cassedy, Dear Friends at Home, 130–31; Radigan, Desolating This Fair Country, 130–31.
128. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, August 10, 1862, in Jacob L. Bechtel Collection, GNMP.
129. Luther Granger to Wife, August 2, 1862, in Luther Granger Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
130. See also Gallman, Defining Duty in the Civil War, 91–122.
131. Cassedy, Dear Friends at Home, 137.
132. “Interesting Letter from the Army,” Huntingdon Globe, August 13, 1862.
133. “The Morale and Physique of the Army,” Pittsburgh Daily Gazette and Advertiser, July 30, 1862.
134. John M. Steffan to “Guss,” August 4, 1862, in John M. Steffan Papers, CWDC-USAMHI. On Lincoln’s call for 300,000 volunteers and state drafts, see Geary, We Need Men, 22–48; and Gallman, Defining Duty in the Civil War, 139–43. On these nine-month volunteers in the Army of the Potomac, see Hartwig, “Who Would Not Be a Soldier.”
1. Zon, Good Fight That Didn’t End, 63.
2. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 15.
3. Zon, Good Fight That Didn’t End, 63.
4. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 37.
5. On the Maryland Campaign through September 14, see Priest, Before Antietam; Harsh, Taken at the Flood; Carman, Maryland Campaign of September 1862: Volume 1, South Mountain; Jordan, Unholy Sabbath; and Hartwig, To Antietam Creek.
6. The literature on the Battle of Antietam itself is extensive. Among the most authoritative works are Murfin, Gleam of Bayonets; Sears, Landscape Turned Red; Priest, Antietam: The Soldier’s Battle; and Carman, Maryland Campaign of September 1862: Volume 2, Antietam.
7. Matsui, “War in Earnest.” Matsui writes: “In a broad sense, the institutional divide between the Army of Virginia and the larger Army of the Potomac was that of Republicans versus Democrats, unionists who desired the abolition of slavery and the southern way of life versus unionists who fought for a return to the status quo antebellum” (185). Rufus Dawes of the Sixth Wisconsin supported the notion of irreconcilable differences, writing that at Second Bull Run, “all through the ranks of Porter’s [Fifth] Corps was a running fire of disparagement of us as ‘Pope’s’ soldiers, something quite inferior to the Army of the Potomac.” See Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers, 69; and also Matsui, First Republican Army, 133–50.
8. William Wallace to “Sarah,” September 18, 1861, in Holzhueter, “William Wallace’s Civil War Letters,” 33–35.
9. Castleman, Army of the Potomac, 186.
10. Paver, What I Saw from 1861 to 1864, 30.
11. John M. Steffan to “Guss,” September 23, 1862, in Steffan Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
12. Vanderslice, Civil War Letters of George Washington Beidelman, 107.
13. Paver, What I Saw from 1861 to 1864, 34.
14. Weld, War Diary and Letters of Stephen Minot Weld, 120, 143. On Boston Brahmin families and their Civil War experiences, see Wongsrichanalai, Northern Character, 86–111, 117–18.
15. Nevins, A Diary of Battle, 108–9.
16. Adams, Our Masters the Rebels, 106.
17. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 75–76.
18. Norton, Army Letters, 125–26.
19. Vanderslice, Civil War Letters of George Washington Beidelman, 109.
20. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 76; Nevins, Diary of Battle, 118; Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 162–63; Mahood, General Wadsworth, 88.
21. This analysis owes much to the insights in Simpson, “General McClellan’s Bodyguard,” 44–73.
22. Paludan, People’s Contest, 98–101; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 505–7.
23. See Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors, 249–72; Engle, “It Is Time,” 416–50.
24. Bernard McNeil to uncle, September 26, 1863, quoted in Ernsberger, Paddy Owen’s Regulars, 1:342. Colonel Joshua “Paddy” Owen and Major Martin Tschudy of the Sixty-Ninth were both active Democrats in Philadelphia. See Paddy Owen’s Regulars, 1:15, 63.
25. Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 2:424–25; Davis, Lincoln’s Men, 53–55.
26. Watson, From Ashby to Andersonville, 26.
27. Lassen, Dear Sarah, 19.
28. Davis, Lincoln’s Men, 29–32, 41–42, 79–82.
29. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 110.
30. Sears, George B. McClellan, 331; Simpson, “General McClellan’s Bodyguard,” 58.
31. Sears, Civil War Papers of George B. McClellan, 493–94. For a more sympathetic analysis, see Rafuse, McClellan’s War, 348–49.
32. Benton, Voting in the Field, 360.
33. Wolf, “Campaigning with the First Minnesota,” 229; Walter N. Trenerry, “Votes for Minnesota’s Civil War Soldiers,” Minnesota History 36 (March 1959), 170.
34. Downs, “Soldier Vote and Minnesota Politics, 1862–1865,” 197.
35. Richards, History of Company C, 71–72.
36. Edward Bragg letter, June 18, 1863, quoted in Herdegen, Men Stood Like Iron, 61.
37. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 32, 99–100.
38. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 104.
39. Benton, Voting in the Field, 57.
40. Klement, “Soldier Vote in Wisconsin,” 39.
41. Aubery, Echoes from the Marches of the Famous Iron Brigade, 31.
42. Klement, “Soldier Vote in Wisconsin,” 43. This regimental return was especially concerning because Company B of the Second purportedly gave 18 votes to the Democratic candidate for Congress and only 8 for the Republican. See “Camp of the Wis. Vol. Warrenton, Va., Nov. 8, 1862,” in “Quiner Scrapbooks,” 2:321, WHS. The correspondent declared the company total would have been higher for the Democrats if Lt. James D. Wood had been present. Wood, who became the brigade’s adjutant-general, later publicly pledged his support to the appeal case of Fitz John Porter as an original member of Pope’s Army of Virginia. See Fitz-John Porter: Fiat Justitia, 113.
43. “News Summary,” The Weekly Times, November 29, 1862.
44. “Army Correspondence, Washington D.C., November 10th, 1862.”
45. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 32.
46. “From the 2nd Wis. Regiment,” in “Quiner Scrapbooks,” 2:317–18, WHS.
47. Stevens, As If It Were Glory, 49–50.
48. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 122.
49. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 123.
50. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 29.
51. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 40–41, 163–64; Gienapp, Origins of the Republican Party, 39–40.
52. Mahood, General Wadsworth, 61–63, 67–68.
53. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 26.
54. Mahood, General Wadsworth, 80–81, 85–86; Sears, George B. McClellan, 161.
55. Williams, Bullet and Shell, 81–82.
56. Mahood, General Wadsworth, xii.
57. Mahood, General Wadsworth, 306 n. 35.
58. “Gen. Wadsworth among the Soldiers,” Daily News and Reformer, October 3, 1862.
59. “War Correspondence,” undated clipping, “25th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
60. “How the Soldiers Feel,” Lowville Republican, October 29, 1862.
61. “Gen. Wadsworth and His Old Brigade,” undated clipping, “23rd Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry Civil War Newspaper Clippings,” NYSMM.
62. Smith, History of the Seventy-Sixth Regiment New York, 58–59. Officers of the Seventy-Sixth kept in constant contact with Governor Morgan of New York early in the war on the subject of promotions within the regiment; see their frequent mention in the files of the AGPC-NYSA.
63. Smith, History of the Seventy-Sixth Regiment New York, 88.
64. Smith, History of the Seventy-Sixth Regiment New York, 179.
65. Raus, Banners South, 224n30. Similar votes were held among the New York regiments of Keyes’ Fourth Corps, abandoned by McClellan back on the Peninsula. In the Eighty-Fifth New York, Wadsworth beat Seymour 492 to 27; see Mahood, General Wadsworth, 112.
66. Walter Phelps, January 29, 1862, quoted in Reed, Original Iron Brigade, 128.
67. Noyes, Bivouac and the Battlefield, 284.
68. Edwin A. Merritt to “Friend Robinson,” November 4, 1862, in AGPC-NYSA. See also, Merritt, Recollections, 19–25.
69. Harlow Godard to Edwin Morgan, November 7, 1862, in AGPC-NYSA. Major Godard himself was a private critic of McClellan’s cautious command style even before the Sixtieth New York joined the Army of the Potomac. In April 1862, Godard wrote his father, “‘All quiet before Yorktown’ but I am thinking that the General-in-command of our forces there will have to act soon or fall in the estimation of the mass of the people.” See Abel Godard to Harlow Godard, April 27, 1862, in Abel Godard Papers (60th New York), CWDC-USAMHI.
70. Benjamin Squire to Edwin Morgan, November 8, 1862, in AGPC-NYSA.
71. Elliott’s Democratic patronage is referenced in an August 1863 letter from Abel Godard to Harlow Godard, Godard Papers, CWDC-USAMHI. By summer 1863, Godard, commanding the regiment, had forwarded a list of recommendations for promotion to Governor Seymour which met with the “general approval in the Regt. except with Captain Elliott who I have been informed has written to some Democratic friends desiring to be made Lt. Col.”
72. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment New York State Volunteers, 193–94.
73. [Illegible] to “Judge,” July 19, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
74. H. R. King to Horatio Seymour, April 16, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
75. “Camp Near Bloomfield, Va., Nov. 4, 1862” (appeared Friday, November 14, 1862), in Marcotte, “George Breck Columns,” NYSMM.
76. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 126.
77. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 122.
78. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 13.
79. 59th New York Regimental Carded Medical Files, Record Group 94, NARA.
80. Andrew A. Humphreys to wife, October 22, 1862, in Humphreys Papers, HSP.
81. Simpson, “General McClellan’s Bodyguard,” 53–54, 56.
82. Bee, Boys from Rockville, 31.
83. “Letter from General Halleck to the Secretary of War,” in Mexico Independent, November 13, 1862.
84. “Colonel of the Bucktails: Civil War Letters of Colonel Charles Frederick Taylor,” 354.
85. William F. Biddle to Edmund C. Biddle, November 2, 1862, in William F. Biddle Papers, HSP.
86. Sears, George B. McClellan, 342.
87. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 173.
88. “From Washington, November 13,” in Freeman’s Journal, November 22, 1862.
89. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 164.
90. Fatout, Letters of a Civil War Surgeon, 31.
91. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 79.
92. Silliker, Rebel Yell and Yankee Hurrah, 50.
93. Crotty, Four Years Campaigning in the Army of the Potomac, 70.
94. William Lynch of the 106th Pennsylvania, quoted in Gottfried, Stopping Pickett, 126.
95. James E. Decker to father, November 10, 1862, in James E. Decker Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
96. Pride and Travis, My Brave Boys, 155.
97. Chesson, Journal of a Civil War Surgeon, 47. As George Breck’s and Charles Wainwright’s reactionary diatribes reveal the Republican sentiment emerging in their First Corps, Dyer’s anger likely shows the lock-step conservatism taking hold across much of the Second Corps.
98. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, November 12, 1862, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
99. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, November 14, 1862, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
100. Ropes to Ropes, November 14, 1862, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL. The formative experience of service in the 20th Massachusetts similarly affected young Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and arguably contributed to his later embrace of pragmatist philosophy. See Menand, Metaphysical Club, 2–4, 32–57; and Carmichael, War for the Common Soldier, 304-5.
101. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, November 19, 1862, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
102. Herdegen, Men Stood Like Iron, 214.
103. Herdegen, Iron Brigade in Civil War and Memory, 305–9.
104. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 105.
105. O’Brien, My Life in the Irish Brigade, 67.
106. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 164.
107. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 164. Michael C. C. Adams cautions against accepting these “Byronic” statements at face value, insisting that “the Victorian taste for dramatic posture must also be held in mind.” See Adams, Our Masters the Rebels, 118–19.
108. O’Brien, My Life in the Irish Brigade, 68.
109. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 174.
110. Snyder, ed. “Robert Oliver, Jr., and the Oswego Regiment,” 288.
111. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 174.
112. “From the Army of the Potomac,” New York Daily Tribune, November 13, 1862.
113. “Refutation of a Slander,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 24, 1862.
114. Hennessy, “Conservatism’s Dying Ember,” 15.
115. Hennessy, “Conservatism’s Dying Ember,” 19–23. Remarkably, Martindale later served on the Porter court of inquiry after Second Bull Run. See Jermann, Fitz John Porter, 130.
116. Hennessy, “Conservatism’s Dying Ember,” 42.
117. Daniel Butterfield to Salmon P. Chase, undated 1862 letter, in Salmon P. Chase Papers, HSP.
118. Daniel Butterfield to Salmon P. Chase, July 12, 1862, in Salmon P. Chase Papers, HSP.
119. On the brigade’s organization, see Gerrish, Army Life, 24.
120. Norton, Army Letters, 40.
121. T. B. W. Stockton to John T. Sprague, September 2, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA; H. S. Lansing to John T. Sprague, September 20, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
122. Bertera and Crawford, 4th Michigan Infantry in the Civil War, 111.
123. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 166, 171.
124. Horace Binney Sargent to Fitz John Porter, January 23, 1863, in Porter Papers, LOC.
125. John A. Gordon to Fitz John Porter, March 7, 1863, in Porter Papers, LOC.
126. Charles Griffin to Fitz John Porter, March 28, 1863, in Porter Papers, LOC.
127. Harrison H. Snyder to Fitz John Porter, February 4, 1863, Porter Papers, LOC.
128. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 171; Adams, Our Masters the Rebels, 106.
1. Hugh P. Roden to Mother, Father, and Sisters, February 16, 1863, in George and Hugh Roden Papers, CL.
2. Hugh P. Roden to Mother, Father, and Sisters, April 10, 1863, in Roden Papers, CL.
3. “New-Jersey Legislature; The ‘Peace’ Resolutions as Passed by the House; Protest,” NYT, March 20, 1863. For a nuanced description of New Jersey politics in early 1863, see Gillette, Jersey Blue, 206–53.
4. “The Sixth New Jersey Regiment on the Peace Resolutions,” West Jersey Press, Wednesday, April 1, 1863.
5. Weber, Copperheads, 63–68.
6. Marvel, Burnside, 90–91.
7. On the political maneuverings under Burnside, see Sears, Controversies and Commanders, 131–66; Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac, 61, 63, 70, 76–78; Hebert, Fighting Joe Hooker, 164–66; and Marvel, Burnside, 159–60, 212.
8. Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac, 60–67; George A. Custer to George B. McClellan, May 6, 1863, in McClellan Papers, LOC.
9. On the Army of the Potomac in the Fredericksburg Campaign, see Rable, Fredericksburg! Fredericksburg!; O’Reilly, Fredericksburg Campaign; Marvel, Burnside, 170–200; and Wert, Sword of Lincoln, 188–204.
10. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, December 20, 1862, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
11. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, February 6, 1863, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
12. Winner, “Give Us Back Our Old Commander.”
13. McWhirter, Battle Hymns, 95–96.
14. Greene, “Morale, Maneuver, and Mud,” 171–227.
15. Weber, Copperheads, 81.
16. See also Warshauer, “Copperheads in Connecticut,” 63.
17. Wert, Sword of Lincoln, 215–18. On the command climate in this period, see Sears, Chancellorsville, 1–25; and Conner and Mackowski, Seizing Destiny, 40–51.
18. “From Washington. Causes of Burnside’s Second Failure to Take Fredericksburg—Another Demonstration of the Impracticability of Marching to Richmond on the Overland Route—Progress of the Disintegration of the Army of the Potomac,” Indiana State Sentinel, February 2, 1863.
19. “Comfort for the Croakers,” Sunbury American, March 7, 1863.
20. Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, 997–1747. The regiments that left the Army of the Potomac between mid-May and early July 1863 were: the First, Second, Fifth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Twentieth, Twenty-First, Twenty-Second, Twenty-Third, Twenty-Fourth, Twenty-Fifth, Twenty-Sixth, Twenty-Seventh, Twenty-Eighth, Thirtieth, Thirty-First, Thirty-Second, Thirty-Third, Thirty-Fourth, Thirty-Fifth, Thirty-Sixth, Thirty-Seventh, and Thirty-Eighth New York; 122nd, 123rd, 124th, 125th, 127th, 129th, 130th, 131st, 133rd, 134th, 135th, 136th, and 137th Pennsylvania; Twenty-First, Twenty-Second, Twenty-Third, Twenty-Fourth, Twenty-Sixth, Twenty-Eighth, Twenty-Ninth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-First New Jersey; and Second Maine.
21. Sears, Chancellorsville, 70–75.
22. Henry Liebenan to Horatio Seymour, March 25, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
23. Marvel, Great Task Remaining, 55–56. For a description of Wilkes’s politics and editorial power, see Neely, Union Divided, 67–68, 71–72. On army sutlers more broadly, see Spear, “Sutler in the Union Army,” 121–38.
24. “Soldiers and the Newspapers,” PP, June 5, 1863.
25. “Camp Near Belle Plaines, Va., April 13, 1863,” in “Quiner Scrapbooks,” 8:270, WHS.
26. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, March 5, 1863, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
27. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 220.
28. “A Voice from the Army,” Democratic Watchman, May 8, 1863.
29. Scott, Fallen Leaves, 173; “On Friday last, the sale of the New York World … ,” Weekly Mariettian, February 28, 1863. On Wilkes’s influence with Hooker concerning disloyal newspaper distribution, see Neely, Union Divided, 107–8.
30. “Wilkes—Gen. M’Clellan—The Army,” Daily Patriot and Union, June 5, 1863.
31. “The Destruction of the Monitor Establishment,” PP, May 26, 1863.
32. Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 163–64.
33. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 112.
34. Chesson, Journal of a Civil War Surgeon, 69. For the opposite characterization, see Nelson H. Davis to Delos B. Sacket, April 8, 1863, in McClellan Papers, LOC. Davis was a staff officer at Army of the Potomac headquarters who dismissed the JCCW report as an “injustice, persecution, [and] misrepresentation” that would condemn the radicals “to their hearts’ content.”
35. Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 209.
36. On Nichols’ trial, see Hennessy, “Evangelizing for Union,” 541–42.
37. Spencer W. Cone to Horatio Seymour, April 2, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
38. William Lyne to Horatio Seymour, April 8, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA.
39. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, March 18, 1863, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
40. Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors, 313–14. On Morton’s struggle against Democrats, see Towne, “Killing the Serpent Speedily,” 41–65.
41. “The 27th Indiana Regiment and the State Legislature,” Daily Evansville Journal, February 21, 1863.
42. “The Indiana Soldiers in the Army of the Potomac,” NYT, March 1, 1863. On political motivation among Indiana soldiers, see Rodgers, “Republicans and Drifters,” 321–45. Rodgers finds that noncommissioned officers and junior officers were almost exclusively Republican, with enlisted men somewhat more mixed but leaning toward Lincoln’s party.
43. “Majority Report of the Committee on Federal Relations, Presented by Senator Cobb, March 5, 1863,” Indiana State Sentinel, March 9, 1863.
44. On the ethnic and political differences between the Eleventh Corps and the rest of the Union Army, see Keller, Chancellorsville and the Germans, 24–45.
45. Reinhart, Yankee Dutchmen under Fire, 62–63.
46. “The Reaction against the Copperheads,” Vermont Watchman and State Journal, March 6, 1863.
47. Sears, On Campaign with the Army of the Potomac, 187–88.
48. This wider phenomenon receives insightful attention in Orr, “A Viler Enemy in Our Rear”; Hennessy, “Evangelizing for Union”; and Conner and Mackowski, Seizing Destiny, 161–63, 222–25. The Army of the Potomac was not alone in offering a deluge of regimental resolutions. Dozens of other political statements against the Copperheads emerged from the western armies as well. See The Echo from the Army; and Daniel, Days of Glory, 249–57.
49. For additional insight into the three forms of compliance-based command—coercive, remunerative, and normative—see Wesbrook, Political Training, 36–38. As obedience related to loyalty for Civil War soldiers, see Carmichael, War for the Common Soldier, 183.
50. On the influence of pragmatism and discipline in shaping political ideology toward emancipation, see Carmichael, War for the Common Soldier, 170–71. For a full listing of references for extant unit resolutions, see Appendix A.
51. “Unanimous” resolutions included those of the Fourteenth and Twentieth Connecticut; Eighty-Second Illinois; Fourteenth Indiana; Twenty-Fourth Michigan; Sixth, Twenty-Fourth, and Twenty-Sixth New Jersey; Fortieth, Forty-Fourth, Sixtieth, and 107th New York; Seventh, Twenty-Ninth, Sixty-First, Sixty-Sixth, and Seventy-Third Ohio; Eleventh, Fifty-Third, Fifty-Seventh, 109th, 125th, 131st, 132nd, 133rd, 140th, 142nd, 149th, and 150th Pennsylvania and Eighth Pennsylvania Reserves; Seventh West Virginia; and Second, Sixth, and Seventh Wisconsin (see Appendix A).
52. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 64–67; “The Indiana Soldiers in the Army of the Potomac,” NYT, March 8, 1863; “From the 140th Regiment Pa. Volunteer’s [sic],” The Reporter and Tribune, April 29, 1863; “Address of the 27th Regiment,” New Haven Daily Palladium, March 31, 1863; “The Twelfth Regiment,” Independent Democrat, March 26, 1863.
53. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 64–67.
54. “Old Gilmanton All Right!,” Independent Democrat, March 26, 1863.
55. Resolutions mentioning slavery or African Americans were the Fourteenth Connecticut; First Delaware; Eighty-Second Illinois; 111th, 149th, and 150th Pennsylvania and First Pennsylvania Reserve Cavalry; and Sixth Vermont (see Appendix A).
56. “Address of the 27th Regiment,” New Haven Daily Palladium, March 23, 1863.
57. “Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 64–67; “The Army and the Copperheads,” NYT, March 23, 1863.
58. “From the First Delaware. Letter No. 64,” Delaware State Journal and Statesman, March 13, 1863.
59. “From the 1st Penna. Reserve Cavalry,” Huntingdon Globe, April 29, 1863.
60. “Voice of the Army,” Weekly Times, April 4, 1863.
61. For a full account of the role played by the 150th Pennsylvania in Lincoln’s entourage, see Pinsker, Lincoln’s Sanctuary, 56, 57, 98.
62. “A Voice from Crotzer’s Company,” Union County Star and Lewisburg Chronicle, April 7, 1863.
63. On Midwestern soldiers and the Copperhead movement more broadly, see Altavilla, “Shoot Every D___d Copperhead,” 19–39.
64. “More Thunder from Ohio Boys,” Western Reserve Chronicle, March 11, 1863.
65. “The Resolutions of the Fourteenth Regiment,” Daily Evansville Journal, March 6, 1863. On opposition to the Slave Power as revulsion to aristocracy, see Richards, Slave Power, 7; and Holt, Political Crisis of the 1850s, 51–52.
66. “What the 7th Virginia Thinks about the War—A Very Strong and Cogent Expression of Loyalty,” Daily Intelligencer, April 10, 1863.
67. “Voice of the 66th Regiment,” Urbana Union, March 25, 1863.
68. “From the Army of the Potomac,” NYT, March 29, 1863.
69. “Noble Sentiments of the Wisconsin Regiments in the Army of the Potomac,” The Daily Gazette, April 6, 1863.
70. The units using “vigorous prosecution” were the Fourteenth Indiana; Twenty-Fourth Michigan; Fourth, Eighth, and Sixty-First Ohio; Sixtieth New York, 125th, 132nd, 133rd, 136th, and 149th Pennsylvania; Sixth Vermont; Seventh West Virginia, and the Iron Brigade (see Appendix A). The Twenty-Fourth Michigan, part of the Iron Brigade, had passed its own resolutions on March 11; another published appeal from the regiment is found in “Letter from Col. Morrow—Appeal—The Copperheads,” Ann Arbor Journal, April 22, 1863.
71. The units mentioning conscription were Company D, Fourth Michigan; Twenty-Fourth Michigan; Fourth, Eighth, Sixty-Sixth, and Seventy-Third Ohio; 100th, 131st, 132nd, and 149th Pennsylvania and First Pennsylvania Reserve Cavalry; and Second, Sixth, and Seventh Wisconsin (see Appendix A).
72. “From a War Democrat,” Peninsula Courier, April 23, 1863. Richardson’s letter was technically not a set of formal resolutions like the others, but his column claimed to be speaking for comrades in Company D who desired to make their position known.
73. “The Reaction against the Copperheads,” Vermont Watchman and State Journal, March 6, 1863; “Voice of the 66th Regiment,” Urbana Union, March 25, 1863. Other regiments offering subtle references to conscription were the Sixty-Sixth Ohio; Battery H, First Ohio Light Artillery; 109th, 133rd, and 140th Pennsylvania; Sixth Vermont, and the Thirteenth and Sixteenth Vermont, both assigned to the Army of the Potomac in June (see Appendix A). The opinion piece from the Thirteenth Vermont, authored by Lt. Edwin F. Palmer, claimed to speak for the regiment.
74. “Resolutions on the State of the Country, Passed by the 131st Reg’t, Pa. Vols.,” Union County Star and Lewisburg Chronicle, April 10, 1863.
75. “From the First Delaware. Letter No. 64,” Delaware State Journal and Statesman, March 13, 1863.
76. “Voice of the Army,” The Weekly Times, April 4, 1863.
77. “Hot Shot for Tories, Soldiers Bruising the Copperhead,” Village Record, May 1, 1863.
78. Religious terminology can be found in resolutions adopted by the officers of the Eleventh Corps; Fourteenth and Twentieth Connecticut; First Delaware; Eighty-Second Illinois; Second and Seventh Michigan; Company D, Fourth Michigan; Twelfth New Hampshire; First, Sixth, Eleventh, Twenty-Fourth, and Twenty-Sixth New Jersey; Fortieth, Forty-Fourth, Sixtieth, Eighty-Second, and 107th New York; Fourth, Seventh, Eighth, Twenty-Ninth, and Sixty-Sixth Ohio and Battery H, First Ohio Light Artillery; Fifty-Seventh, Eighty-Fourth, 100th, 109th, 110th, 111th, 125th, 132nd, 136th, 140th, 142nd, 149th, 150th Pennsylvania, Third and Eighth Pennsylvania Reserves, and First Pennsylvania Reserve Cavalry; Sixth Vermont; and Seventh West Virginia (see Appendix A).
79. “The Reaction against the Copperheads,” Vermont Watchman and State Journal, March 6, 1863.
80. Resolutions discussing the role of Providence in administration policy came from the Eleventh, Twenty-Fourth, and Twenty-Sixth New Jersey; 149th Pennsylvania; and Seventh West Virginia (see Appendix A).
81. “The Loyal Voice of the Fighting Ohio Seventh, and the Brave Men who stand Shoulder to Shoulder with Them,” Western Reserve Chronicle, March 25, 1863.
82. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 64–67. The army’s appeal to civil religion dovetailed with how effectively Protestant clergy managed to sideline Democratic church leaders as disloyal. See Andreasan, “Civil War Church Trials,” 214–42; and Brodrecht, “‘Our Country.’”
83. “Read What the Soldiers of New York Say!,” New York Sunday Mercury, April 19, 1863.
84. “The Mozart Regiment Repudiates Fernando Wood,” Weekly Wabash Express, April 22, 1863. On Wood’s role in the antiwar wing, see Weber, Copperheads, 16, 39; Klement, Copperheads in the Middle West, 229–30; and Mushkat, Fernando Wood, 116–52.
85. “Letter from Battery H, 1st Regiment Light Artillery,” Toledo Daily Commercial, April 15, 1863, courtesy of Edward C. Browne Jr. of Pomfret, Conn. See also Browne, Battery H, First Ohio Light Artillery.
86. “The Patriotism of the Soldiers,” PP, April 18, 1863.
87. James C. Rice to Abraham Lincoln, February 8, 1864, in Lincoln Papers, LOC.
88. “The Voice of the Brave Soldiers. An Application from the Ellsworth (44) Regiment—No Fires in the Rear,” Berkshire County Eagle, March 19, 1863.
89. Resolutions supporting Hooker came from the Twentieth Connecticut; First Delaware; Sixth and Twenty-Fourth New Jersey; Seventy-Third Ohio; Fifty-Third, Fifty-Seventh, 123rd, 125th, 131st, and 136th Pennsylvania; and Second, Sixth and Seventh Wisconsin (see Appendix A).
90. “The Connecticut Copperheads Rebuked: Address of the Twentieth Connecticut Regiment, Army of the Potomac,” NYT, March 8, 1863.
91. “Letters from the 24th Regiment,” West Jersey Press, April 15, 1863.
92. “Military Promotions—Upon What They Depend,” Daily Patriot and Union, May 30, 1863. This debate presaged the question of why white soldiers left their regiments to lead United States Colored Troops, a topic addressed in chapter 5.
93. “We give below a fair sample … ,” Spirit of Democracy, April 8, 1863.
94. “Manufacturing Political Capital in the Army,” Daily Patriot and Union, April 9, 1863; “The Loyalty of the soldier responding to that of the Citizen,” Raftsman’s Journal, April 15, 1863. Bowman’s resolutions claimed to speak for the Eighty-Fourth and 110th Pennsylvania and Twelfth New Hampshire.
95. “About Soldiers,” Daily Patriot and Union, April 28, 1863.
96. “The Voice of the Army. Resolutions Representing the Real Sentiment of Company E, 149th Reg’t P.V.,” Clearfield Republican, April 8, 1863.
97. “The Voice of the Army. Resolutions Representing the Real Sentiment of Company E, 149th Reg’t P.V.,” Clearfield Republican, April 8, 1863.
98. “For the Republican,” Clearfield Republican, April 1, 1863.
99. Oswald Ottendorfer to Horatio Seymour, March 11, 1863, in AGPC-NYSA. On the life and influence of Ottendorfer, see Skal, History of German Immigration, 31.
100. “Radical Plot,” Indiana State Sentinel, April 6, 1863.
101. Alexander Acheson to Jane Wishart Acheson, April 4, 1863, in Walters, Inscription at Gettysburg, 76–77; “From the 140th Regiment Pa. Volunteer’s [sic],” Reporter and Tribune, April 29, 1863.
102. “The Resolutions of the Fourteenth Regiment,” Daily Sentinel, March 5, 1863.
103. “Putting the Thing Right,” Daily Evansville Journal, March 27, 1863.
104. Warshauer, “Copperheads in Connecticut,” 60–80; Cowden, “Politics of Dissent,” 544–48.
105. Zon, Good Fight that Didn’t End, 133.
106. Bee, Boys from Rockville, 94–95.
107. “The Right Sentiment,” Hartford Daily Courant, March 7, 1863.
108. “The Officers and Soldiers of the Connecticut 5th Regiment of Volunteers to their Fellow Citizens of Connecticut,” New Haven Daily Palladium, March 16, 1863; “Address of the 27th Regiment,” New Haven Daily Palladium, March 31, 1863.
109. “What the Soldiers Think of the Copperheads,” Connecticut Courant, March 14, 1863.
110. “Headquarters, 27th Conn. Vol. Camp near Falmouth, March 17,” New London Daily Chronicle, March 23, 1863.
111. “The Sentinel of this week quotes ‘from a contemporary …, ’” Free Press, May 1, 1863.
112. “The Feeling of the Army toward Peace Politicians,” New London Daily Chronicle, March 12, 1863.
113. “2nd New Hampshire Regiment,” The Republican, March 10, 1863; Ropes to Ropes, March 18, 1863, “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL. Lieutenant Ropes continued: “Their colonel [Gilman Marston] is a leading Republican politician. They were nominally sent home to recruit, but as they were about twice as big as the average Regiments of our corps, this ruse did not take.”
114. “A Cheering Word from Antrim,” Manchester Daily Mirror, March 11, 1863.
115. Shaffer, Men of Granite, 134–35.
116. “The Second Regiment Resolutions,” Weekly Wisconsin Patriot, April 18, 1863.
117. “From the Seventh Regiment,” Wisconsin Daily Patriot, April 4, 1863.
118. Klement, “Soldier Vote in Wisconsin,” 45; “The Voice of the Army,” Racine Weekly Advocate, April 22, 1863. The only Wisconsin regiment that offered its voice in favor of Cothren was the Twenty-Sixth Wisconsin, part of the Eleventh Corps, which seemed to be split between Republican commanders and solid Democratic ranks.
1. “Don’t You Wish the Soldiers Could Vote, O Ye Copperheads? Is This Thunder?,” Wellsboro Agitator, September 30, 1863.
2. “Don’t You Wish the Soldiers Could Vote, O Ye Copperheads? Is This Thunder?,” Wellsboro Agitator, September 30, 1863.
3. Hessler, Sickles at Gettysburg, 254, 258, 263.
4. Carpenter, Sword and Olive Branch, 8, 41–42; Trefousse, Carl Schurz, 59–60, 80–81; Pula, For Liberty and Justice, 63; Pula, Memoirs of Wladimir Krzyzanowski, 33; and Warner, Generals in Blue, 5–6, 423–24, 530–31.
5. Orr, “All Manner of Schemes and Rascalities,” 90–94.
6. On the Chancellorsville Campaign itself, see Furgurson, Chancellorsville 1863; and Sears, Chancellorsville.
7. See Keller, Chancellorsville and the Germans, 46–75.
8. On Hooker and the political ramifications of Chancellorsville, see Williams, Lincoln and His Generals, 240–47; Sears, Controversies and Commanders, 169–94; Neely, “Wilderness and the Cult of Manliness: Hooker, Lincoln, and Defeat”; and the much-dated Hebert, Fighting Joe Hooker, 222–46. For Hooker’s career after leaving the Army of the Potomac, see Rafuse, “Always ‘Fighting Joe.’”
9. The literature on the Gettysburg Campaign eclipses every other topic in the military history of the Civil War. Among the classics are Coddington, Gettysburg Campaign; Sears, Gettysburg; Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion; Pfanz, Gettysburg: The First Day; Pfanz, Gettysburg: The Second Day; Pfanz, Gettysburg: Culp’s Hill and Cemetery Hill.
10. Wittenberg, Devil’s to Pay, 33.
11. Henry L. Abbott to John C. Ropes, August 1, 1863, in “Reports, Letters, and Papers Appertaining to 20th Mass. Vol. Inf.,” 1:95, BPL.
12. Samito, Fear Was Not in Him, 166.
13. Applegate, Reminiscences and Letters of George Arrowsmith, 17–18.
14. Waters, Inscription at Gettysburg, 76, 97–110.
15. Blake, Three Years in the Army of the Potomac, 228–29.
16. Undated account of First Day at Gettysburg, James S. Wadsworth Papers, LOC, possibly written by Eminal P. Halstead. The account insisted after the fact that “Gen’l Meade’s animosity to Gen’l Doubleday [was] founded [on] a past political difference,” meaning perhaps that Meade believed Doubleday degraded the antipartisan professionalism officers were expected to uphold. The author also fumed that it was only when Howard wrote a letter to President Lincoln affirming that Meade “was the best general we had and the choice of the whole army” that he was permitted to keep his Eleventh Corps command.
17. On Meade’s generalship at Gettysburg, see Williams, Lincoln and His Generals, 262–71; Coddington, Gettysburg Campaign, which is generally laudatory; Sears, Gettysburg; Boritt, “Unfinished Work”; and Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion, which assails Meade for treating Republicans in the army unfairly and failing to show proper resolve in the face of the enemy. See also Hyde, Union Generals Speak; and Sauers, Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy.
18. David B. Birney to Gross, October 28, 1863, Birney Papers, USAMHI. Birney far preferred Sickles. “Sickles will I think command this army, and in time will be President,” he predicted.
19. On the draft riots, see Bernstein, New York City Draft Riots, which contextualizes the event well; and Schecter, Devil’s Own Work. See also Gutknecht, “Urban Legend,” 84–93.
20. Becker and Thomas, Hearth and Knapsack, 150.
21. “Mr. L.A. Hendrick’s Dispatch,” New York Herald, July 22, 1863. On the only troops from the Army of the Potomac to reach New York during the draft riots proper, see Coffin, Nine Months to Gettysburg, 257–58.
22. “The Voice of the Army,” Weekly Times, April 4, 1863; “The Indiana Soldiers in the Army of the Potomac,” NYT, March 1, 1863.
23. “The 107th Regiment,” Corning Journal, June 18, 1863.
24. Galwey, Valiant Hours, 137.
25. Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day, 141–42, 146–47, 149–50.
26. Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, 337. See also Hanna, “Boston Draft Riot,” 262–73.
27. By August, the division’s commander was Brig. Gen. George H. Gordon, a Boston lawyer and close confidant of antislavery senator Henry Wilson. See Wallace, Framingham’s Civil War Hero, 28.
28. Hennessy, “Evangelizing for Union,” 554n20; Dinkelaker, “He Could Not Consciously Endorse.”
29. Wert, Sword of Lincoln, 311–18. See also Henderson, Road to Bristoe Station; and Backus and Orrison, Want of Vigilance.
30. Chase and Stanton were the ones who proposed divorcing troops from the rest of the army, but how much Meade influenced their selection of these troops remains lost to history. See Rafuse, George Gordon Meade and the War in the East, 98; Cleaves, Meade of Gettysburg, 195–96, and the observations of Meade’s aide Theodore Lyman in Agassiz, Meade’s Headquarters 1863–1865, 25; and Lowe, Meade’s Army, 41–42.
31. Niven, Salmon P. Chase Papers, 1:454; Henry Halleck to George Meade, 9:45 a.m. Telegraph, Sept. 24, 1863, Edwin M. Stanton Papers, LOC; OR, series 1, vol. 29, part 1, 147; Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac, 130–31.
32. Pula, Memoirs of Wladimir Krzyzanowski, 33.
33. “Sigel in Favor of Wadsworth and Tremain,” New York Daily Tribune, October 24, 1862.
34. Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, May 16, 1862, in Bancroft, Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers of Carl Schurz, 1:206.
35. Meade wrote his wife on September 24 that, although the president had deprived the Army of the Potomac of two corps, “of this I do not complain” (see George G. Meade to Margaret Meade, September 24, 1863, George Gordon Meade Collection, HSP). The underlying problems with the Eleventh Corps were clear: it was heavily ethnic, and its leaders were Republican. Schurz was right when he declared earlier in the year, “We have always been outsiders in this Army … [and] I have no doubt this Army will see us leave without regret” (see Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, April 6, 1863, Abraham Lincoln Papers, LOC). On the transfer to Tennessee, see Pickenpaugh, Rescue by Rail.
36. On Slocum’s political views, see Melton, Sherman’s Forgotten General, 16–17, 24–25, 30, 64, 111, and for postwar activity, 210–16. Melton notes, “Slocum believed in equality for both races, but he was bound by the context of his times and a commitment to what he would probably have called realism” (17). On Geary’s political views, see Blair, Politician Goes to War, xvii–xviii, xxii, xxv. Blair notes that Geary’s moderate Democratic stances, forged in opposition to proslavery forces in Kansas and including “satisfaction” with McClellan’s 1864 defeat, developed into a strong postwar Republican affiliation.
37. The Twelfth Corps contributed resolutions from the Seventh, Twenty-Ninth, and Sixty-Sixth Ohio; Twentieth Connecticut; Sixtieth and 107th New York; Twenty-Eighth, 109th, 111th, 125th, and 147th Pennsylvania.
38. Pickenpaugh, Rescue by Rail, 103–4.
39. Geary, We Need Men, 80–81. Geary notes that the Union army ultimately paid the price for this ineffective manpower policy, both in the low numbers of recruits obtained and in flagging morale on the front lines.
40. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 600–602. Along with Geary, the key works on the Union draft and resistance to it are Murdock, Patriotism Limited 1862–1865; and Murdock, One Million Men.
41. Rappaport, “Replacement System during the Civil War,” 100–101.
42. Aldridge, No Freedom Shrieker, 51.
43. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, August 30, 1863, in Bechtel Collection, GNMP. On the cultural divide between enlistees and drafted men, see Foote, Gentlemen and the Roughs, 27–28, 70, 129–30, 132–33.
44. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 324, 340. For an excellent description of the effects of conscription on an individual regiment, see Miller, Harvard’s Civil War, 284–86.
45. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, August 23, 1863, in Bechtel Collection, GNMP. For a detailed study of the causes and consequences of conscript desertions, see Carmichael, War for the Common Soldier, 190–208.
46. “Seven Men Shot for Desertion,” Boston Post, September 3; Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 139.
47. Chesson, Journal of a Civil War Surgeon, 112–13.
48. Scott, Fallen Leaves, 207. On desertion and punishment in the army, see Lonn’s brief survey, Desertion during the Civil War; Lowry, Don’t Shoot That Boy!, 115–43; and Ramold, Baring the Iron Hand.
49. O’Shaughnessy, Alonzo’s War, 103–5.
50. Auchmuty, Letters of Richard Tylden Auchmuty, 120–21.
51. OR, series 1, vol. 29, part 2, 26–27, 30–32.
52. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 141.
53. “From the Army of the Potomac,” NYT, August 31, 1863.
54. Arthur McClellan to George B. McClellan, September 24, 1863, in McClellan Papers, LOC; Stoeckel and Stoeckel, Correspondence of John Sedgwick Major-General, 2:155.
55. McClellan Testimonial Circular in Birney Papers, USAMHI; “The McClellan Testimonial,” North Branch Democrat, October 14, 1863.
56. Arthur McClellan to George B. McClellan, September 26, 1863, in McClellan Papers, LOC.
57. Griffin, Three Years a Soldier, 129.
58. Edward Brownson to Sarah Brownson, October 9, 1863, in “Letter October 9th, 1863,” Aide to Hancock.
59. Delavan Bates to father, October 15, 1863, in “Letter from Bates, Delavan,” Soldier Studies.
60. Collier and Collier, Yours for the Union, 291–92.
61. Waters Whipple Braman to “Cousin Em,” October 2, 1863, in “War of the Rebellion 1861–1865.”
62. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment, 281–85. Eddy’s history castigating the army’s McClellan worship was published in the spring of 1864, prior to McClellan’s official candidacy for president (see chapter 5).
63. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment, 285.
64. Kriebel, Pennsylvania-German, 10:341–47.
65. “Resolutions on the McClellan Testimonial passed by the 119th Penna. Vols. 1863,” Charles P. Herring Papers, Civil War Museum of Philadelphia, currently held by the Heritage Center, Union League of Philadelphia.
66. “The McClellan Testimonial,” PP, September 30, 1863.
67. “A New Way to Raise the Wind,” Wellsboro Agitator, October 14, 1863.
68. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 284.
69. “McClellan Testimonial,” Cleveland Plain Dealer, September 24, 1863.
70. “The Washington correspondent of the New York Post …,” Eastern Argus, November 3, 1863.
71. “General Howard has prohibited the circulation …,” Cleveland Plain Dealer, September 30, 1863. Frustrated staff officers in the Hooker ring attempted to start collections for a gift to their idol, while some officers even discussed testimonials to Burnside or McDowell; see “An order from the War Department …,” Daily Constitutional Union, October 1, 1863.
72. David B. Birney to Gross, September 25, 1863, Birney Papers, USAMHI. Sykes, Birney commented to a friend, “is a disagreeable conceited selfish unpopular fellow—a mere concentration of all the follies of West Point”; see David B. Birney to Gross, October 28, 1863, Birney Papers, USAMHI. Arthur McClellan, the general’s brother, wrote from Sixth Corps headquarters that reports of Sykes ordering his troops to contribute were false since “there was no need for that, I know, in the 5th Corps”; see Arthur McClellan to George B. McClellan, September 26, 1863, in McClellan papers, LOC.
73. Marvel, Lincoln’s Autocrat, 299–301.
74. “The Washington Chronicle calls attention …,” Alexandria Gazette, September 25, 1863. The testimonial must have been the elephant in the room for Meade’s meeting with Lincoln and Stanton on September 22.
75. Braman to “Cousin Em,” October 2, 1863, in “War of the Rebellion 1861–1865: Letters Written while in Service by Water Whipple Braman.”
76. Collier and Collier, Yours for the Union, 291.
77. “The McClellan Testimonial,” Eastern Argus, October 3, 1863; “Oh the Copperheads!,” Eastern Argus, October 8, 1863.
78. “Coercing Soldiers,” Weekly Patriot and Union, October 22, 1863.
79. Stowe, “The Longest and Clearest Head of Any General Officer”; for a fuller analysis of Meade’s politics, see Stowe, “Philadelphia Gentleman.”
80. OR, series 1, vol. 29, part 2, 168–69.
81. John Kidder, quoted in Cilella, Upton’s Regulars, 217. Cilella offers an insightful view of changing political sentiments in the 121st New York; see Upton’s Regulars, 212–17.
82. Engle, Gathering to Save a Nation, 331–32.
83. “Voice from the Army,” Union and Journal, September 11, 1863; “A Voice from the Field of Conflict,” Portland Daily Press, October 1, 1863; “Patriotic Resolutions of the 20th Maine,” Portland Daily Press, September 12, 1863.
84. “Patriotic Resolutions of the 20th Maine,” Portland Daily Press, September 12, 1863.
85. F. B. Gilman to Oliver O. Howard, April 24, 1863, in Howard Papers, Bowdoin College Library Special Collections and Archives. Howard wrote to his wife shortly after receiving the offer of candidacy that, even though he declined, “still this gets around and makes for me political enemies” (see Oliver O. Howard to Elizabeth Howard, May 31, 1863, in Howard Papers).
86. “Grand Union Mass Meeting at City Hall,” Portland Daily Press, August 17, 1863. Howard also wrote an extended letter to the citizens of Farmington, Maine, explaining his position on loyalty to the government and what he believed would be the disastrous consequences of disunity among northerners; see “A Noble Letter from General Howard,” Portland Daily Press, August 31, 1863.
87. “Flag Presentation to the ‘Iron Brigade’—Eloquent Speech of Col. Robinson” Wood County Reporter, October 8, 1863; “From the Army of the Potomac,” Portland Daily Press, November 6, 1863; Klement, “The Soldier Vote in Wisconsin during the Civil War,” 46.
88. Klement, Limits of Dissent, 229–56; Shankman, “Soldier Votes,” 118–22.
89. On the peace faction in Pennsylvania, see Sandow, “Damnable Treason or Party Organs?,” 42–59, which downplays the sophistication of any “disloyal” organizations.
90. Orr, “A Viler Enemy in Our Rear,” 190–92; Dusinberre, Civil War Issues in Philadelphia 1856–1865, 104, 166–67, 171–72. See also White and Black, “Notes and Documents,” 195–225; and Neely, Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation, 219, 223–24, 226, 229–30. Woodward’s rise to leadership of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party began with an impassioned speech in 1860 asserting biblical support for slavery.
91. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, September 20, 1863, in Bechtel Collection, GNMP.
92. Fritsch, Untried Life, 212.
93. “From Battery I,” Portage County Democrat, September 9, 1863.
94. “Extract from a Private Letter from a Member of the 6th Ohio Cavalry,” Western Reserve Chronicle, September 2, 1863.
95. “Army Correspondence—Letter from the 7th Virginia,” Spirit of Democracy, September 16, 1863.
96. “Letter from the 4th O.V.I.,” Mt. Vernon Republican, April 23, 1863.
97. “Editor Banner,” Mt. Vernon Democratic Banner, May 16, 1863.
98. “Hear a Democratic Soldier Talk,” Delaware Gazette, October 23, 1863.
99. “Ohio Soldiers Voting in the Field,” Western Reserve Chronicle, October 28, 1863. Frank Klement insists this lodge was little more than the invention of Republican editorialists in Marion County trying to generate administration support. See Klement, “Ohio and the Knights of the Golden Circle,” 11–12. Weber argues that fears of KGC activity were genuine; see Copperheads, 25–26. See also Paludan, People’s Contest, 235–37.
100. The History of Marion County, Ohio, 327.
101. Mohr, Magnificent Irishman from Appalachia, 71–72.
102. “Ohio Soldiers Voting in the Field,” Western Reserve Chronicle, October 28, 1863.
103. Pickenpaugh, Rescue by Rail, 102–6.
104. “The Soldiers’ Vote for Governor,” Lancaster Gazette, October 22, 1863; “The 66th O.V.I.,” Lancaster Gazette, October 22, 1863; Thackeray, Light and Uncertain Hold, 163.
105. “A Patriotic Girl,” Cleveland Morning Leader, October 15, 1863.
106. “Listen to the Voices of the Brave Tioga Soldier Boys. Do You Hear It, Ye Coppers? Is This Thunder?,” Wellsboro Agitator, October 9, 1863.
107. “The Bucktail Brigade,” PP, September 29, 1863.
108. “A Voice from the Army,” Lancaster Inquirer, October 8, 1863.
109. “Meeting of the Sixty-First Pennsylvania Volunteers,” PP, October 3, 1863.
110. “An Urgent Appeal from the Soldiers. Pennsylvanians of All Regiments to the People of Pennsylvania,” PP, October 12, 1863. The units whose members signed were: First, Second, and Third Pennsylvania Light Artillery (batteries not mentioned); Fifth and Eighth Pennsylvania Cavalry; Third, Fourth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Pennsylvania Reserves; Eleventh, Twenty-Third, Twenty-Sixth, Twenty-Seventh, Twenty-Eighth, Twenty-Ninth, Forty-Sixth, Forty-Eighth, Fifty-First, Fifty-Second, Fifty-Third, Fifty-Fifth, Fifty-Sixth, Fifty-Seventh, Sixty-Fifth, Sixty-Eighth, Sixty-Ninth, Seventy-First, Seventy-Second, Seventy-Third, Seventy-Fifth, Seventy-Ninth, Eighty-First, Eighty-Second, Eighty-Third, Eighty-Sixth, Eighty-Seventh, Eighty-Eighth, Ninetieth, Ninety-First, Ninety-Third, Ninety-Fifth, Ninety-Eighth, Ninety-Ninth, 105th, 106th, 107th, 109th, 110th, 111th, 114th, 115th, 118th, 119th, 138th, 141st, 145th, 147th, 150th, and 152nd Pennsylvania Infantry.
111. “The Voice of the Army,” PP, September 23, 1863.
112. “Noble Resolutions from Brave Men,” Lancaster Inquirer, October 12, 1863.
113. “Don’t You Wish the Soldiers Could Vote, O Ye Copperheads? Is This Thunder?,” Wellsboro Agitator, October 9, 1863.
114. “Army Correspondence. The Voice of the Soldiers. ‘What the Privates of the Gallant Penna. Reserves think of Curtin,’” Evening Telegraph, September 25, 1863.
115. “Don’t You Wish the Soldiers Could Vote, O Ye Copperheads? Is This Thunder?,” Wellsboro Agitator, October 9, 1863.
116. “Pennsylvania Reserves,” Evening Telegraph, October 1, 1863.
117. “Politics in the Army,” Reading Gazette and Democrat, October 3, 1863.
118. “How It Was Done,” Republican Compiler, November 2, 1863.
119. “How Soldiers Vote,” Lebanon Advertiser, October 7, 1863.
120. “A Wilful Falsehood Contradicted,” Evening Telegraph, October 9, 1863.
121. Acken, Inside the Army of the Potomac, 347.
122. “The Ball Rolls On!,” Raftsman’s Journal, October 7, 1863.
123. “The Erie Gazette gives the vote …,” Evening Telegraph, September 23, 1863.
124. “Letter of General Meagher to the Union Committee of Ohio,” PP, October 9, 1863.
125. Samito, Commanding Boston’s Irish Ninth, 225–27.
126. “The Army of the Potomac. An Appeal from Democratic Soldiers to Their Fellow Citizens,” Daily Patriot and Union, October 5, 1863.
127. “Letter from Major Woodward. Another Abolitionist Lie ‘Nailed to the Counter,’” Erie Observer, October 3, 1863.
128. Sears, George B. McClellan, 357–58; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 684–85.
129. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, October 28, 1863, in Bechtel Collection, GNMP.
130. Chesson, Journal of a Civil War Surgeon, 124.
131. Arthur McClellan to George B. McClellan, November 21, 1863 (miscataloged as November 21, 1864), McClellan Papers, LOC.
132. Sears, George B. McClellan, 357–58.
1. Arner, Mutiny at Brandy Station, 55.
2. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 172–74. Unfortunately, neither Manning in What This Cruel War Was Over nor Gallagher in The Union War discusses the reenlistment issue at any significant length.
3. White, Emancipation, 89–90. White’s book includes an appendix with an impressive statistical examination of Union reenlistment (169). For a counterpoint to his analysis, see Appendix B.
4. Ross, Lincoln’s Veteran Volunteers Win the War, 29–34.
5. “Letters from Our Soldiers,” The Alleghenian, November 5, 1863.
6. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin, 232–35.
7. Corydon Warner to Sister, July 28 and September 27, 1863, in “Letters and Diary of Corydon O. Warner.”
8. Corydon Warner diary entry for December 31, 1863, in “Letters and Diary of Corydon O. Warner.”
9. “From Our Soldiers. Letter from Co. A, 11th Penna. Reserves—Re-enlistments—In Winter Quarters—Health of Company—A Soldier’s Opinion of M’Clellan—President Lincoln,” The Alleghenian, January 21, 1864.
10. “Honor to the Brave,” The Alleghenian, February 4, 1864.
11. “Arrival of the 91st Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers,” PP, January 9, 1864.
12. Glatthaar, March to the Sea and Beyond, 187.
13. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 172. McPherson states that of his sample, “more than half” of those whose terms expired in 1864 reenlisted.
14. White, Emancipation, 167–69. White takes McPherson to task for failing to take into account over 400,000 soldiers whose three-year terms expired in 1865, many of whom did not reenlist when given the opportunity in late 1864.
15. OR, series 1, vol. 29, part 2, 558–61; OR, series 1, vol. 33, 776. My percentage falls in line with Robertson, “Re-Enlistment Patterns of Civil War Soldiers,” which analyzes social statistics of reenlistments from western Pennsylvania companies and finds that “rural soldiers re-enlisted at a 35 percent rate and urban soldiers at only a 22 percent rate” (28).
16. These numbers come from an examination of Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion.
17. The Iron Brigade’s casualties at Brawner’s Farm during the Second Bull Run Campaign on August 28, 1862, totaled 725 men, or slightly more than one-third of the unit; at South Mountain two weeks later, 318 men, or about 25 percent; again at Antietam on September 17, 340 of the 800 men still remaining (42.5 percent); and finally, at Gettysburg on July 1, 1863, after being refitted the previous winter, the brigade lost 1,192 of approximately 1,883 engaged. See Herdegen, Iron Brigade, 186–87, 241, 278, 427–28. On the importance of primary group cohesion and the effects of casualties on this dynamic, see Lynn, Bayonets of the Republic, 33–34; Bartov, Hitler’s Army, 5, 33–58; and McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 85–88. Bartov in particular has postulated that ideology helped overcome the staggering casualties suffered by the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. McPherson draws from this interpretation to discuss the importance of ideology to small group cohesion for Civil War soldiers. As it relates to the specific question of reenlistment, however, such a comparison is problematic because of the vastly different structure and circumstances of the Wehrmacht.
18. Herdegen, Iron Brigade, 543.
19. “Letter from the Army,” Presbyterian Banner, January 20, 1864.
20. Norton, Army Letters, 140, 184.
21. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 172
22. Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, 43, notes that some officers sought simply to “dump” bad men from their own white regiments.
23. Stevens, As If It Were Glory, 145–49; “Official … General Orders No. 143,” Evening Star, May 28, 1863 (Second Edition); on the popularity of the Washington Chronicle, see OR, series 1, vol. 29, part 2, 26–27.
24. Gaff, If This Is War, 59–60, 328.
25. Dunn, Iron Men, Iron Will, 4–5; Gaff, On Many a Bloody Field, 214–15, 329, 391. For further reference to Meredith’s personal politics, see C. S. Marshal et al. to Abraham Lincoln, September 26, 1864, in Lincoln Papers, LOC.
26. Stevens, As If It Were Glory, 150–51. For more detail on Newton’s politics, see Styple, ed., Generals in Bronze, 167; and Sears, Controversies and Commanders, 142. Of course, not all generals rolled their eyes at the USCT project. David B. Birney of the Third Corps was an early supporter. Birney’s father had been an important antislavery politician, his brother commanded black troops later in the war, and in June 1863, the general himself wrote Secretary of the Treasury Salmon Chase that he wished to duplicate “my father’s influence over the free colored race” by encouraging enlistments. See David B. Birney to Salmon P. Chase, June 9, 1863, in Chase Papers, HSP.
27. The author is indebted to the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography for permission to reprint analysis from Fry, “Philadelphia’s Free Military School and the Radicalization of Wartime Officer Education.” For other treatments of the Free Military School and its politics, see Binder, “Philadelphia’s Free Military School”; and Wilson, “Thomas Webster and the ‘Free Military School for Applicants for Commands of Colored Troops”; for a brief contextualization of the school within the wider USCT project, see Cornish, Sable Arm, 217–21; Jones, “The Union League Club and New York’s First Black Regiments in the Civil War”; and Tremel, “The Union League, Black Leaders, and the Recruitment of Philadelphia’s African American Civil War Regiments.”
28. Under Wagner’s leadership, Camp Penn gained a reputation as the radical twin to the FMS project. While commanding the camp, Wagner rattled the political scene in Philadelphia by hosting Frederick Douglass and insisting USCT recruits disregard notices excluding them from railroad cars. Later, when a black sentry at the camp fired on a white assailant from nearby Norristown and citizens insisted on a civil trial, Wagner refused to relinquish the marked soldier. As new regiments completed their training, the lieutenant colonel led them in parades down Broad Street past the Union League, even when, in one instance, a white civilian tried to “snatch the color away” from a black sergeant. See Wert, “Camp William Penn and the Black Soldier,” 343–44; Scott, “Camp William Penn’s Black Soldiers in Blue,” 48–49; and Öfele, German-Speaking Officers, 44.
29. “New Advertisements,” Evening Telegraph, January 6, 1864; “Officers of Colored Troops,” Cleveland Morning Leader, April 19, 1864.
30. Gould, Investigations in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers, 570–71; Registration Volume, Abraham Barker Collection, HSP; Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, 12–13.
31. Mass, Marching to the Drumbeat of Abolitionism, 103–7.
32. Andreas, History of Chicago, 2:261. Several months later in May, Provost Marshal General Patrick was still receiving complaints from inhabitants of King George County that the Eighth Illinois Cavalry had been especially cruel in plundering Southern property; see Sparks, Inside Lincoln’s Army, 252–53.
33. Peter Triem, diary entry for May 17, 1863, in Peter Triem Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
34. Hard, History of the Eighth Cavalry Regiment, 241.
35. Wittenberg, Devil’s to Pay, 33.
36. Fatout, Letters of a Civil War Surgeon, 53.
37. Norton, Army Letters, 284–85.
38. Henry Ropes to John C. Ropes, March 15, 1863, in “Civil War Letters of Henry Ropes,” BPL.
39. Norton, Army Letters, 284, 290, 294.
40. Tilney, My Life in the Army, 65–66.
41. Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 172–87.
42. Sauers, Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy, 50–51.
43. James Cornell Biddle to Gertrude Biddle, March 9, 1864, in James Cornell Biddle Papers, HSP.
44. On the question of whether Reynolds received the Pipe Creek Circular prior to his death, see Coddington, Gettysburg Campaign, 283–84; Pfanz, Gettysburg: The First Day, 49; and Sears, Gettysburg, 159, 187.
45. Sauers, Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy, 52–53.
46. Hyde, Union Generals Speak, 57–78. Referring to the actions of July 1, Doubleday insisted his dead corps commander Reynolds bore sole credit for committing the army to a fight at Gettysburg. If the cautious Meade had enjoyed his will, Doubleday spat, “the enemy would simply have let us severely alone, and either have taken Harrisburg or gone on ad infinitum plundering the State of Pennsylvania.” Hyde’s edited work, which includes the testimonies, also offers valuable commentary.
47. Hyde, Union Generals Speak, 81–95.
48. Hyde, Union Generals Speak, 146–62. Meade had shelved Birney twice as Third Corps commander following Sickles’s wounding—first with Hancock on the field at Gettysburg and then with French during the pursuit of Lee. The most damning criticisms of Meade came from Butterfield, the ousted chief of staff who had been busy cultivating a relationship with radicals for over a year and a half. Butterfield’s politics made him a natural ally of the radicals, but his spite for Meade went back at least to the period after Fredericksburg when Meade assumed command of Butterfield’s Fifth Corps and knocked him back down to division command (see Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac, 76). When he arrived in Washington at the request of Senator Wade, Butterfield came equipped with precisely the expertise the committee wanted, having been close to Meade on the battlefield and presumably knowing all the inner machinations of command. He offered firsthand knowledge of the Pipe Creek circular and contended he had remonstrated with Meade not to issue the directive. “I stated to him,” Butterfield testified, “that I thought the effect of an order to fall back would be very bad upon the morale of the army.” Butterfield asserted Meade desired to retreat from Gettysburg around mid-day on July 2, when Sickles instead precipitated an engagement on the left flank. After the fighting had died down that evening, Meade had called his council of war and asked his subordinates for their opinions on remaining in their present positions. After all had voted to “stay and fight it out,” Meade, in Butterfield’s controversial recollection, “arose from the table, and remarked that in his opinion, Gettysburg was no place to fight a battle.” See Hyde, Union Generals Speak, 238–75. For decidedly positive accounts of Meade’s testimony and criticism of the radicals, see Williams, Lincoln and the Radicals, 338–41; Hassler, Commanders of the Army of the Potomac, 192–93; and Rafuse, George Gordon Meade and the War in the East, 111–13.
49. On Tremain’s politics, see Morris, Men of the Century, 220.
50. Meade, Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, 2:323–31; Hessler, Sickles at Gettysburg, 281–99; Sauers, Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy, 57–58, 61–62.
51. Meade, Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, 2:332–35.
52. On Meade’s reaction to Historicus, see Cleaves, Meade of Gettysburg, 229–30. For an insightful discussion of how “the press was flooded with accounts of the investigation,” especially among New York papers, see Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 184–85. Tap insists certain publicized elements of the proceedings were the result of a convenient leak within the JCCW. See also Williams, Lincoln and the Radicals, 339–40, who calls the committee’s denial of leaks “Judas words.”
53. Sears, Mr. Dunn Browne’s Experiences in the Army, 230–31.
54. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 325.
55. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 335.
56. On Grant’s politics, see Simon, Union Forever, 214–15; Simpson, Ulysses S. Grant: Triumph over Adversity, 70–71; and Goss, War within the Union High Command, 172–73. Simon notes that Grant had voted Democrat “like most professional soldiers of the prewar years” and mistrusted Republican radicals like Frémont. Grant, whose wife’s family once owned slaves, insisted on moderation in personal views but refused to let his judgments interfere with orders. One neighbor remarked that before the war Grant had been “opposed to slavery on principle … [but] deplored the agitation of its abolition.” During the war itself, his attention to civilian oversight made him appealing to Republicans on the basis of acquiescence to emancipation, and both parties courted the general as a possible candidate in 1864. But, as Simon notes, the question of “when Grant became a Republican has no easy answer” (214).
57. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 329.
58. Scott, Fallen Leaves, 241.
59. Simpson, Ulysses S. Grant: Triumph over Adversity, 262–63.
60. Cleaves, Meade of Gettysburg, 228.
61. Scholarly work on the Meade-Grant relationship generally agrees that it was more positive than Meade’s detractors claimed. Taaffe, Commanding the Army of the Potomac, 143–48, highlights the mutual respect between Grant and Meade but notes the awkwardness that crept into command situations; Cleaves, Meade of Gettysburg, 231, offers that Grant could have saved Meade headaches with Republican subordinates and the administration by more explicit support; Hassler, Commanders of the Army of the Potomac, 204–5, lauds Meade for the patriotism evident in offering to step down; Rafuse, George Gordon Meade, 115, discusses Stanton’s warning to Grant that Meade was a “very weak irresolute man” and emphasizes Grant’s subsequent esteem for the Army of the Potomac commander.
62. Marvel, Lincoln’s Autocrat, 323–24; Cleaves, Meade of Gettysburg, 220.
63. Lowe, Meade’s Army, 116; Gibbon, Personal Recollections of the Civil War, 195–96.
64. John Hennessy notes that this “silencing” of Democrats in the army was “one of the most important trends of the war.” See Hennessy, “I Dread the Spring,” 79.
65. A. B. Conger to Horatio Seymour, March 25, 1864, in AGPC-NYSA.
66. “A Soldier’s Tribute to the First Corps,” Racine Weekly Advocate, April 27, 1864.
67. Racine, Unspoiled Heart, 114.
68. Arner, Munity at Brandy Station, 41; Wert, Sword of Lincoln, 329.
69. Lowe, Meade’s Army, 119.
70. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 329, 333, 336.
71. Silliker, Rebel Yell and Yankee Hurrah, 140.
72. “The Loyalty of the Soldier responding to that of the Citizen,” Raftsman’s Journal, April 15, 1863; on Bowman’s USCT activities, see “Personal,” DEB, February 15, 1864.
73. Robertson, Civil War Letters of General Robert McAllister, 279; Arner, Mutiny at Brandy Station, 179. Arner notes that Meade and Humphreys probably considered Carr the most politically “malleable” of the Third Corps officers.
74. Blake, Three Years in the Army of the Potomac, 272–73; Arner, Mutiny at Brandy Station, 55–56. Blake was far from alone in attributing the corps’ dissolution to politics. Critics from both sides of the debate argued the Third Corps was a political liability for one reason or another, and each thought the other party responsible for the decision to dismantle it. Republicans, fueled by Birney’s testimony in the Meade hearings, speculated that the corps had been unfairly stigmatized by Meade and the conservative clique for failing to subscribe to the McClellan testimonial the previous September; see “Gen. Meade and the Battle of Gettysburg,” Democratic Banner, March 16, 1864. Historian Bruce Tap is skeptical of a McClellan testimonial connection (see Tap, Over Lincoln’s Shoulder, 184). Some Democrats at the time pointed to the fact that radicals considered French, who had commanded the corps for many months, a Democratic toady and throwback to McClellanite caution. French himself certainly suspected it. When nonpartisan historians sought to tell the story of the rebellion, he insisted, “the men who engaged in the war with a single view to the restoration of the Union will be distinguished from those whose double purpose brought about such acts as the merging of the Third Corps.” (See William H. French Letter to Charles H. King, February 6, 1868, CWDC-USAMHI.) The evidence appears to support French’s suspicions. Henry Blake himself recalled an interview with Senator Wilson in which the committee chair lamented French’s powerful friends who prevented an outright dismissal or transfer of the Third Corps chief, but, fortunately enough for the radicals, “the III Corps will be broken up and the Divisions assigned to other Corps before the next campaign” (quoted in Arner, Mutiny at Brandy Station, 42–43).
75. “Three Years in the Army of the Potomac, by Henry M. [sic] Blake, late Captain in the 11th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers. Boston, Lee & Shepard, 1865,” Eastern Argus, March 20, 1865.
76. “New Publications,” Flag of Our Union, April 8, 1865.
77. Castleman, Army of the Potomac, 114, 119, 144, 155, 182, 232.
78. Castleman, Army of the Potomac, 278.
79. “Behind the scenes in the Army of the Potomac,” Door County Advocate, September 3, 1863.
80. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment, 281.
81. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment, 284.
82. Eddy, History of the Sixtieth Regiment, 136–38.
83. Some early bibliographies ascribe Red-Tape to satirist Henry Morford. In Gallman, Defining Duty in the Civil War, Morford emerges as a man who “had little confidence in either the Lincoln administration or the Union military hierarchy, but he was unwavering in his support of the Union cause” (19, 82–86). The contempt for the army’s officer class in Red-Tape mirrors that of Morford’s Shoulder-Straps: A Novel of New York and the Army, so it is certainly plausible Morford polished the work or even wrote the narrative using notes provided by Frick and Armstrong. Army headquarters staff officer Theodore Lyman explicitly identified Armstrong and Frick as the instigators; see Agassiz, Meade’s Headquarters, 78. Also, according to Jacob Frick, it was an inside joke among volunteer officers of the division to call Humphreys “Old Pidgeon-Hole”; see Frick to Slifer, February 1, 1863, Jacob Frick and Eli Slifer Correspondence, Archives and Special Collections, Dickinson College.
84. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, iv.
85. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 61.
86. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 55.
87. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 99.
88. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 104.
89. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 120.
90. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 41.
91. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 195.
92. Red-Tape and Pigeon-hole Generals, 191.
93. On conspiratorial fears in Northern antebellum politics, see Richards, Slave Power, 5–7, 11–12.
94. “General Items,” PP, April 8, 1864.
95. “New Publications,” DEB, April 30, 1864.
96. “New Publications,” DEB, April 30, 1864.
97. “New Books,” Cleveland Morning Leader, March 30, 1864.
98. Agassiz, Meade’s Headquarters, 78. Lyman noted in his private papers that Humphreys “stands by McClellan” but viewed his former chief as “wanting in elan and over cautious.” The staff officer recounted a discussion between Meade and Humphreys at headquarters in which the two generals lamented McClellan’s lack of vigor on the Peninsula “but they were also agreed that the fatal thing was the most injudicious meddling of the President” (see Lowe, Meade’s Army, 99–100). The anger of Frick, Armstrong, and Tyler was understandable given their past relationship with Humphreys. Their efforts to tie him to the McClellan clique, however, might have rung truer in late 1862. By early 1864, the egotistical general had in fact lost all patience with his once-beloved superior. Humphreys had expressed his private anger to McClellan about the “great injustice” done to him in the commanding general’s report on Antietam (see Andrew A. Humphreys to George B. McClellan, April 13, 1863, in McClellan Papers, LOC). In February 1864 Humphreys even praised radical Salmon Chase as a man who would “make a dignified Chief Justice and would grace the chair” (see Andrew A. Humphreys to Rebecca Humphreys, February 1, 1864, in Humphreys Papers, HSP). The general still scorned the radical attacks on Meade, but he insisted this defensiveness was not the result of any lingering loyalty to McClellan. At the height of the army’s reorganization and the controversy with Armstrong and Frick, Humphreys complained to his wife about rumors concerning his politics: “It seems to be very generally circulated about that I am a blind partizan of Genl. McClellan. Of course my friends know I am not, and indeed so does anyone who knows anything about me” (see Andrew A. Humphreys to Rebecca Humphreys, March 27, 1864, in Humphreys Papers, HSP).
99. McCall, Seven Days’ Contest; “Gen. McCall vs. Gen. McClellan,” PP, October 26, 1864.
100. “The Pennsylvania Reserves,” Wellsboro Agitator, March 23, 1864.
1. “Army Correspondence, A Soldier’s View of the Presidential Question,” National Aegis, November 5, 1864.
2. Among the authoritative works on the Wilderness are Rhea, Battle of the Wilderness; and Scott, Into the Wilderness. For an overview of the Overland Campaign and the war in Virginia more broadly in 1864, see Grimsley, And Keep Moving On; and Trudeau, Bloody Roads South.
3. On Spotsylvania, see Matter, If It Takes All Summer; and Rhea, Battles for Spotsylvania Court House.
4. On desensitization and the psychological response of soldiers in the army to this slaughter, see Sodergren, Army of the Potomac, 38–62. On the North Anna in particular, see Rhea, To the North Anna River. On Cold Harbor, see Furgurson, Not War but Murder; and Rhea, Cold Harbor.
5. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 741.
6. Operational studies of this portion of the Petersburg Campaign include Sommers, Richmond Redeemed; and Greene, Campaign of Giants.
7. Swinton, Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac, 495.
8. Plumb, Your Brother in Arms, 222.
9. Jacob L. Bechtel to Candis Hannawalt, August 7, 1864, in Bechtel Collection, GNMP. For a thorough examination of how the army recovered once it established trench lines, see Sodergren, Army of the Potomac, 63–112.
10. “Obituary; Brig-Gen. James C. Rice,” NYT, May 14, 1864.
11. Reardon, With a Sword in One Hand, 98–102, 119–20.
12. Gibbon, Personal Recollections of the Civil War, 213.
13. Miller, Harvard’s Civil War, 347.
14. Rawley, Politics of Union, 156–57; Paludan, Presidency of Abraham Lincoln, 270–74.
15. Helmreich, To Petersburg with the Army of the Potomac, 203.
16. Silliker, Rebel Yell and Yankee Hurrah, 196.
17. Silbey, Respectable Minority, 96–98, 100–109, 115–39.
18. Rawley, Politics of Union, 159–60; Weber, Copperheads, 166–82.
19. Sears, George B. McClellan, 374–77.
20. “Grant! Battle at Ream’s Station,” Philadelphia Inquirer, August 29, 1864.
21. “The Way the Second Corps Fight,” Boston Evening Transcript, August 31, 1864.
22. Lane, Soldier’s Diary, 197–98.
23. Greiner et al., Surgeon’s Civil War, 246.
24. On the soldier response to both nominations, see also Davis, Lincoln’s Men, 200–204.
25. Marter and Woodward, “Civil War of a Pennsylvania Trooper,” 56.
26. Oscar Cram to Ellen Cram, September 11, 1864, in Oscar Cram Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
27. “Weldon Railroad, Sept. 12th, 1864 (Appeared Monday, Sept. 26, 1864),” in Marcotte, ed., “George Breck Columns,” NYSMM.
28. Nevins, Diary of Battle, 461.
29. Uberto Burnham Diary Entry for August 29, 1864, in Uberto Burnham Papers, Manuscript Division, NYSL.
30. “Battery ‘L,’ Oct. 5, 1864 (Appeared Wednesday, Oct. 12, 1864),” in Marcotte, “George Breck Columns,” NYSMM.
31. Ritchie, Four Years in the First New York Light Artillery, 185.
32. “The Soldiers and the Chicago Platform,” DEB, September 13, 1864.
33. “The Voice of a Soldier,” Evening Telegraph, September 10, 1864.
34. “McClellan’s Body Guard,” Jeffersonian, October 20, 1864.
35. “A Soldier on McClellan,” DEB, September 20, 1864. The Eighty-Eighth Pennsylvania had come from Pope’s Army of Virginia two years earlier and served under the leadership of abolitionist Col. Louis Wagner.
36. “Letter from a Soldier,” PP, September 27, 1864.
37. “The Racine County Boys in the Iron Brigade,” Racine Weekly Advocate, October 5, 1864.
38. Chamberlin, History of the One Hundred and Fiftieth Regiment, 244; OR, vol. 42, part 3, 577.
39. “No Peace Except on ‘Old Abe’s Terms’—A Voice from the Army,” Vermont Watchman and State Journal, September 30, 1864.
40. “The Voice and Vote of the Soldiers,” PP, October 21, 1864.
41. “A Soldier Speaks, Once for McClellan—Now for McClellan,” Republican Compiler, November 5, 1864.
42. “Letter from Petersburg, Va.,” Raftsman’s Journal, November 23, 1864.
43. Henry E. Hammond to Horatio Seymour, October 21, 1864, in AGPC-NYSA.
44. Floyd, Dear Friends at Home, 58. For a similar sentiment, see Samuel F. George to Abraham Lincoln, September 7, 1864, in Lincoln Papers, LOC.
45. “How the New York Soldiers Vote,” Courier Freeman, November 2, 1864.
46. “Soldiers for McClellan,” Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 7, 1864.
47. Davis, Life of David Bell Birney, 276–77.
48. “A Tribute to Major-General Sickles—Addresses by Governor Curtin, General Sickles and Colonel Forney,” DEB, October 24, 1864. For Sickles’s related activities in autumn 1864, see Hessler, Sickles at Gettysburg, 302–3.
49. “Political Notes,” PP, October 26, 1864.
50. “The Grand Union Demonstration on Saturday Evening,” Providence Evening Press, October 31, 1864. Burnside was still smarting from his failed attempt at the Crater in late July, a disaster which caused Meade to gather a court of inquiry. Burnside’s comments in support of the administration, while in line with his previous stances, helped smooth any concern over his reputation and reliability. William Marvel’s biography does not discuss the general’s political activity on leave in Providence, but on the court of inquiry, see Burnside, 409–14. For other speeches from Hooker and Burnside, see “What Our Generals Say,” Rockland County Journal, October 8, 1864.
51. “General McCall,” DEB, October 3, 1864; “The Letter of General McCall,” PP, October 3, 1864.
52. “A Voice from the Army,” Boston Evening Transcript, September 10, 1864.
53. “Gen. Meagher on M’Clellan—The Sentiments of a Soldier,” Democrat and Sentinel, November 9, 1864.
54. “Gossip of the Political Campaign,” Irish American, October 15, 1864; “General McClellan Serenaded in New York—Immense Throng—Eight Thousand Torches in Line—Cheers for the Hero,” Centre Reporter, October 9, 1864.
55. Conyngham, Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns, 563.
56. “Gossip of the Political Campaign,” Irish American, October 15, 1864.
57. Bloss, Life and Speeches of George H. Pendleton, 38–39; Sears, George B. McClellan, 380–81.
58. “Formation of a McClellan Legion,” Boston Post, October 20, 1864; National McClellan Legion, Boston Division, in McClellan Papers, LOC.
59. Augustus P. Martin to George B. McClellan, November 26, 1864, in McClellan Papers, LOC.
60. “A Patriot Officer Declines Promotion,” Chilton Times, September 17, 1864.
61. “Enthusiastic Meeting of the Old McClellan Guard,” Daily Age, September 28, 1864.
62. “Army of the Potomac; Veterans Enlisting for a New Campaign against Traitors. Meeting of the Lincoln Veteran Soldiers Club. Seventh Ward. Grand Ratification Meeting. Hon. James R. Whiting, County Nominations. Democratic Assembly Nominations. Democratic Congressional Nominations,” NYT, October 14, 1864.
63. “News from Washington; Movement of Rebels into Kentucky. Movements of Gen. Warren. The Steamer The Winslow Five Lives Lost. The Soldier’s Vote. The Sanitary Commission. Veteran Soldiers for Lincoln and Johnson. Naval Accident,” NYT, October 9, 1864.
64. “City Intelligence, the Veteran Union Club,” Evening Post, September 19, 1864.
65. “Soldiers’ Union Campaign Club, ” Evening Telegraph, September 13, 1864; “Headquarters First Battalion Union Campaign Club,” PP, October 5, 1864.
66. “Meeting of Honorably Discharged Soldiers,” DEB, September 13, 1864; “Political, Military Union Club,” PP, October 22, 1864.
67. “The Torchlight Procession,” PP, October 10, 1864.
68. “Fearful Scenes in Philadelphia,” Erie Observer, November 10, 1864
69. “Claim for Widow’s Pension, with Minor Children,” Francis N. Fritz Widow’s Pension File (Widow’s Certificate No. 141234), Case Files of Approved Pension Applications of Widows and Other Dependents of the Army and Navy Who Served Mainly in the Civil War and the War with Spain, 1861–1934, Record Group 15, NARA; “Fatal Result, ” Evening Telegraph, November 10, 1864; “Another Victim,” DEB, November 10, 1864; “Died of His Injuries,” Public Ledger, November 11, 1864; “His Funeral,” DEB, November 14, 1864.
70. White, “Canvassing the Troops,” 291–317; Benton, Voting in the Field, 189–203.
71. OR, series 3, vol. 4, 751–52.
72. “Commissioners to Hold the Election in the Army,” Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, September 28, 1864.
73. Address to the Soldiers of New Hampshire, 4.
74. Chandler, Soldier’s Right to Vote.
75. To the Soldiers of the Union, 8. On the logistics of supplying such pamphlets from the Union Leagues, see Albert G. Richardson to Abraham Lincoln, October 24, 1864, in Lincoln Papers, LOC.
76. Political Dialogues, 2.
77. Chandler, Soldier’s Right to Vote, 3; see also Davis, Lincoln’s Men, 205–6.
78. “The Army Vote,” DEB, October 26, 1864.
79. “A soldier in the 16th infantry writes …,” Lansing State Republican, November 9, 1864.
80. Kim Crawford, 16th Michigan Infantry, 491.
81. “Recruits for McClellan,” Oswego Daily Palladium, October 10, 1864.
82. “The Vote of the Soldiers,” Daily Ohio Statesman, October 13, 1864.
83. “Another McClellan Regiment,” New York World, October 31, 1864.
84. “The Copperhead ticket has been circulated …,” Sandusky Register, October 20, 1864.
85. “The Army Vote,” DEB, October 26, 1864.
86. “Report of a Voting Agent,” Daily National Intelligencer, November 9, 1864.
87. “The Army Vote, Obstructions Interposed to Prevent Its Being Cast for McClellan,” Freeman’s Journal, November 11, 1864.
88. Uberto Burnham Diary Entry for October 21, 1864, in Uberto Burnham Papers, NYSL. See also Smith, History of the Seventy-Sixth Regiment New York, 311.
89. Jackman and Hadley, History of the Sixth New Hampshire Regiment, 342.
90. Benton, Voting in the Field, 202–3.
91. William M. Martindell to Father, October 12, 1864, in William M. Martindell Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
92. Benton, Voting in the Field, 201–2; Samuel Beddall diary entry for October 11, 1864, in Samuel Beddall Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
93. “Votes in the Army,” PP, October 29, 1864.
94. James W. Davis diary entry for October 11, 1864, in James W. Davis Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
95. “A Voice from the Army,” DEB, October 21, 1864. A similar assurance came from “S. C. R.” (presumably Sgt. Samuel C. Ransom) of the heavily Republican Company D, 150th Pennsylvania; see “From Co. D, 150th P. V.,” Union County Star and Lewisburg Chronicle, October 25, 1864.
96. “How the Soldiers Vote,” Constitution, October 26, 1864.
97. Joseph Smith Graham to Mary Ellen Lee, October 13, 1864, in Graham Family Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
98. “The Soldiers’ Vote,” DEB, October 21, 1864.
99. Thomas Stinson to “Peter,” October 15, 1864, quoted in Ernsberger, Paddy Owen’s Regulars, 2:912–13.
100. Benton, Voting in the Field, 203.
101. “The Soldiers’ Vote,” Evening Telegraph, October 14, 1864; “From the Ninth A.C.,” Union County Star and Lewisburg Chronicle, October 21 1864; “The Vote in the Late General Russell’s Brigade,” Evening Telegraph, October 21, 1864; “Vote in the Pennsylvania Regiments,” Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, October 21, 1864.
102. “The Pennsylvania Election,” PP, October 21, 1864.
103. Oakes, Freedom National, 466–67; “The Vote on the Constitution in Maryland,” Evening Star, October 17, 1864; “Maryland Constitutional Election,” DEB, October 24, 1864.
104. Davis Castle Diary Entry for November 1, 1864, in Davis Castle Diary, CL.
105. On the Battle of Boydton Plank Road, also known as First Hatcher’s Run, see Trudeau, Last Citadel, 218–54.
106. “More Evidence,” Raftsman’s Journal, November 2, 1864.
107. Orsell C. Brown to Sister, November 11, 1864, in Orsell Brown Papers, NYSL.
108. LaRocca, 124th New York State Volunteers, 298. A correspondent with the Fifty-Third Pennsylvania wrote to Republican readers that the Rebels were constantly cheering for McClellan at Petersburg: “Is there not a very important screw loose somewhere when traitors in arms against the Government hurrah for a major general of the army of that Government!,” See “The Vote in the 53d Regiment P.V.,” PP, October 18, 1864.
109. Charles Chapin diary entry for November 8, 1864, in Charles Chapin Papers, CWDC-USAMHI.
110. Curtis, History of the Twenty-Fourth Michigan, 280; and “From the 140th Regiment, The Election in the Army—Vote of the 140th by Companies—Arrest of Agents for Distributing Fraudulent Poll Books and Tickets,” Washington Reporter, November 23, 1864.
111. “From the 45th Pennsylvania Regiment,” Wellsboro Agitator, November 30, 1864.
112. “How Soldiers Are Used,” North Branch Democrat, November 23, 1864.
113. “An officer of a Massachusetts regiment …,” Freeman’s Journal, October 21, 1864.
114. Woodward, History of the One Hundred and Ninety-Eighth Pennsylvania Volunteers, 22.
115. Stevens, Berdan’s United States Sharpshooters, 366.
116. White, Emancipation, 172. Some accounts from younger soldiers still exhibited partisan enthusiasm. For example, Alonzo Searing of the Eleventh New Jersey, an 1862 recruit, wrote home that Copperheads in his hometown “need not make such a fuss about my voting for I shall not attempt it as I am not old enough.” See O’Shaughnessy, Alonzo’s War, 175.
117. “The Army and the Presidency,” Commonwealth, September 26, 1864.
118. “City and County,” National Aegis, October 29, 1864.
119. “Sentiments of Illinois ‘Disfranchised Soldiers,’” Boston Evening Transcript, November 12, 1864.
120. “Eighth Illinois Cavalry,” Chicago Tribune, September 27, 1864.
121. 1864 General Election Poll Book for Allegheny County Soldiers in Company F, 139th Pennsylvania, Return Books of Soldiers’ Votes, 1861–1865, 1918, PSA.
122. McClellan majorities without exact numbers were reported in the Tenth, Thirty-Ninth, Fortieth, Fifty-Second, Sixty-Sixth, Sixty-Ninth, Eightieth, 120th, 170th, 182nd New York Infantry; Second, Fourth, Seventh, and Fourteenth New York Heavy Artillery; and Fifteenth New York Engineers (“Glorious News from the Army! How the Soldiers are Voting! The Reason ‘My Way’ Seized the New York Votes!,” Daily Constitutional Union, November 4, 1864); the Sixty-Ninth New York “gave all but one vote” for McClellan (“Army Vote,” Barnstable Patriot, November 1, 1864). The Seventy-Seventh, Eighty-Sixth, 109th and 125th New York, and Ninth Heavy Artillery reported Lincoln majorities (see Appendix F).
123. Ural, “Remember Your Country and Keep up its Credit,” 343–44.
124. Keller, “Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen,” 128–29.
125. Robertson, Civil War Letters of General Robert McAllister, 509, 518.
126. Norman Wiard to Abraham Lincoln, ca. November 1864, in Lincoln Papers, LOC; Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, 1471; Rogers, History of the One Hundred and Eighty-Ninth Regiment, 7–70; “Presidential Election; Official Vote of New-York. The Vote of New-York. The Pennsylvania Elections. The Result in October,” NYT, November 22, 1864.
127. Aldridge, No Freedom Shrieker, 228.
128. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1902, 263–502.
129. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year 1901, 199–425.
130. “Votes of the New York Soldiers,” Milwaukee Daily Sentinel, November 4, 1864.
131. Marbaker, History of the Eleventh New Jersey Volunteers, 228–29; Robertson, Civil War Letters of General Robert McAllister, 503–6, 509n19, 533. McAllister wrote that an order from Second Corps headquarters stipulated only veteran soldiers from New Jersey should be allowed furloughs to vote.
132. Thomas and Sauers, I Never Again Want to Witness Such Sights, 229.
133. Aldridge, No Freedom Shrieker, 228.
134. “How the Soldiers Vote,” Ohio Daily Statesman, November 7, 1864.
135. “The Irish Soldiers for McClellan,” Irish American, October 22, 1864.
136. “Glorious News from the Army! How the Soldiers are Voting! The Reason “My Way” Seized the New York Votes!,” Daily Constitutional Union, November 4, 1864.
137. “Vote of the Fifth Regiment—Regimental Matters,” Wisconsin Daily Sentinel, November 18, 1864.
138. “From the 45th Pennsylvania Regiment,” Wellsboro Agitator, November 30, 1864.
139. Floyd, Dear Friends at Home, 63.
1. Lane, Soldier’s Diary, 262.
2. “At a Meeting Held by Some …,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 21, 1865.
3. Floyd, Dear Friends at Home, 83.
4. See Holberton, Homeward Bound.
5. Lane, Soldier’s Diary, 263–64.
6. See especially Hogue, Uncivil War; Grimsley, “Wars for the American South”; Egerton, Wars of Reconstruction; and Downs, After Appomattox.
7. Marten, Sing Not War, 1–3, 5–6, 33–74; Jordan, Marching Home, 34, 42, 50–54, 65–66. Jordan’s work in particular fits into a larger trend of recent veterans’ studies focusing on the difficulties of postwar reintegration for men returning from protracted conflict; see also Cabanes, La Victoire Endeuillée.
8. The preeminent work on Union veteranhood as a political experience remains Dearing, Veterans in Politics, which focuses frequently on pensions and other entitlements but still offers significant insights into wider issues important to the Republican camp. See also Logue, “Union Veterans and Their Government.”
9. Jordan, Marching Home, 80–83.
10. “Proceedings of the Meeting of the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ League on Saturday Night Last—The Preamble of the Constitution of the League,” Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, March 20, 1866; see also Constitution, By-Laws, and Rules of Order of the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ National Union League, Washington, D.C.
11. An Address to All Honorably Discharged Soldiers and Sailors, 1–2.
12. “The Soldiers and Sailors,” National Republican, April 3, 1866.
13. For the political activity of the New York League and its stance against Democratic officials, see “From New York,” DEB, October 5 1867; likewise, on the efforts of Philadelphia’s post to stand against President Johnson, see “Meeting of Soldiers and Sailors—Action of the President Condemned,” Waynesburg Republican, August 21, 1867. Similar radical-friendly words came from the Reunion Society of Vermont Officers; see “The Officers’ Reunion,” Free Press, November 2, 1866; and Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 70–71.
14. “Local News—Meeting of the Soldiers and Sailors,” Evening Star, August 24, 1866.
15. “United Service Society,” New York Evening Post, August 3, 1865; “Serenade to General Ortega,” New York Post, August 4, 1865; Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 68–69. See also “‘The Boys in Blue,’ Great Meeting of Soldiers and Sailors in New York, They Endorse the President and the Philadelphia Platform,” Daily Albany Argus, September 5, 1866.
16. Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 85–98.
17. “Political—The Boys in Blue, Nominations for City Officers—An Address to the City of Philadelphia,” DEB, August 2, 1866.
18. “A True Soldiers’ Convention,” Newark Daily Advertiser, June 11, 1866.
19. “The Boys in Blue—Grand Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Convention at Pittsburgh—Eloquent and Patriotic Addresses and Resolutions—Geary Enthusiastically Endorsed,” DEB, June 6, 1866. Lucius Fairchild, a former Army of the Potomac officer and eventual governor of Wisconsin, publicly insisted that Davis should be hanged; see Ross, Empty Sleeve, 79.
20. “The Boys in Blue—Grand Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Convention at Pittsburgh—Eloquent and Patriotic Addresses and Resolutions—Geary Enthusiastically Endorsed,” DEB, June 6, 1866.
21. “Pennsylvania—The Soldiers’ Convention at Harrisburg—Magnificent Gathering of the Boys in Blue—Enthusiastic Endorsement of Johnson and Clymer,” Republican Compiler, August 6, 1866; “Union Soldiers’ Convention, They Endorse Heister Clymer and Repudiate Geary—A Grand Assemblage of the Boys in Blue,” Erie Observer, August 9, 1866.
22. “The Soldiers Moving—But Not for Geary,” Lancaster Intelligencer, May 30, 1866.
23. “Local Intelligence. Anniversary of the Adoption of the Federal Constitution. The Largest City Meeting Ever Held,” Patriot, September 18, 1866.
24. Summers, Ordeal of Reunion, 84–85; Sawrey, Dubious Victory, 71–73, 75–76; Simpson, Let Us Have Peace, 146–48; Silbey, A Respectable Minority, 183.
25. “Johnsonism,” DEB, August 22, 1866.
26. Dearing, Veterans in Politics, 105, 110; Ross, Empty Sleeve, 92–93; Zeitlin, “In Peace and War,” 162–64.
27. “Michigan—An Address to the Soldiers and Sailors—Their Duty Set Forth,” New York Tribune, August 30, 1866; “Union Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Convention,” Albany Journal, September 10, 1866; “The Jacobin Carnival Last Night,” Cincinnati Daily Enquirer, September 9, 1866.
28. “Washington, September 4, 1866, The Soldiers and Sailors Truly Loyal,” Boston Journal, September 5, 1866.
29. “Fifteen thousand honorably discharged Union soldiers …,” Wellsboro Agitator, October 3, 1866.
30. Adam Badeau to Levi Edwin Dudley, September 18, 1866, quoted in Simon, Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, 16:547.
31. Summers, Dangerous Stir, 89.
32. “Camp Berry—A Glorious Day for the Veterans—The Camp Ground Crowded with People—A Full Account of the Exercises,” Portland Daily Press, August 25, 1881.
1. OR, vol. 29, part 2, 556–61.
2. OR, vol. 33, 776.
3. Busey and Martin, Regimental Strengths and Losses at Gettysburg, 345.
4. Crotty, Four Years Campaigning, 117–18.
5. Hennessy, Fighting with the Eighteenth Massachusetts, 230.