Introduction
1. Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1950, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). The first scholarly study of racial segregation in Canada was Robin Winks’ The Blacks in Canada: A History, 2nd edition (Montreal: McGill Queen’s Press, 1997). Winks’ book was first published in 1971. Backhouse’s research on Viola Desmond appeared in an earlier article: “Racial Segregation in Canadian Legal History: Viola Desmond’s Challenge, Nova Scotia, 1946,” Dalhousie Law Review, 17 (1994).
Chapter 1
1. Wanda Robson, Viola Desmond’s Sister sister recounts incredible Halifax Explosion survival story, cbc documentary.
2. Judith Fingard, Janet Guildford and David Sutherland, Halifax: The First 250 Years (Halifax: Formac Publishing Company Limited, 1999), pp. 5-7.
3. David Sutherland, ed., “We Harbor No Evil Design”: Rehabilitation Efforts After the Halifax Explosion (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 2017), p. 71.
4. David Sutherland, “We Harbor No Evil Design,” p. 71; Nathan Roth and Jill C. Grant, “The story of a commercial street: Growth, decline, and gentrification on Gottingen Street, Halifax,” Urban History Review, 43, 2 (Spring 2015), available online at <erudit.org/en/journals/uhr/2015-v43-n2-uhr01933/1031289ar/>.
5. Nathan Roth and Jill C. Grant, “The story of a commercial street.”
6. David Sutherland, p. 7.
7. Sutherland, pp. 5–7.
8. Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada: A History of Blacks and Racial Segregation in the Promised Land (Halifax & Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing, 2016) pp. 42–43.
9. Judith Fingard, “Race and Respectability in Victorian Halifax,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 20 (1992), pp. 177–180.
10. George Davis’ obituary, Halifax Herald (January 19, 1908).
11. Judith Fingard, “Race and Respectability in Victorian Halifax,” pp. 180–184.
12. Judith Fingard, p. 180.
13. Pearleen Oliver, A Brief History of the Colored Baptists of Nova Scotia 1782–1953 (Halifax: African United Baptists Association of Nova Scotia, 1953), p. 32.
14. Nancy E. Durbin and Lori Kent, “Post-Secondary Education of White Women in 1900,” in Julia Wrigley, ed., Education and Gender Equality (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 71–90.
15. Census for 1921, Halifax, Nova Scotia. The children in the family included: Helen, age 10; Henry, age 9; Emily, age 7; Viola, age 6; Gordon, age 4; Olive, age 2; and Alan, age 1.
16. Wanda Robson, personal communication with the author, April 12, 2018.
17. Judith Fingard, Janet Guildford and David Sutherland, Halifax, pp. 111–116.
18. Wanda Robson, personal communication with the author, April 12, 2018.
19. Wanda Robson, “My Early Memories of Race, My Sister Viola and My Journey of Self-Discovery,” in Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada, pp. 71–72.
20. Wanda Robson, “My Early Memories of Race, My Sister Viola and My Journey of Self-Discovery,” pp. 73–74.
21. Robson interview, North Sydney, June 2, 2017; Wanda Robson, “My Early Memories of Race, My Sister Viola and My Journey of Self-Discovery,” pp. 75–76.
22. Wanda Robson, Sister to Courage: Stories from the World of Viola Desmond, Canada’s Rosa Parks (Wreck Cove, NS: Breton Books, 2010), p. 36.
23. Despite the long-standing popular belief that Madam C.J. Walker was a millionaire, her estate at time of her death was estimated at $600,000, with a tax liability of $100,000. See: A’Lelia Bundles, On Her Own Ground: The Life and Times of Madam C.J. Walker (New York: Washington Square Press, 2001), p. 277.
24. Wanda Robson, “My Early Memories of Race, My Sister Viola and My Journey of Self-Discovery,” pp. 75–76.
25. Catherine Arseneau interview with John Desmond, November 8, 1991, Beaton Institute Archives, Cape Breton University; Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, p. 235.
26. Catherine Arseneau interview with John Desmond, p. 6.
27. Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, p. 235. See also: Wanda Robson, “My Early Memories of Race, My Sister Viola and My Journey of Self-Discovery,” pp. 69–86.
28. Tony Colaiacovo, The Times of African Nova Scotians (Halifax: Effective Publishing, nd), p. 3.
29. Catherine Arseneau, p. 5.
30. Catherine Arseneau, p. 7; Nathan Roth and Jill V. Grant, “The story of a commercial street.”
Chapter 2
1. For a full discussion of this earlier incident at the Roseland Theatre, see Constance Backhouse, “‘I Was Unable to Identify with Topsy’: Carrie M. Best’s Struggle Against Racial Segregation in Nova Scotia, 1942,” Atlantis, 22, 2 (Spring/Summer 1998), pp. 16–26.
2. Dean Jobb, “Ticket to Freedom,” The Beaver (April–May, 2009), pp. 24–29.
3. Prior to Viola Desmond’s free pardon in April 2010, Tony Colaiacovo printed and distributed 35,000 copies of his The Times of African Nova Scotians, and this undoubtedly helped raise public awareness regarding Viola Desmond and the Roseland Theatre incident. The Times of African Nova Scotians, in book form, has been adopted for use in all schools in Nova Scotia in the Grade 11 African Studies Program.
4. Sherri Borden Colley, “Unintentional Activist: By All Accounts, Viola Desmond Was Ahead of Her Time,” Chronicle Herald (March 6, 2010), F. 1; Sherri Borden Colley, “Desmond Should Be Pardoned: Case Helped Eliminate Segregation in Province, Says Retired Judge,” Chronicle Herald (March 6, 2010), F. 2.
5. Graham Reynolds, with Wanda Robson, Viola Desmond’s Canada: A History of Blacks and Racial Segregation in the Promised Land (Halifax & Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing, 2016).
Chapter 3
1. There were two major exceptions to this informal pattern of racial segregation: the military, which created separate Black regiments and public schools, which were racially segregated in Ontario under the Common School Act of 1850 and in Nova Scotia under the School Acts of 1836 and 1865. The pattern of racial segregation and discrimination in Canada affected racial and ethnic groups differently and changed with the shifting racial ideologies. This is particularly evident in relation to the Chinese experience in Vancouver. See: Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver’s Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875–1980, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press, 1991). For indigenous peoples see: J.R. Mill, Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Native-Newcomer Relations, 4th edition (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2018).
2. Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada, pp. 49–56; see also: Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, pp. 250–252; Robin Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 2nd edition, pp. 325–326.
3. Interview with Virginia Travis, Chatham, Ontario, June 19, 2012; See also: Sydney Katz, “Jim Crow Lives in Dresden,” Maclean’s, November 1, 1949.
4. Burnley “Rocky” Jones and James W. St. G. Walker, Burney “Rocky” Jones Revolutionary: An Autobiography (Halifax & Winnipeg: Roseway Publishing, 2016), pp. 28–19.
5. One of these unsuccessful challenges, Loew’s Montreal Theatres Ltd. v Reynolds, was brought against a Montreal Theatre chain in 1919. For details regarding these cases see: Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, pp. 253ff; James W. St. G. Walker, Race, Rights and the Law in the Supreme Court of Canada (Toronto: The Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History and Wilfred Laurier Press, 1997), pp. 122–181.
6. Constance Backhouse, “‘I Was Unable to Identify with Topsy,’ Carrie M. Best’s Struggle Against Racial Segregation in Nova Scotia, 1942.” Atlantis 22, 2 (Spring/Summer, 1998).
7. Wanda Robson, personal communication with the author, North Sydney, November 18, 2017.
8. Viola Desmond’s legacy on the struggle for equal rights is discussed further in chapter 4.
9. Jeanne Theoharis, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks (Boston, Beacon Press, 2013), pp. 61–71.
10. Jeanne Theoharis, pp. 63–64.
11. Theoharis, p. 43; 62.
12. Theoharis, p. 61.
13. Martin Luther King, Jr., Stride Towards Freedom: The Montgomery Story (Boston: Beacon Press, 2010), p. 31, quoted in Theoharis, p. 71. Parks quickly became an international symbol in the struggle for civil rights. Following her arrest, she would continue to play a significant and more public role in the civil rights movement; however, her notoriety made her life in Montgomery difficult. After losing her job and receiving a number of death threats, she and her husband, Raymond, left Alabama and moved, first to Virginia, and later to Detroit where she resided until her death in 2005, at the age of ninety-two.
14. The Roseland Theatre incident is discussed by Wanda Robson in chapter 3.
15. Judge Hall’s comments were quoted in “The Desmond Case,” The Clarion 2: 15 (April 1947). Beaton Institute Archives.
16. Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada, p. 80.
17. Theoharis, pp. 17ff.
18. Rosa Parks’ brother, Sylvester, served in the 138th Medical Detachment Engineering Services Regiment during World War II and returned to Montgomery in December 1945. His military service included the Pacific and European theatres of war. Theoharis, p. 22.
19. Theoharis, p. 48.
20. Reynolds, pp. 58–59.
21. “Urges Equal Opportunity for All,” Halifax Herald (November 22, 1944).
22. Colin A. Thomson, Born with a Call: A Biography of Dr. William Pearly Oliver, C.M. (Dartmouth, Nova Scotia: The Black Cultural Centre, 1989), p. 84.
Chapter 4
1. Quotes are taken from a series of interviews with Viola Desmond’s former students: Tanya Hudson, interview with Clara Adams, Halifax, July 24, 1995, and Barbara Bowen, Halifax, July 26, 1995; David Woods, interview with Rose Gannon-Dixon, Halifax, August, 1995. Interviews are cited in Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900–1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), p. 243; n.28 and n.39, p. 408.
2. Wanda Robson, interview conducted by the author, North Sydney, June 2, 2017.
3. Tiffany M. Gill, Beauty Shop Politics: African American Women’s Activism in the Beauty Industry (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2010), p. 10.
4. Kathy Peiss, Hope in a Jar: The Making of America’s Beauty Culture (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1998), pp. 67–77.
5. Victoria Sherrow, Encyclopedia of Hair: A Cultural History (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2006), p. 256.
6. “Annie Malone and Poro College,” The Freeman Institute. Retrieved at: <ww.freemaninstitute.com/poro.htm>.
7. A’Lelia Bundles, On Her Own Ground: The Life and Times of Madam C.J. Walker (New York: Washington Square Press, 2001), pp. 25–32.
8. Bundles, pp, 64–65.
9. The modern franchise model came of age after WWII, and it can be traced back to these early women entrepreneurs. Kathy Peiss, Hope in a Jar, pp. 75–76.
10. Bundles, p. 64.
11. Bundles, p. 88.
12. Bundles, p. 89.
13. Bundles, p. 90.
14. Bundles, p. 179.
15. Bundles, p. 179.
16. Bundles, pp. 181ff. Walker joined a small delegation that presented a petition to President Woodrow Wilson in 1917 demanding that “lynching and mob violence be made a national crime punishable by the laws of the United Sates.” President Wilson failed to personally meet with the delegation and, a short while later, Walker took the cause to the first annual Madam Walker Beauty Culturists Union convention in Philadelphia. She told the members of the Walker union to take a stand against the continued “wrong and injustice” of racial violence and the union responded by sending a strongly worded telegram to President Wilson. Bundles states: “with that gesture, the association had become what perhaps no other… group could claim: American women entrepreneurs organized to use their money and their numbers to assert their political will,” p. 212–213.
17. Annie Turnbo letter in Denver Statesman (September 7, 1906), cited in Bundles, p. 89.
18. Bundles, p. 66.
19. This ad appeared in 1905 in the St. Louis Palladium, an African-American newspaper. It is reproduced in Noliwe M. Rooks, Hair Raising: Beauty, Culture, and African American Women, (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1996), p. 24.
20. Black feminist scholars have argued that the development of white femininity during the late 19th century (the cult of domesticity, for example) insured that Black women were altogether left out of the ideal of beauty. Being a “lady” was a racially exclusive social category and was synonymous with being a white middle-class woman. Black women, like prostitutes, were regarded as “undesirables” and excluded from the developing ideal of beauty. See: Maxine Leeds Craig, Ain’t I a Beauty Queen? Black Women, Beauty, and Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 7; Angela Davis, Women, Race, and Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1983), p. 12; Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought, p. 7. Cheryl Thompson reviews this literature in her unpublished doctorial thesis: “Race and beauty in Canada: print culture, retail, and transnational flow of products, images and ideologies” (Department of Art History and Communications Studies, McGill University, Montreal, July 2014), pp. 7–10.
21. The Gibson Girl’s America: Drawings by Charles Dana Gibson, The Library of Congress. Retrieved from: <https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/gibson-girls-america/the-gibson-girl-phenomenon.html>.
22. St. Louis Palladium (1901) reproduced in Noliwe Rooks, Hair Raising, p. 28.
23. Bundles, p. 122.
24. Bundles, p. 67.
25. Peiss, p. 81.
26. Peiss, p. 81.
27. Bundles, pp. 20–21.
28. Marcel Grateau used the hot comb and curling iron to create his famous Marcel wave, which was popular for more than fifty years. During the 1930s the entertainer Josephine Baker used the Marcel wave to create her signature “bobbed hair” that curled around her head. This style was the fashion at many Black beauty parlours during the 1930s, including Vi’s Studio of Beauty Culture in Halifax. See: Victoria Sherrow, Encyclopedia of Hair, p. 258.
29. Black women who used hair straighteners and skin bleaches did so generally out of their desire for beautification, not white emulation. Kathy Peiss makes the point that “against charges of white emulation and self-loathing, many Black women invoked their rights to social participation and cultural legitimacy precisely through their use of beauty aids.” Advice columns in Black newspapers, she states, “carefully distinguished between emulation and beautification.” An editorial in the Half-Century, for example, insisted: “A light skin is no prettier than a dark one…. The beauty of any skin lies in the clarity and evenness of color.” Peiss, Hope in a Jar, p. 7; p. 222. For recent discussions of beauty and colour in relation to beautification and white emulation see: Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought, pp. 97–101; Cheryl Thompson, “Race and beauty in Canada,” pp. 1–28.
30. Bundles, p. 69.
31. Peiss, p. 110.
32. Peiss, p. 110.
33. Peiss, p. 223.
34. Peiss, pp. 234–235. By the early1940s, the Black ideal of beauty clearly distinguished lighter from darker skinned Blacks. In their classic study of Black life in Chicago, published in 1945, St. Claire Drake and Horace R. Cayton interviewed residents in Chicago’s Brownsville community (otherwise known as the Black Belt) and they found that the vast majority desired to have their children and spouses not to be “fair” or “yellow” but to be lighter rather than darker skinned. One resident stated that parents “do not wish for ‘fair’ children,” but for “light-browns” or “smooth-brown.” Most Black men preferred that their wives be neither too dark nor fair skinned. One male stated: “I don’t want her to be either yellow or dark. If she’s yellow, the first time she called me ‘black’ that would be the end. I don’t want her too dark—just dark enough so she can’t call me black.” St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City, new edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1993), p. 503; these categories of colour distinction persist today. In her study Black Feminist Thought, Patricia Collins uses the terms “Brights” and “Lesser Blacks” to describe these categories (pp. 99-101).
35. Peiss, p. 221.
36. Wanda Robson, interview with the author, North Sydney, June 21, 2017.
37. Alicja Sowlnska, “Dialectics of the Banana Skirt: The Ambiguities of Josephine Baker’s Self-Representation, Michigan Feminist Studies Vol. 19 (Fall 2005-Spring 2006). Retrieved from: <https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/mfsg/>.
38. Peiss, p. 97.
39. Cheryl Thompson, “Race and beauty in Canada,” pp. 125ff.
40. A’Lelia Bundles, personal communication with the author, March 16, 2017.
41. Victoria Sherrow, Encyclopedia of Hair, pp. 395–396; Kathy Peiss, Hope in a Jar, pp. 235–236; The Sara Spencer Washington Story, a film by Royston Scott, <www.sswmovie.com> (prescreening provided by Royston Scott to the author, February 2017).
42. “The Sara Spencer Washington Story,” a film by Royston Scott.
43. Wanda Robson interview, North Sydney, June 2, 2017: Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, pp. 240–243.
44. The Clarion, 2, 5 (March 15, 1947), p. 2. Beaton Institute Archives, Cape Breton University.
45. Viola Desmond’s beauty culture notebook, Beaton Institute Archives.
46. The only known Viola Desmond Sepia face powder container is housed at the Black Cultural Centre in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia. A photo of this item is available at: <http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/viola-desmond/>.
47. Laila Haidarali, “Polishing Brown Diamonds: African American Women, Popular Magazines, and the Advent of Modeling in Early Postwar America,” Journal of Women’s History, 17, 1 (Spring 2005), p. 10.
48. Laila Haidarali, “Polishing Brown Diamonds,” p. 33.
49. Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, p. 240.
50. Dionne Brand, “We weren’t allowed to go into factory work until Hitler started the war: The 1920s to the 1940s.” in Peggy Bristow, ed., ‘We’re Rooted Here and They Can’t Pull Us Up’: Essays in African Canadian Women’s History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), pp. 186–190.
51. The struggle for racial equality in Canada during the post-war era is discussed in more detail in chapter 5.
52. Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded, p. 142. Wanda Robson interview, North Sydney, June 2, 2017; Viola Desmond beauty culture notebook, Beaton Institute Archives.
53. Wanda Robson interview, North Sydney, June 2, 2017.
54. Robin Winks, The Blacks in Canada: A History, 2nd edition (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press, 1997), p. 487; 495.
55. The Clarion (February 16, 1949), p. 5, Beaton Institute Archives. See also: Cheryl Thompson, “Race and beauty in Canada,” pp. 162–164.
56. Cheryl Thompson, pp. 162–164.
57. Viola Desmond’s beauty culture notebook and letter from McGregor’s Formula Service, dated March 1, 1952, Beaton Institute Archives.
Chapter 5
1. Dixon (Gannon), Rose, Obituary, Halifax Chronicle Herald (March 30, 2010). Personal information provided to Wanda Robson by members of the Dixon family through personal contacts, North Sydney, January 14, 2018.
2. Debbie Quinn, “The Life of Rachael Kane” (unpublished manuscript) provided to Wanda Robson, August 24, 2017.
3. Hunter, Geraldine Elaine (Jean States), Obituary, Halifax Chronicle Herald (November 6, 1994). Personal information provided by Wanda Robson, North Sydney, September 12, 2017.
4. Bishop, Bernadine Rachael, Obituary, Halifax Chronicle Herald (November 30, 1992). Personal information provided by daughter Dwana Mbamalu to Wanda Robson, North Sydney, October 22, 2017. Bernadine was also a close friend of Wanda, and as young teens during the early 1940s, they formed a group called “The Friendly Girls Club,” which gave assistance to seniors, organized neighbourhood house parties and put on a play at the New Horizons Baptist Church.
5. Anderson, Marie “Ruth,” Obituary, Halifax Chronicle Herald (May 11, 2013). Personal information provided by Ruth Jackson’s son, Carson Jackson to Wanda Robson, North Sydney, September 11, 2017.
6. Personal information provided by Wanda Robson, North Sydney, January 14, 2018.
7. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights at: <http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/>. John Peters Humphrey, the director of the United Nations Division on Human Rights and a former McGill University law professor, collaborated with Eleanor Roosevelt in drafting the UN Declaration of Human Rights.
8. The Canadian Government was initially conflicted about supporting the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They did not want the UN to intervene in domestic affairs but they eventually gave in to international pressure and signed the Declaration in 1948. See: Dominique Clement, Human Rights in Canada: A History (Waterloo, Ontario: Sir Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2016), p. 67.
9. “A Human Rights Landmark: The Saskatchewan Bill of Rights,” Canadian Human Rights Commission at: <chrc-ccdp.gc.ca/historical-perspective/en/timePortals/milestones/51mile.asp>. For background on human rights legislation in Canada see: Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada, pp. 56–63.
10. Dominique Clement, Human Rights in Canada.
11. Catherine Arseneau interview with Pearleen Oliver, 1991, Beaton Institute Archives, Cape Breton University.
12. The nsaacp was incorporated under statute on March 29, 1945. The founding members were Arnold F. Smith (President), Richard S. Symonds, William Carter, Bernice A. Williams, Carl W. Oliver, Walter Johnson, Pearleen Oliver, Rev. William Oliver and Ernest Grosse.
13. Bridglal Pachai, The Nova Scotia Black Experience Through the Centuries (Halifax: Nimbus Publishing, 2007), p. 201.
14. Graham Reynolds, Viola Desmond’s Canada, pp. 56–63.
15. Bridglal Pachai, ed., Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission 25th Anniversary 1967–1992: A History (Halifax: Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, 1992), p. 53.
16. Walter S. Tarnopplsky, “The Iron Hand in the Velvet Glove: Administration and Enforcement of Human Rights Legislation in Canada,” in Bridglal Pachai, ed., Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission 25th Anniversary 1967–1992, pp. 66–80.
17. Rt. Honourable Robert L. Stanfield, “25th Anniversary Launching Speech,” in Bridglal Pachai, ed., p. 32.
18. Fred R. MacKinnon, “Human Rights—The Early Years,” in Bridglal Pachai, Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission 25th Anniversary, pp. 40–41.
19. Paul A. Erickson, Historic North End Halifax (Nimbus Publishing, 2004), p. 163.
20. Paul A. Erickson, p. 167.
21. Donald H. Clairmont and Dennis William Magill, Africville: The Life and Death of a Canadian Black Community, 3rd edtion (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1999), p. 48.
22. H.A.J. Wedderburn, “From Slavery to Ghetto: The Story of the Negro in the Maritimes,” paper presented to the New Brunswick Human Rights Commission, March 25–26, 1969, quoted in Bridglal Pachai, The Nova Scotia Black Experience Through the Centuries, p. 233.
23. Rev. William Oliver, “A Brief Summary of Nova Scotia Negro Communities,” 1964, quoted in Bridglal Pachai, pp. 235–237.
24. Peniel E. Joseph, Stokely: A Life (New York: Basic Civitas Books, 2014), pp. 31–35; pp. 186–189.
25. Peniel E. Joseph, pp. 236–251.
26. Burnley “Rocky” Jones and James W. St. G. Walker, Burnley “Rocky” Jones Revolutionary, p. 58.
27. Burnley “Rocky” Jones and James W. St. G. Walker, p. 71.
28. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 79.
29. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 80.
30. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 96.
31. National Film Board of Canada, Encounter at Kwacha House (Halifax: 1967), available at: <nfb.ca/film/encounter_at_kwacha_house_halifax/>.
32. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 96.
33. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 99.
34. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, p. 120; Paula C. Madden, African Nova Scotian-Mi’kmaw Relations (Black Point, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 2009), pp. 56–57.
35. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, pp. 122–123.
36. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, pp. 124ff; Bridglal Pachai, The Nova Scotia Black Experience Through the Centuries, pp. 272–282.
37. Burnley “Rocky” Jones, pp. 127.
38. Bridglal Pachai, The Nova Scotia Black Experience Through the Centuries, pp. 276–282.
39. African Nova Scotian Affairs at: <ansa.novascotia.ca/about>.
40. Delmore “Buddy” Daye Learning Institute at: <dbdli.ca/our-organization/our-history/>.
41. Dominique Clement, Human Rights in Canada, p. 106.
Epilogue
1. Terra Ciolfe, “A closer look at the rise of hate crimes in Canada,” (13 June, 2017), MacLean’s available at: <macleans.ca/news/canada/a-closer-look-at-the-rise-in-hate-crimes-in-can>.
2. Phlis McGregor and Angels MacIvor, “Black people 3 times more likely to be street checked in Halifax, police say,” cbc News (January 9, 2017), at: <cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/halifax-black-street-checks-police-race-profiling-1.3925251>; Sam Grewal, “Blacks three times more likely to be carded by Peel police than whites: The Star (September 24, 2015), at: <thestar.com/news/gta/2015/09/24/blacks-three-times-more-likely-to-be-carded-by-peel-police-than-whites.html>.
3. Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, Working Together to Better Serve All Nova Scotians: A Report on Consumer Racial Profiling in Nova Scotia (Halifax: Government of Nova Scotia Publication, 2013).