2

 

Sixteenth-Century Historians in England

 

 

In many ways it is difficult to say when ‘chronicling’ ended and ‘history’ began. Some of the writings of the sixteenth century were much influenced by the genres of the previous century. This is most apparent in the continuing legacy of the London Chronicle and Brut traditions, for many of the sixteenth-century writers of history were themselves based in London and keen to draw on and emulate the existing practices. But already towards the end of the fifteenth century, several developments occurred which were to have a marked effect on the nature of historical writing.¹

One was the introduction of printing. At first, however, this had the effect of strengthening rather than undermining existing traditions for Caxton printed two editions of the Brut (1480 and 1482). Thus that style of vernacular chronicle became even more firmly and widely known. As the years passed, the power of the printer increased, and it is no coincidence that some of the authors considered in this chapter were printers as well as authors in their own right. Not only did they publish their own histories but they also put into print the works of contemporaries, and as significantly perhaps, some of the manuscript chronicles of the previous century. Thus Grafton printed Hardyng’s chronicle in 1543, and Stow assisted Matthew Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, in a project to print several medieval chronicles amongst which were Thomas Walsingham’s Historia Anglicana and Ypodigma Neustriae (1574).² These brought to a wider audience and to historians of the period sources to which they might otherwise not have had access, and was one of the explanations, although not the only one, which led to some of them citing a long list of sources on which they had drawn in the writing of their history.

The second development was the coming of the Tudor dynasty. The early Tudors were keen to fortify their position by whatever means they could and employed various techniques of what we would call propaganda to denigrate their predecessors. This included the commissioning or encouragement of histories which justified their accession against the background of civil turmoil in the fifteenth century. Three works are relevant here. The first, the Historia Regum Angliae (History of the Kings of England) of John Rous (1411–91), takes the form of a general history from Brutus to the accession of Henry VII and was probably completed in 1486.³ Although Rous had been a Yorkist supporter for most of his life, the coming of the new dynasty inspired a concluding section which praises the new king, Henry VII, and states the hopes for the future under his recently born son, Prince Arthur. Interestingly, his section on the reign of Henry V does not mention Agincourt by name nor is there any account of the battle. Rous merely mentions that in his time Henry V was second to none in terms of military prowess, that it was commonly held that he deserved perpetual praise for his prowess and his wisdom, that he conquered Normandy with a strong hand, married Catherine and became heir and regent of France. The lack of detail is surprising given that it is known that Rous drew on the Brut as well as the chronicles of John Streeche (who also hailed from Warwickshire) and of John Hardyng elsewhere in the Historia.⁴ It might be dangerous to suggest, however, that Rous was deliberately omitting mention of the battle because of his desire to please the Tudors (or even the Yorkists) by denigrating their Lancastrian predecessors. It seems more a reflection that Rous’s interests lay elsewhere, as is revealed by the other aspects of the reign which he mentions. Reference to Henry’s ‘pleasaunce’ at Kenilworth Castle reflects Rous’s local and antiquarian interests. The mention that Henry studied at Queen’s College Oxford, as Prince, when Henry Beaufort was chancellor of the University, may reflect his desire to link the current monarch with his Beaufort Lancastrian forbears, but this, and the reference to the foundation of the University of Caen (which is wrongly placed in Henry’s reign rather than that of his son) and to the new Scottish universities, reveal Rous’s own scholarly concerns and background.

Two later works were composed with a much stronger intention of showing how the Tudors had redeemed England from the turmoils of the past. Polydore Vergil’s Anglica Historia was commissioned by Henry VII for this purpose, and later Edward Hall composed an even more obvious eulogy in his Union of the two noble and illlustre families of Lancaster and York, which gave a shape and unity to the history of the fifteenth century by seeing the turmoils arising out of the deposition of Richard II being settled by the accession of Henry VII, and even more cogently perhaps by that of Henry VIII who in his person embodied the ‘Union’ of York and Lancaster. Although this view of the past gave a generally critical view of the Lancastrian kings, both writers found it difficult to denigrate Henry V because of his military achievements and his reputation as a firm and pious ruler. Thus accounts of Agincourt in their, and in other, Tudor writings remained eulogistic, triumphant and patriotic in tone, as will be seen in the extracts given in this chapter. Hall even catered for English national pride antithetically by putting into the mouth of the constable of France several anti-English remarks whose effect is all the more potent when one knows the outcome of the battle, as all of his audience would have done: ‘keep an Englishman one month from his warm bed, fat beef and stale drink ... you shall then see his courage abated, his body wax lean and bare, and ever desirous to return into his own country’.

Such sentiments were further encouraged by the fact that the French remained the enemy for most of the reign of Henry VII and VIII at least, and there is a strong suspicion that the composition of one of the works considered below, the First English Life of Henry V, was in part stimulated by Henry VIII’s own expeditions to France. Moreover, the new century was not without chivalric tastes. It has been suggested that Henry VIII and his circle were instrumental in reviving some of the knightly and courtly traditions of the past.⁵ Thus in 1532, Lord Berners completed a translation into English of the chronicles of Jean Froissart which dealt with the fourteenth-century phases of the Hundred Years War and which had as their stated aim the recording of great deeds in arms. The First English Life also fits into this revived interest in chivalric achievement. Later in the century, John Stow included ‘exploits worthy of great renowne’ and ‘incouragement of nobilitie to noble feates’ in his justificatory preface.⁶

Many of the other writers from whom extracts are taken in this chapter were keen to ‘enhance the fame of the heroes of the past’.⁷ In this respect they were perhaps little different from their fifteenth-century predecessors, although it might be suggested that a third development had prompted them to this cult of heroes. This was the influence of humanism, as an element of a renaissance which had begun in Italy, and which had led to a renewed interest in, and knowledge of, classical sources. The latter was not lacking in the previous century, as we saw in the works of Walsingham, Tito Livio and the Pseudo-Elmham, but it was more widespread as time went on and began to give much more of a shape and distinctive character to historical composition as well as a strong didactic element.⁸ Polydore Vergil’s Anglica Historia was an example for others to follow, and the rhetoric of humanist Latin also found its way into sixteenth-century English prose styles with the invention of speeches and moral exemplars. Hall was a master of this, especially in the use of orations. See too his comment at the end of the battle: ‘this battle may be a mirror and glass to all Christian princes to behold and follow’. Later writers copied his style as well as content and approach. This approach also gave much more place to the investigation of causes of events and of the motives of those who shaped them. Man was still not in complete control of his destiny, but in place of rather helpless fatalism or resignation to the hazards of fortune, there was a stronger notion of God working though man to create history. There was also much interest in the will and demeanour of princes and in the operation of power. History was also given a shape and a purpose, as in Hall’s Union, which Gransden sees as a renaissance history with ‘its emphasis on secular power and its predominantly secular tone, and in its literary and thematic unity’.⁹ It also encouraged what we would term research, the desire to seek out sources. Polydore tells us that he ‘first began to spend the hours of my night and day in searching the pages of English and foreign histories ... spent six whole years in reading those annals and histories during which, imitating the bees which laboriously gather their honey from every flower, I collected with discretion material proper for a true history.’¹⁰ He certainly drew on a wide range of chronicles, including Monstrelet, as well as on statutes and oral traditions. Actual physical collections of materials were made, as, for instance, by Stow, who was particularly energetic in consulting manuscripts as well as printed books. The nobility and gentry were also sometimes keen collectors: the library of John, Baron Lumley (d. 1609) contained a volume with extracts from the Pseudo-Elmham, which eventually passed into royal and, in time, national hands.¹¹ A similar fate awaited the collection of Sir Robert Cotton (d. 1631), now in the British Library, and of considerable significance because it contained manuscripts and copies of administrative materials as well as chronicles.

Efforts were also made to compare different versions, and to authenticate what was said in order to give authority and status to a work. This is revealed by the tendency to place at the beginning of a history a list of the materials consulted. Hall used a wide range, more than Polydore. Stow’s list in the preface to the 1601 edition of the Annales is perhaps the most impressive, with references to many of the fifteenth-century English chronicles as well as to Monstrelet and the Chroniques de Normandie, and Canterbury records, Parliament records, the register of the order of the Garter, and an entry termed rather mysteriously, ‘old records’. There is little evidence of extensive work in official records but clearly there was some. In the 1586–7 edition of Holinshed, catalogues of writers were listed at the end of each reign. We see also the use of marginal notes which accredit the source of information. An early example of the latter occurs in the First English Life, and it is also found in Stow and Holinshed, although the use is often inconsistent.¹² Writers also include phrases of reference, such as ‘Hall showeth’, ‘Enguerran (de Monstrelet) saith’. In the context of Agincourt, the consultation of French chronicles is of particular significance for it allowed both sides of the story to be seen, at least where it suited an English writer to do so. Monstrelet was much used for it was first printed in Paris in 1500 and then on at least six other occasions over the course of the century.¹³ Writers debated their sources, as for instance in Hall’s comments on the numbers of English dead – only a handful ‘if you will give credit to such as write miracles, but other writers whom I sooner believe’ give larger numbers, and he suggests they are more likely correct on the evidence that the battle was ‘earnestly and furiously fought for the space of three long hours’. The consultation of a wide range of sources encouraged a stronger concept of historical truth, although this was by no means as complete as in today’s historical empiricism, and there was a lack of real discernment, although writers might criticise each other’s standards of scholarship as in the dispute between Stow and Grafton over the merits of their respective histories.¹⁴

This was, however, by no means exclusively ‘secular’ history. The Reformation had not led to the removal of God’s will as a central cause, and there was still a strong concept of a divine plan.¹⁵ The particular circumstances of the English experience had led writers to seek in medieval sources justification for royal supremacy and for a concept of an English church independent of foreign control, as in Hall and Redmayne in particular.¹⁶ Hall’s Union was included in a list of banned books under Mary. Generally, however, as Protestantism won the day, it was as important to have histories in English as scriptures.¹⁷ Interestingly, although Redmayne (as also John Bale) gave John Oldcastle a good press, this did not prevent Henry V having one too, despite his persecution of Lollardy.¹⁸ The didactic purpose of history of the humanist tradition was fused with the moral examples of religious instruction. Gransden provides important quotations on this aspect from three of the writers cited below. ‘To Edward Hall it was “the key to induce virtue and repress vice”; to Stow it provided “persuasions to honesty, godliness and virtue of all sort”; and Raphael Holinshed thought that chronicles (which “unto the holy scripture ... do carry credit”) were full of profitable lessons.’¹⁹ It was partly the breaking up of monastic libraries which facilitated the research and collecting of materials. John Leland began this work, and later John Bale provided a useful list of materials, even urging the setting up of a national library.²⁰

The form of the London Chronicle, based on the mayoral year, was continued in Fabyan, whose work should perhaps be seen as the last of the medieval chronicles rather than the first of the new histories.²¹ Stow also used the London Chronicle’s usual arrangement of the names of the mayors followed by the great events of that year in his Summarie of English Chronicles, but adopted a reign based approach in his Chronicles and Annales. The use of medieval sources perpetuated the versions of history which they contained, for the art of criticism was not yet fully developed. The continuation of chronicles also remained popular. Grafton continued both Hardyng and Hall, for instance. As in the past, too, there was no shunning of plagiarism as a reading of Grafton and Holinshed against Hall shows. But inevitably some elements of contemporary life crept in, such as Tudor military terms like ‘billmen’.

There is much of interest in the writers of the sixteenth century relating both to how they used older works and also to how they created their own narrative. There can be no doubt too that their works, at least those in English, became popular and well known, as its witnessed by the frequency of re-issues. There was an active market for history books in London and other towns.²² Caxton’s edition of the Polychronicon was undoubtedly one of his best sellers with 40 copies and many fragments still extant today, more than for any other work produced by his press.²³ Shorter works such as Grafton’s Abridgement of Chronicles and Stow’s Summarie of English Chronicles, as the sixteenth-century equivalent of a modern text book, sold well and went into several editions.²⁴ We know too that the cost of volumes of Holinshed was often relatively low if purchasers were willing to buy them unbound.²⁵ As Levy notes, ‘from about the middle of the 1580s, a typical Englishman must have found it more and more difficult to avoid having any knowledge of the past. Regardless of his purse, his background, or his tastes, sooner or later he was bound to be exposed to history.’²⁶ They were already drawn on as part of a ‘military education’. A late sixteenth-century pocket book includes within it a summary of the battle taken from Grafton (or possibly Hall) as well as notes on skirmishing, on ‘men of occupation necessary in an army’, such as bakers, armourers, carpenters, wheelwrights etc., and on the making of a bridge of boats.²⁷ The histories were often admirably readable, being imbued with their own sense of drama. It is not surprising, therefore, that Hall and Holinshed would be attractive sources for dramatists. Hall, for instance, is not satisfied to tell us simply that the French prisoners were killed, but has them ‘sticked with daggers ... brained with poleaxes, ... slain with mails, others had their throats cut and some their bellies paunched’. Through Shakespeare (and, for Agincourt, through Drayton too), even those not acquainted with the histories directly gained some impression of what they contained.

But many of them, particularly Stow and Holinshed, were agglomerations without much sense of discrimination or criticism. Levy calls them chronicles rather than histories, adding that the sources from which they were composed were ‘never fully integrated’. As he puts it, ‘the criterion by which a historian was judged was the quantity of information he managed to cram between the covers of his book’.²⁸ This was both a benefit and a danger: ‘continual advances in the techniques of historical research ... would, in the end, increase the amount of available information past all hope of intelligibility’. We could argue that this was a particular problem for Agincourt where there were already so many slightly different versions of events to which sixteenth-century writers had added their own gloss and embellishment. Moreover, the fact that the sixteenth-century histories were printed and in English, thus offering a mediation for less accessible Latin and French works, meant that historians of later centuries tended to use them in preference to sources written closer to the events, and so picked up their bad points as well as their good. This is particularly the case with accounts of Agincourt. Material from other sixteenth-century works was also drawn on, for instance Powel’s History of Cambria (or Wales) (1584), which in its expanded late seventeenth-century version ascribed additional activities in the battle to Davy Gam which are not found in any chronicle but which enabled him to have more personality and a more purposeful, heroic death.²⁹ It also meant that those chronicles, such as the Gesta, which still only existed in manuscript form and which had not been drawn upon by sixteenth-century writers remained largely unknown until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Moreover the styles of historical approach which developed over the course of the sixteenth century continued into the next few centuries. Applied to Agincourt, this meant the agglomeration of material in a narrative fashion, and the embellishment of tales and legends, as well as the invention of impassioned speeches which served as material for Shakespeare and the ‘Famous Victories’. This dramatic style is particularly prevalent from Hall onwards. With him, it can be argued, a definitive account of the battle was established and propagated. There was a false impression of both comprehensiveness and realism, and a stress on heroism and national prowess. The style sometimes overwhelmed the facts. There was no bar on what we would deem plagiarism, so that accounts were often remarkably similar. Arguably too, this was because the writers of the century had drawn on the same chronicle sources as well as on each other.

As will be seen in chapter 4, the subsequent influence of the Enlightenment was complementary rather than opposing. It pointed historical writing in the same basic direction, with further use of classical examples in the pantheon of national and noble heroes. It preserved the desire to tell an edifying and entertaining story through what remained predominantly a narrative account of the battle. In all these respects, Agincourt continued to offer an ideal vehicle for this style of history, and many later writers eagerly looked to the more conducive and readable sixteenth-century works in English rather than to anything written nearer the time of the battle itself.

 

C 1. The First English Life of Henry the Fifth (1513, English)

Modernised from The First English Life of King Henry the Fifth, ed. C.L. Kingsford (Oxford, 1922), pp. 3–5, 41–66.

 

This work is based upon Tito Livio’s Vita Henrici Quinti and is often now described as a translation into English of that work. The current title is one given to it by Kingsford. There are several references in histories produced in the late sixteenth century to the ‘Translator of Livius’. It was not until the twentieth century, however, that the work was identified as existing in two early seventeenth-century manuscript copies, both of which were edited by Kingsford. The work is undated but Kingsford suggests that it was completed between 30 June 1513, when Henry VIII landed at Calais to invade France in league with the pope and emperor, and the autumn of the following year. As the prologue given below shows, it was intended as an inspiration to Henry VIII. This was not simply relating to his own invasion of France. Although it has been suggested that Henry VIII was keen to follow the example of his namesake in his martial ambitions in France, ³⁰ the prologue does not dwell on the point at all, giving much more place to the hope that Henry VIII, now four years into his reign, will emulate Henry V’s government in general, and in particular, perhaps, the fact that he reformed his morals upon his accession. There is, of course, a rather delightful irony in the last section given Henry VIII’s later actions both towards his wives and towards the Church.

The work is not in fact a simple translation of Tito Livio’s Vita Henrici Quinti. It is more a paraphrase, although direct speech given in Tito Livio is almost always retained albeit in translation. The account of the campaign is in roughly the same chronological order as in the Vita, but the author of the First English Life has a tendency to break the narrative by moralisations and to add in expansions or interpretations of what Livio said. For instance, after following Livio’s notice of the English soldiers taking a little piece of earth in their mouth, he adds his own gloss on the purpose of this gesture: ‘in remembrance of that they were mortal and earth, or else in remembrance of the holy communion’. Moreover, as the author himself admits, he also drew on (the recently printed) Monstrelet ‘in such things as me seemed apt for my matter’. His debt to Monstrelet is immediately apparent in, for instance, sections on the debate at the French court and on the reasons why the count of Charolais was not present at the battle. He also notes that he has ‘added divers sayings of the English Chronicles’. These are most likely derived from Caxton’s edition of the Brut and the latter’s own Brut-derived continuation in the Polychronicon. In addition, the author of the First English Life adds in ‘divers other opinions that I have read of the report of a certain and honourable ancient person ... the earl of Ormond’. James Butler, fourth earl of Ormond (1392–1452), served on several French expeditions including that which led to Agincourt, and may be the ‘Jacques de Ormond’ knighted by Henry at Pont-Saint-Maxence.³¹ Exactly how this information came to the author is not clear but up to nine stories concerning Ormond are found in the work, including what the Emperor Sigismund is supposed to have said to the duke of Gloucester in 1416.³² Kingsford accepted the fourth earl as the direct source, although, as he noted, ‘It is curious and unfortunate that we have no story from Ormond of the campaign of Agincourt in which he was present.’³³ W.T. Waugh concluded that the author’s informant could not have been the fourth earl in person, but rather the latter’s youngest son, the seventh earl, who was still alive in 1513.³⁴

The author notes in his margins whether his account is based on Livio or Monstrelet, making this one of the earliest works in English to give attributions as quasi-footnotes. There are also several passages where he debates his sources, such as on the question of numbers in the English army. The text was certainly drawn on by writers of the later sixteenth century. Holinshed mentions the Translator of Livius in his list of sources, and says a copy was in the possession of John Stow. The latter in his Summarie of English Chronicles also notes a ‘Translator of Livius’. Indeed, it is likely that these authors used the ‘Translator’ rather than the original Vita itself, and that it was an important source for them. This is apparent by a reading of the text against those of Hall, Grafton, Stow and Holinshed, although just as the author of the First English Life expanded on Tito Livio so also these later writers expanded on his work.

 

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Prologue

 

When I thoroughly had perused, perceiving that it served well to my purpose afore rehearsed, I pained myself to reduce it into our natural English tongue. And because the matter should be more fruitful, open and pleasant to the readers and hearers hereof, I have annexed to the same divers authorities of Enguerrant de Monstrelet such things as seemed apt for my matter, who, among all other French histories and chronicles that I have seen, indited most at large of the wars between England and France for those days; which two books, the one of Titus Livius out of fecund Latin, and the other of the said Enguerrant out of the common language of France I have translated and reduced into rude and home English, from whom all effective and famous inditing is far exiled. And to these two aforesaid books I have also added divers sayings of the English Chronicles, and to the same matter also divers other opinions that I have read of the report of a certain and honourable ancient person, to whom as me seemeth for the gravity and experience credit is to be given. And that is the honourable earl of Ormond. I have contexed and adjoined to the authorities afore rehearsed in places for the same most apt and convenient, as by the book following shall be evident to all them that shall please to read the same, wherein they shall find entitled in the margin of the same of what authority every sentence is taken. And for as much as I have not enterprised the compilation of this present volume upon no presumption of wit, sentence, or cunning of myself, whereof I know me utterly destitute and void, nor for no reproof of vice nor default of virtue in the person of our before remembered Sovereign Lord, whom I see evidently to be excellently replenished of all natural virtues, as much, as I believe, as he of whom I intend to write, or more; but to this end I have been moved to the enterprise hereof, that his Grace, hearing or seeing, or reading the virtuous manners, the victorious conquests, and the excellent sages and wisdoms of the most renowned prince in his days, King Henry the Fifth, his noble progenitor (of whose superiority in all nobleness, manhood, and virtue, to my pretence, it is not read nor heard amongst the princes of England since William of Normandy obtained the government of this realm by conquest) his Grace may in all things concerning his person and the ruling of his people, confirm himself to his life and manners, which he used after his coronation, and be counselled by the example of his great wisdom and discretion in all his common and particular acts. And secondarily the principal cause of this my pain (for as much as we then laboured in war) was that our Sovereign Lord by the knowledge and sight of this pamphlet should partly be provoked in his said war to ensue the noble and chivalrous acts of this so noble, so virtuous, and so excellent a prince, which so followed, he might the rather attain to like honour, fame, and victory. But, praised be God, it is now much better for us, for that mortal war and hateful dissension is now changed into an amiable, toward, and peace honourable and also profitable (as we believe both to the King’s Highness and to this realm). Therefore considered that my first motion to this enterprise hath only sounded to the true and faithful allegiance that I (as his natural subject) owe to bear to our Sovereign Lord, whom above all things I desire to be virtuous and victorious: instantly and in the form of humility I beseech his Grace and all other, as well men of honour as of the commonalty, benignly to accept this rude and simple, not rude but excellent of itself, howbeit in the compilation it is but homely and not much pleasant: and where any default is, through my negligence and small discretion, with charity (so it be with authority) to reform the same. And as to your Grace, my most dread Sovereign Lord, those virtues that by this pamphlet ye shall perceive to be used in his time of that most puissant prince, King Henry the Fifth, your ancestor, and namely three which I note especially with colour most necessary to every prince to ensue; whereof the first is Justice, whereby he shall best entertain the unity and wealth of his people: the second Continence, which of all men is to be observed, and namely of them that be professors to the Sacrament of Matrimony, which virtue, as I have heard of credible report, this noble prince, King Henry the Fifth, observed so constantly that from the death of the King his father until the marriage of himself he never had knowledge carnally of women: And the third excellent virtue that I note is Humility, and to eschew vainglory, lest a man ascribe laud to himself of that thing which is given to him of God, whereby he might lightly provoke against himself the indignation of God, by means whereof his prosperity and honour may be changed into adversity and dishonour: he gives to your Grace to use and ensue, and constantly to occupy to the pleasure of him, to the health of your Soul, and to the honour and prosperity of your royal person, realm, and Commons, of whom ye have received so many and so great super-eminent virtues and graces. Amen.

 

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When the gates of Harfleur were opened, and the king approached unto them in purpose to enter the town, he descended from his horse without the gate, and from thence, without hose or shoes, in great devotion he went immediately to the church of Saint Martin’s, metropolitan of that town, and there he made his prayers devoutly in thanking and praising his Creator of his good fortune. O marvellous constance! that by the providence of God had made them habitation without mutability in this most noble Prince, who in his youth was most mutable and void of all spiritual virtues.

And whom none for no persuasions or enhancements of fortune they suffered in his victories in anything to decline from the sovereign virtues of faith and humility. But void of all pride and vainglory, causeth him in great devotion, as well in the beginning, as in the achieving of his enterprise, at all times to thank, honour, and praise his maker, by whose only aid and comfort he undoubtedly believeth to attain with honour to the end of that he hath begun; not like unto the conquered, in most pomp and pride, delighting in vain praises and lauds of the people, and labouring to make the victories to be ascribed unto themselves, as if God intermeddled not of such affairs ...These things [surrender of Harfleur] thus done and finished, the king assembled all his estates and lords of his host to council, which was to be done after the victory of this defensible and strong town, which they had conquered within thirty and eight days: notwithstanding that for the strength it ought to have feared a straighter siege of an whole year. It was then thought convenient by such their whole Council, in as much as winter approached nigh, to return into England. But then it was debated amongst them upon their passage, whether they should return the next and surest way by water, or else they should pass through their enemies land by Calais. The more part condescended to go by land. But the duke of Clarence, with divers other lords, considering the great loss of those men that they had sustained by the death of the flux, that then reigned among them, and many other sick of the same, by which infirmity died the earl of Stafford, the bishop of Norwich, the lord Beaumont, and divers other noble men, and of the commons to the number of 2,000 and above, considered also the men they had left for the defence of Harfleur to the diminishing of their host, and most especially considered the great and infinite multitude of their enemies, which then were assembled to impede and let the king’s passage by land, whereof by their spies they had knowledge, advised and counseled the return into England by water, as for the more fair passage. To whose council the king answered in this manner, saying, ‘he greatly desired to see those lands, whereof he ought to be Lord.’ ‘And though,’ said he, ‘they prepare against us a great host of people, our trust and confidence is in God, that they shall not prevail against us, nor none of ours, nor we shall not suffer that they, that be inflated with pride, shall injuriously possess and enjoy that of right belongeth unto us. And if we should thus depart, they would say in reproof of us and of our realm of England, that for fear we left our right, and were so suddenly fled. Therefore we have at this time the stomach encouraged, and would rather submit our body to all perils, than they should into our kingdom the least note of reproof. We shall go, to the pleasure of God, without prejudice or peril. And, if they labour to disturb us of our journey, we shall escape their malice with honourable victory and great triumph.’ And forthwith this sentence published and known moved the stomachs and encouraged the hearts of every man; nor there was not one that contraried his pleasures, lest they should be reproved of the king of fear and cowardice. Then with all speedy diligence was prepared for this journey by land with companies and retinues of man of war. The king ordained to go with him three battles and two wings, as thus of Englishmen is [accustomed,] of those men that were left unto him; of whom was no plenteous number, for, as is aforesaid, he had lost many by the infirmity of the flux, and many others there were that were diseased of the same sickness, which were left behind him. And also were left at Harfleur 2,000 soldiers of his host for the defence of the same. When the king had thus ordered his battles, and sent his brother the duke of Clarence into England by water with a great part of his army for the defence of his navy, which also greatly diminished his own company. After he had tarried at Harfleur fifteen days after the deliverance of the town and of the towers, he departed from thence and entered his journey towards Calais.

Whereof when his enemies were avertised, and also by what way he intended to pass, all the people of the country and also of the cities and of the towns were marvellously oppressed with fear, and mainly for the taking of Harfleur, wherefore they hastened them to defensible places, which, in all haste to them possible, as well as they could, they victualled both for men and also for horses. And other that were apt to war took them to their horses, and assembled them together in great number, with no small company of footmen, and in all that they might they oppressed the Englishmen. The king’s host kept an easy pace, without making any haste, and when they approached the town of Eu their enemies, being there in arms and advertised to their coming, applied them in the field with great force and noise, where on both parties it was fought sore and vigorously, but the Frenchmen might no long endure the strength of the Englishman, wherefore they must of force recoil within the town; where they were in good sureties, for the king abode not to besiege the town.

At this encounter was slain a right valiant man at arms on the Frenchmen’s part, whose name was Launcelot Piers, for those death the Frenchmen made great dole and sorrow. From thence the king departed and came to a passage of the River of Somme, which the Frenchmen call Blanckehestake or Blaunchtache, where long before passed over his ancestor and progenitor King Edward the Third, when he obtained the battle of Crécy against Philip of Valois, king of France. This passage at the coming to it was fixed with sharp stakes by their enemies of that country, so that they could not pass over the river there. And that the Frenchmen had so done to the intent that the King and his host should seek their passage over that river higher into France, and more near to the head of the same river. Thus the Englishmen were constrained to seek further, seeking their passage until they came directly to have the city of Amiens and the castle of Corbie on their left side. Then they of the said city, after they had perceived the ensigns and banners of the Englishmen, began with them a new fight both on horseback and on foot. And the Frenchmen with great number, with great clamour and noise, as the usage is among them, enforced them against the English host, of whom they were shortly vanquished and constrained to return to their holds. In this time it was complained to the king a certain Englishman in the host had violently taken from a church a pyx of silver. Then immediately after the king commanded his host to abide without moving until the sacrilege was purged. And first was the said pyx restored again unto the church, and the trespasser was led bound as a thief through the host, and after hanged upon a tree, that every man might behold him. After whose death the army was commanded to reprise the former journey.

O Marvelous God! that of thine infinite goodness amongst such and so many excellent virtues hast rooted in that most virtuous king so high and perfect degree of justice, that he as that other Joshua, that for his covetousness stoned to death Achan, put to death this his soldier for the offence, notwithstanding that he knew perfectly that the time approached right nigh wherein he should have great need of the aid and number of men; but what marvel he, that had his confidence only in God and Justice, and not in the number of people, loved better the absence of sinners than their company. And undoubtedly he that shall attain to conquests and honour must first by the example of this invincible conqueror confirm himself to semblable virtues. Then to return to our former purpose.

As the king journeyed by certain days seeking his passage over the river of Somme, by some Frenchmen that were prisoners in the host was shewed unto him a certain passage over the same river not much used, and before that day not known but of few, by which passage the Englishmen passed the river sure enough. The next day after the feast of St Luke the Evangelist the king passed the river of Somme at the passage of Voyennes and Bethencourt, which passages were not kept by them of St Quentin’s as they were enjoined of the French king. When the king of England had thus passed the river he went to lodge him at Monchy-Lagache, from whence he advanced him towards the river of Miraumont. In this mean time the French king and the duke of Guienne, his son then dauphin, purposing to provide for the resistance of the Englishmen, came to Rouen, where the one and twentieth day of October was holden the Council, which was to be done against the king of England. At which council was present Louis, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry and of Brittany, the earl of Ponthieu, the eldest son of the said King Louis, the chancellor of France and of Guienne, and of many other noble councillors to the number of 35; amongst whom, after they had devised and reasoned many things in the presence of the king upon this matter, at the last it was concluded by 30 of them that the Englishmen should be encountered and fought with at the appointed day; but in the end the opinion of the greatest part was approved and holden; whereupon in all possible haste the king sent his letters to his constable, and to others his offers, secretly commanding them that, immediately upon the knowledge of his commandment, they should assemble them together with all the puissance that might be had, and that they should encounter the king of England and his people. Then immediately was published through all France, that all noble men accustomed to bear arms, and that desire to require honour, should haste them night and day to the constable of France, wheresoever [he was]. And amongst all others Louis, duke of Guienne, then dauphin, had great desire to go to that field; howbeit he was commanded to the contrary by the French king, his father, and also by Louis, his council, king of Sicily, and of the duke of Berry he was letted from that purpose. Then from all parts, all lords, knights, and gentlemen, that already were prepared and entered into their journey for the same, hastened them towards the constable of France. And when the constable, with the more part of the lords and estates of the realm of France, approached the country of Artois, they sent the lord Mongoguier unto the earl of Charolais, the only son of the duke of Burgundy, to certify him of their enterprise, and to desire him affectuously in the king’s name and in the constable’s, that he would vouchsafe to be at that journey. This foresaid lord of Mongoguier found the said earl at Arras, of whom he was right nobly received, and also of all his lords. And after he had showed unto him his message, it was answered unto him by those lords, that were chief councillors of the earl, that he should make such diligence upon the king’s request as should be requisite; and with this answer [they were] contented and returned to the constable. And where this earl of Charolais desired with all his heart to be at this journey against the king of England, whereunto also all his great councillors had advised him, yet nevertheless he was expressly commanded by John, duke of Burgundy, his father, that in no wise he should be at that journey.

This commandment was not given to the said earl by the duke his father, for no favour nor love he had to the English party, but only to the displeasure and variance betwixt the dauphin and him, and the duke of Orléans. And for because the said earl of Charolais should be the further place from the battle, his council caused him to remove to Arras, where notwithstanding the greater part of the people of his house, which was advertised of the day of the battle appointed, departed secretly without the said earl’s knowledge, and accompanied them with the Frenchmen against the English host.

The disease and infirmity that reigned amongst the Englishmen, nor the small number of the king’s host, was not unknown to the Frenchmen; they also considered journeys that Englishmen had sustained long by land without any great corporal refection to repose for the maintenance of their strength; it was also remembered amongst them the great, puissant, and as an infinite, multitude of themselves, against whom, as they thought, it was impossible for so little an host (as the Englishmen were) to resist, mainly because that all the great princes of the realm of France were there assembled to disturb the king’s passage; of whom the most principal were these: the dukes of Orléans, of Brabant, of Bourbon, of Alençon, and of Bar, the lord Charolais labored [sic, recte Charles d’Albret], at this time the constable of France, whose progenitors were liege to the kings of England as of their duchy of Guienne, the earl of Nevers, brother to the dukes of Burgundy and of Brabant, the archbishop of Sens, and many other great lords and men of honour. These men, having their confidence only in their multitude, sent three of their heralds to the king of England to give him knowledge that he should not escape without battle; which heralds, when they came to the king’s host, were first brought to the duke of York, and by him they were presented to the king, before whom they fell on their knees and, after they had obtained licence to say their message, they spake in this manner: ‘Right puissant prince, great and noble is thy kingly force, that is reported of thy majesty amongst other princes and lords, they hear that by thy strength and prowess, thou labourest to conquer towns, cities, and castles of the realm of France; they hear also of the great destruction thou doest on Frenchmen; for which causes, and for the performance of their oath that they have made to the king, many of our lords be assembled to defend this realm, the king’s right and their own. And upon this by us they give thee knowledge, that, before thou come to Calais, they will meet thee in intent to fight with thee.’ This victorious king, after he had heard their message, and understood the effect thereof, with a courageous heart, with a constant countenance, which neither ire nor displeasure moved, no colour of his face changing, with a moderate and soft speech, gave unto them this answer saying: ‘At all things be done at the pleasure of God.’ And when he was demanded of the herald, which way he would keep, he answered: ‘To Calais’; and there too adding he said: ‘If our adversaries do attempt to disturb us in our journey, they shall not do it without their own great prejudice and dangerous peril, we think; we seek them not, neither for the fear of them we shall not move the softlier, nor make the greater haste. Nevertheless we advise them they let not our journey, nor they seek not the effusion of so much Christian blood.’ The heralds contented with this answer, and rewarded with an hundred crowns of French money, and licensed to depart, returned to their prince to whom they reported their answer that they had heard.

The king of England, who was left at Monchy-Lagache, removed from thence and went to lodge him in a village called Forceville, advancing his host towards the river of Miraumont; and the next day, which was Wednesday, they passed by on horse, and lodged them that night in divers places. The king lodged him at Bonnières L’Escaillon, and the duke of York, his uncle, captain of the vanguard, lodged him at Frévent upon the river of Canche. And the residue of the Englishmen and host were lodged in divers other places, so that that night they were divided into seven or eight several places or towns. That notwithstanding they had no manner of displeasure of their enemies that night; for the Frenchmen were gone to be before them in their way towards St Pôl, and upon the river Miraumont. And the Thursday next ensuing the King removed from Bonnières and rode in right fair ordinance unto Blangy.

And forasmuch as he was advertised before of a river in that journey over which they must pass by a bridge, and if peradventure that bridge were broken by their adversaries he could not have passage without his great prejudice and peril, he sent therefore before certain noble horsemen, with them he assigned certain footmen, to defend and keep the bridge; where, at their coming thither, they found many Frenchmen, that enforced them to break the bridge, unto whom the Englishmen gave battle, and after a long and cruel fight betwixt them, many of their adversaries were slain, many wounded, and many taken prisoner, and all the residue put to flight. They won the bridge, and kept it from hurt. This day was the three and twentieth of November, upon which day is solemnized in the church the commemoration of St Romanus the confessor.

At which bridge when the duke of York, chieftain of the first ward, had passed the water, and had ascended the mountains, his spies perceived from all parts the Frenchmen coming by great multitudes of men of arms, which went to lodge them in Ruisseauville, and other places thereabouts, in intent to be before the Englishmen, and the next day to fight them. When the English spies had perceived the Frenchmen in so great number, one of them with fearful countenance and sorrowful sighing, reported unto the duke of York, that there were approached unto them an innumerable multitude of their adversaries; whereof when the duke had true knowledge by their spies and couriers, that had also been them, he gave to the king knowledge thereof; who, without fear or ire, gave to the middle ward, whereof he was conductor, charge to abide, and giving spurs to his horse he hastened to see his enemies, whom he perceived to be an innumerable host. Then he returned to his field with a constant mind, not moved with fear, but as he that putteth his whole confidence in God and in justice. After this he ordered his battles, and distributeth to every captain his number, and his order, and place of fighting, and in what manner. He kept his host ready ordered in the field until night; and when the day was passed, and that no light at all was perceived, he disposed him to get some harbour for that night, both for him and for his people, where they might have corporal refection and repose of their bodies. And in that night, whom a terrible battle was to follow, in that region unknown they could find no place nigh unto them, wherein to be refreshed, except that divinely there was shown unto them a certain white way; by the which they were led to a certain little village called Agincourt, where they were a little better refreshed with meat and drink than they had been in their journey before; where also the King for that night took a little house for his lodging. From that place where the King had set his battles in array until they came unto the town, by the commandment of the King, was no cry nor noise heard of the Englishmen, as they used before, but every man went peaceably. And when they came to the village aforesaid, they kindled their fires, and ordered and made watches. In like manner also did the Frenchmen, which scarcely were distant from the English the space of two hundred and fifty paces.

And the same proper Thursday towards the evening for certain courses Philip, the earl of Nevers, was made knight by the hand of Boucicaut, the Marshal of France, and with him were made knights many other great lords and gentlemen of France. This night came unto the French host the Constable of France, who lodged himself nigh Agincourt. Then all the Frenchmen assembled themselves together in one host, and lodged themselves upon the plain field, every man as nigh to his own banner as he could, except some people of small estate, that lodged them in villages nigh unto the field. And the king of England with his Englishmen was lodged in a little village called Maisoncelle, three shots of a bow or thereabout from the Frenchmen.

Howbeit all other authors that I have read recite that he was lodged that night at Agincourt, but whereso he was lodged it was not greatly material, in as much as all mine authors accord in this point that the field was fought in a plain adjoining to Agincourt, and for that reason the field beareth the name of the town. The Frenchmen with all their great lords and captains fixed their banners and standards with great joy and mirth with the banner royal, whereof the Constable had the conduct and charge, in the field by them devised and chosen, which was in the county of St Pôl in the ground of Agincourt, by which the day following the Englishmen should pass to go to Calais. And that night the Frenchmen made great fires, every man under his banner; and that night the Frenchmen, fishing before the net, played the Englishmen at dice, as if they had been assured of the victory, whereby the purveyance of God they disappointed.

And although the French were in number 100,000, whereof the most part had their horses with them there, and besides that they had many other horses in their chariots, wagons, and carts, and other wagons and carriages, whereof they had great plenty amongst them, they had few or no instruments of music to rejoice the companies with; nor of all that night before the battle right few, or in a manner none of their horses brayed or made any noise, whereof many men had marvel suspecting it to prefigure some marvellous fortune to come. But the Englishmen ceased not of all the night to blow or sound their business, trumpets, or other music, whereof they had great plenty, in so much as all the ground about them resounded at their noise. The night before the field the duke of Orléans accompanied with the earl of Richemont, who had the conduct of the people of the dauphin and also of the Bretons assembled them to the number of two thousand bascinets of other Frenchmen with shot, and went secretly to the lodges of the Englishmen, which by the good ordinance of the king, were all ready put in array doubting the invasions of their enemies. Then began the shot on both parties, which endured not long, but that the Frenchmen were constrained to withdraw them to their whole host. After which enterprise the said duke of Orléans and many other noble men were made knights; and thus they passed that night without doing any other feat of war on either party. During this time the duke of Brittany, notwithstanding that he had sent a part of his people before, was come to Amiens with 6,000 fighting men, in the aid of the Frenchmen, and had joined with them if they had tarried his coming till the Saturday. And in like manner the lord Longny, marshal of France, accompanied with 600 men of arms, was also coming into their help, and lodged the same day of the battle six leagues from the whole host; and the morning next after he removed passing early, in trust to come to the field.

The 25th day of October, after matins, masses, prayers and supplications of the king’s priests said and done with all devotion, that most Christian king of England in the morning very early sent forth his host in array. He commanded that his horses, and all other carriages and impediments, should be left in that village, where he had lodged that night, under the guard and keeping of a few persons, and with him he took nothing but men’s bodies, harness, and weapons. The order of his field was: his own battle was not distant far from another. The middle battle, whereof the king was conductor, and wherein he intended to fight, was set in the middle of the field directly against the middle battle of their adversaries. On the right hand or side was the first battle, and therewith the right wing. And on the left side the last battle, and the left wing. And these battles joined nigh together, and by the purveyance of God was proved unto the king, which had his special confidence in God and in justice, a defensible place for his host; for the village, wherein he was lodged the night before, defended his host from all hostile invasions on the back, and the field, wherein he was, was defended on both sides with two small rivers. This noble king was armed with sure and beauteous shining armour, and upon his head was a bright helmet, whereupon was set a crown of gold replete with pearls and precious stones, marvellous rich; and in his shield he bare the arms of England and of France. And thus armed, as he that feared not to be known of his adversaries, he was mounted upon a great and goodly horse, and after him were led certain noble horses with their bridles and trappers of goldsmiths’ work, marvellously rich, as the manner of kings is. And upon them also in the same work were beaten the arms of England and of France.

Thus this most victorious king, prepared and disposed to battle, encouraged his people to the field that approached at hand. And to one great estate of his company, which desired to the pleasure of God that every man of war within England were there with them presently ready apparelled for battle, the king made this answer: ‘Truly I would not that my company were increased of one person more than now it is. We be, as to the regards of our enemies, but a very small number. But if God, of his infinite goodness, favour our causes and right (as we surely trust) there is none of us that may attribute this so great a victory to our own power but only to the hand of God; and by that we shall the rather be provoked to give him due thanks therefore; and if peradventure for our sins we shall be given into the hands of our enemies and to the sword (which God forbid), then the less our company be, the less sorrow and dishonour shall be to the realm of England; or else if we were in great number and should then have victory of our enemies, then our minds should be prone and ready to pride. And then peradventure we should ascribe our victory rather to our own strength than to the hand of God, and thereby we should purchase to ourselves his indignation. But be ye of good courage, and fight with all your might, and God and our right shall defend us, and deliver into our hands all this great multitude of our proud enemies that ye see, or at the least the most part of them.’ The night before this cruel battle, by the advice and council (as it is said) of the duke of York, the king had given commandment through his host, that every man should provide him a stake sharp at both ends, which the Englishmen fixed in the ground before them in the field to defend them from the oppression of the horsemen. The Frenchmen had so much their confidence in the great multitude of their people, in their shining armour and beauteous, and in their great and mighty horses, that many of their great Princes and lords leaving behind them their servants and soldiers, and namely leaving behind them their standards and banners, and other ensigns, came towards the Englishmen in right great haste, as if they had been assured of victory. Amongst whom the duke of Brabant, which for haste had left behind him his banners, took from a trumpet his banner of arms, and commanded it to be borne before him upon a spear instead of his banner.

And when they approached the English host with that knightly diligence that they might, they briefly ordered their battle in this manner. Early in the morning before the battle, which was the Friday the 25th day of October in the year of our Lord God 1415, the constable of France and other wise men of the king’s council of France ordered of their company three battles, whereof the vanguard contained 6,000 bascinets, 4,000 archers, and 1,500 arbalesters [crossbowmen], of whom was the conductor the aforesaid Constable, and with him the duke[s] of Orléans, and of Bourbon, the earls of Eu, and of Richemont, and the Marshal Boucicaut, the master of arbalesters, the lord of Dampierre admiral of France, and divers other great captains and men of honour. In the second battle were appointed as many men of arms, archers and arbalesters as were in the first, of which were conductors the dukes of Berry and Alençon, the earls of Nevers, of Vaudemont, of Blammont, of Salines, of Grand-Pré, and of Roussy. And in their rearward were all the residue of men of arms, archers, and arbalesters, the earl of Marlay, of Dammartin, and of Fauquembergue, and divers other great estates and noble captains. They ordained also two wings of horsemen to sever and break the array of the English host, wherein were 2,400 horsemen with such captains as were thought most convenient for the same. And the rather to encourage the heart of the young lords and gentlemen the constable of France the day and night before this field had made above 600 knights of the field and of his host.

And when they approached, the Frenchmen exceeded so far the Englishmen in number that of them was 31 men’s thickness in every part of the field; nor the field, where they fought, suffered not to receive so great multitude of people as they were; and the English host was scarcely four men’s thickness. At his departure from Harfleur he had in his host 2,000 men of arms, 13,000 archers, and other men of war a great number.

But of this number Enguerunt [de Monstrelet] putteth no certainty. How well the English chronicle reciteth that he had at this field but 10,000 men of war in his host; and that seemeth me marvellous that he having 23,000 [sic] men at his commandment besides all them that were dead of the flux, and besides the garrison he left at Harfleur, would take so small an host with him, considering that he had knowledge before his departure from Harfleur of the preparation that the French made against him. But let every man give credence to whether part he will, and I will return to my matter. Howbeit Enguerunt reciteth that greater part of the English archers were without harness. The Frenchmen had also in his host many guns and engines of divers quantities and fashions, wherewith they shot and cast stones among the English host. These two hosts were distant one from the other scarcely three shots of a bow.

The Frenchmen abode in their array without moving until nine or ten o’clock of the day, being as ascertained that the Englishmen should not escape their hands, seeing how they exceed the English host in number. And when they had stood long thus the one against the other, without doing anything, saving that the horsemen of the French host ran divers courses upon the Englishmen, by whose archers they were at all times driven to their host, and that a great part of the short day was thus passed, the king counselled with his wise men what was to be done thereupon: amongst whom it was considered that long abiding in the realm of his adversaries, where they had no comfort, was unto them perilous and should turn to their great danger, and namely because they had scarcity of victuals, and that the Frenchmen being in their own country, where they had no enemies, and also they should daily increase in number and in strength. Wherefore it was concluded by them to go to their enemies, in as much as they came not to them. But before the king removed his host, upon surety safely to return, came unto the king three noble men of France, among whom was the lord de Heilly, which before time had been taken of the English soldiers, and was brought as a prisoner into England, from whence by breaking of prison he secretly escaped and returned into France. This Lord spake unto the king in this manner: ‘Noble king, it hath often been shown unto me, and also to others of our realm, that I should fly from you shamefully and otherwise than a knight should do, which report I am here ready to prove untrue. And if there be any man of your host hardy to reproach me thereof, let him prepare him to a single battle. And I shall prove it upon him before the matter, that wrongfully that report hath been imagined and furnished of me.’ To whom the king made this answer: ‘No battle shall be here fought at this time for this cause, another time shall be thereto more convenient than this. Therefore return you and call forth your company to the field, before the night approach. And we trust in God, that like as you having no regard to the order of honour of knighthood, escaped from us, so that [day] ye shall either be taken and brought to us again, or else by the sword you shall finish your life.’ ‘Noble king,’ said the lord, ‘for you I shall not warn my company, nor they shall in nothing attempt your commandment. Both we and you with your host be within the hand of the most Christian king of France, Charles, to whose commandment we shall obey and not to yours. And we that be his lieges shall come to battle at our own pleasure and not at yours.’ ‘Depart you from hence,’ said the king, ‘to your host, and we believe you shall not return with so full speed, but we shall be there shortly after you.’ Then these Lords departed.

And the king forthwith advanced his banners and standards to the French host. And he in his person, with his battle in the same order wherein they stood following, exhorted and encouraged every man to battle, notwithstanding he went to invade his enemies; yet [he] kept his accustomed order: that is, that the first battle went before, the second battle followed, and the third came immediately after. He commanded his priests and chaplains to abide in prayers and divine supplications; and his heralds bearing their coat armours to attain to their offices. Then every Englishman fell prostrate to the ground, and committing themselves to God, every one of them took in his mouth a little piece of earth, in remembrance of that they were mortal and earth, or else in remembrance of the holy communion. Thus all the carriages and baggages left behind, only charged with their harness, weapons, and stakes they marched toward their enemies with great noise. Then they began to sound their trumpets and their tabors, which greatly encouraged the heart of every man. Their enemies seeing them approach advanced themselves also, and met with them in the field, betwixt whom was began a marvellous fierce and cruel battle. The battles of the Englishmen were as long as the field, wherein they fought, would suffer; which was greatly to their advantage, for by that their enemies were let to come upon them at the sides and back of the host. The Frenchmen had ordained their battles with two sharp fronts like unto two horns, which always backward was broader; and these sharp battles set upon the king’s middleward, in intent to run through the king’s field. The order and array of the English had been sore troubled of the horsemen of France, if they had not been slain, beaten, and wounded by the bows of England, and by the help of the stakes that the Englishmen had fixed before them in the ground, whereby the horsemen were constrained to return, or else they must run upon the stakes, where many of them were overthrown and wounded, and many both men and horses slain. The battle and fight increased marvellously; every man enforced him to be a victor by the space of three hours, by which time without delay or respite endured this mortal battle; no man approached the place of the battle, but wither he must slay or else he was slain. There no man intended to prowess, but to victory; no man was taken prisoner, but an innumerable were slain. And when it came to the middle of the field the Englishmen were more encouraged to slay their enemies than before, as to whom was no trust of life but only in victory. They slew them that came first unto them, upon whose dead bodies an innumerable company were thrown and slain, and that the victory surely remained to the Englishmen. Thus after a long and cruel battle by the demerits of their great pride there approached no Frenchman to battle, but only to death: of whom, after that an innumerable company were slain, and that the victory surely remained to the Englishmen, they spared to slay and took prisoners of the Frenchmen both princes, lords, and gentlemen in great number. In this mortal battle the noble king never spared his body from labour, from perils, nor from fighting; nor he never failed his men for no danger of death, nor for no pain; but he fought with his adversaries with an ardent heart as a famished lion for his prey; in his helmet and in the residue of his armour he received many strokes. In this field as the puissant Duke Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, the king’s brother, fought with great courage and force, he was sore wounded in the groin with a sword, and overthrown, in so much as he lay as half dead in the field, his head towards the Englishmen, and his feet towards his enemies, upon whom the king having brotherly love and compassion bestride him: and with most strong battle and labour, and not without his own great peril, the brother defended and succoured the brother from their enemies, and made the duke to be borne out of the field amongst the hands of his own men. At the last the victory obtained, and the great host of the Frenchmen slain, taken, wounded and vanquished, forth with another host of the Frenchmen, no less than the first, supposing the Englishmen now to be wearied by their long travail and fight, disposed them to recommence and begin again the battle anew; when the Englishmen (which had more prisoners than themselves were in number) saw this new field assembled to give them battle again, fearing lest in this new field they should fight both with their prisoners, and their enemies, they put to death many of their said enemies prisoners both noblemen and rich men. Amongst whom the duke of Brabant, who at that field was taken prisoner, was slain.

Then this noble prudent king, considering and seeing the resemblance of his adversaries, sent his heralds unto them commanding either forthwith to come to battle, or else immediately to depart; and if they delayed to depart, or else if they came to battle, both those of theirs that then were prisoners, and also all they that should after be taken, without mercy or redemption should be put to death. All this he gave in message to his heralds, which message when the Frenchmen had heard fearing the strength of the Englishmen, and also the death both of themselves, and also of those prisoners that were taken before on their party, with heaviness and with shame they departed forthwith. Then the king, assured of this great victory, gave the greatest thanks and laud to God that might be. And because that day the Church solemnized the commemoration of St Crispin and St Crispinian (by whose suffrages it seemed him that this great victory was given him of God) he ordained during his life the commemoration of them to be said daily in mass he heard. In this cruel battle were slain on the French part the noble dukes of Alençon and Bar, and of Brabant, and the lord Heilly, who, as is aforesaid, came before the battle to purge himself before the king of his escape out of England.

The lord d’Albret, chief constable of France, the archbishop of Sens, eight earls, and one hundred and more of barons, 1,500 knights, and above 10,000 of all estates, whereof were not scarcely 1,500 persons that were soldiers, servants, or varlets, besides this great number. And all the rest were gentlemen of coat armour. At this battle besides this great murder were taken prisoners of the Frenchmen the duke of Orléans, and of Brabant, Arthur, brother to the duke of Brittany, the earl of Vendôme, the earl of Eu, the earl of Richemont, and Sir Boucicaut, marshal of France, who was brought prisoner into England and there died. And many other men were taken prisoners unto the number of 1,500 persons, all knights and gentlemen. And on the English part were slain the duke of York, the earl of Suffolk, and to the number of an hundred persons in the vanguard. And of all estates as well of gentlemen as of commons on the English part were not found dead above 600 in the field.

When the day began to decline and the night approach, by the advice of his council that victorious king returned with his host into that village, wherein they harboured the night before the field, where he found his horses and other baggage and carriage that he left there before the field, stolen and carried away by robbers of the Frenchmen. Where amongst many other jewels of great price was stolen away a sword of great value, adorned with gold and precious stones, which after was given to Philip, earl of Charolais, son and heir to Burgundy.

The same day of the field at night, when the king sat at his refection in the aforesaid village, he was served at his board of these great lords and princes that were taken in the field. That night the king appointed good and sure watches throughout his host for fear of sudden invasions. But the Frenchmen were utterly divided and gone, without making or intending any new business; whereby the Englishmen were suffered in peace to take their rest that night. And the day next ensuing the king with his people entered his journey towards Calais; and as they passed through the field where they had fought the day before, they found all the dead bodies of the men despoiled as well of their harness as of their array by the inhabitants of the country both men and women. Notwithstanding, the bodies that might be known for Englishmen that were of any reputation, the king caused to be assembled and interred according to their estate. And so continuing his journey the King came to his castle of Guînes, and from thence he went to his town of Calais, with all his host and his prisoners, where he was received of his liegemen with great joy and with all due honour. And after that his host was something refreshed with meat, drink and sleep, the king counselled with his councillors if he should now return into France and pursue his enterprise begun, or else return with his host into England and refresh his people. Amongst whom it was considered that the number of his people was right small, and of them that were left many were troubled with the disease of the flux, and many so grieved of those wounds that they had received at the field. They considered also that long abiding at Calais should cause penury of victuals amongst his host. And on the other part in their own country the people should at their ease have refreshed them, and cure them of their diseases and wounds. They also considered that the time hitherto had not been unfortunate to them: but that with their honour they might return with their gain that they had conquered and gotten. They trusted also that the aid of God was not withdrawn from them, but that to his pleasure the king should right well obtain his desire in time to come. For which consideration the minds of all his councillors were condescended and agreed upon their return into England, thereby to rejoice the hearts of the people, where also they might refresh their bodies, and recover themselves of their diseases and wounds.

 

C 2. Robert Fabyan, The New Chronicles of England and France (1516, English)

 

Modernised from The New Chronicles of England and France in two parts by Robert Fabyan, named by himself the Concordance of Histories, ed. H. Ellis (London, 1811), pp. 573–81.

 

Robert Fabyan (d. 1513) was from Essex but followed his father as a clothier in London, becoming sheriff in 1493. He was in the tradition of the London chroniclers, as can be seen from the format of his work. He also drew on previous city chronicles and materials. But it has also been claimed that he was the first of the citizen chroniclers of London who conceived the design of expanding his diary into a general history.³⁵ Thus his plan also has links with the general chronicles of previous centuries too. Six books of what he called the Concordance of Histories dealt with the period from Brutus to the Norman Conquest. The seventh took the account to his own day, and was dated as in the form of a London Chronicle from the reign of Richard I onwards. In his prologue he indicates his intention to deal with ‘the fatall warre that hath dured so longe twene Fraunce and England, to both their damage’.³⁶ The text was printed after his death by Robert Pynson as ‘The New Chronicles of England and France’. A second edition was printed by Rastell in 1533 with a continuation to the death of Henry VII which may be the work of Fabyan himself.

Generally he does not give the source of his information, although he cites the French writer ‘Gaguynus’, that is, Robert Gaugin (d. 1501), who published the Grandes Chroniques and other historical and literary works. Flenley considers that Fabyan’s work ‘is poor in comparison with the chronicles written later in the century, yet it showed a great advance on the preceding and contemporary city chronicles’.³⁷ He drew on one of the London chronicles which is now lost, as well as a variety of other works and the Letter Books of London.³⁸ Thus, for instance, he tells us that the prisoners at Agincourt amounted ‘to the number of 2,400 and above, as witnesseth the Book of Mayor’.³⁹ He also tells us of how the news of the victory came to the city: this detail is taken from an account in the Great Chronicle of London. He does not follow the number of troops given in the Brut or London Chronicles, suggesting 1,500 spearmen and 18,000 yeomen and archers, numbers which are suspiciously like ratios of these military components appropriate to the time he was writing rather than in 1415. He also gives, at 40,000, a lower total for the French than any fifteenth-century text. The chronicle proved popular and was printed three times within 50 years of the first edition. There is evidence of its use in other chronicles of the sixteenth century.

 

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AD 1414                                                                  AD 1415

 

 

John Mychell

 

 

Thomas Fawconer, mercer                                               Year 3

 

 

Thomas Aleyn

 

 

Then the dauphin with other lords of France, which at the time had the realm of France in governance, for so much as the French king was visited with such malady as before I have shown, broke the bridge to let the king of his passage over the water of Somme. Wherefore he was constrained to draw towards Picardy, and so pass by the river of Péronne, whereof the Frenchmen being wary, assembled and lodged them at certain towns named Agincourt, Rolandcourt and Blangy, with all the power of France. And when King Henry saw that he was so beset with his enemies, he in the name of God and St George pitched his field in a plain, between the said towns of Agincourt and Blangy, having in his company of whole men that might fight, not passing the number of 7,000. But at those days the yeomen had their limbs at liberty, for their hose was then fastened with one point, and their jackets were long and easy to shoot in, so that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a yard long, beside the head.

Then the king considering the great number of his enemies, and that the act of Frenchmen standing much in overriding of their adversaries by force of spearmen, he therefore charged every bowman to ordain him a sharp stake, and to put it at a slope before him, and when the spears came, to draw back behind it, and so to shoot at the horsemen. And the proper request of the duke of York he ordained him to have the vanguard of that field. And when King Henry had thus providently ordered for his battle overnight, upon the morrow being the 25th day of October, and the day of the holy martyrs Crispin and Crispinian, the king caused divers masses to be sung. And where the night before the English host was occupied in prayer and confession, he then caused the bishops and other spiritual men to give unto them general absolution.

And that done, with a comfortable cheer ordered his people as they should fight, having unto them good and comfortable words, and so abode the coming of their enemies, which of divers writers were and are remembered to be above 40,000 fighting men. The which about 9 of the clock in the morning, with great pride set upon the English host, thinking to have overridden them shortly; but the archers like as before they were taught, put their sharp stakes before them, and when they saw the French gallants approach, they a little rode back and received them, as hereafter ensueth.

That is to mean they shot at them so fervently, that what with the shot and goring of their horses with the sharp stakes, they stumbled one upon another, so that he or they which ran foremost, were the confusion of him or them that followed, so that in a short while a great multitude of horse and men were laid upon the ground. And after their shot spent, they laid about them with their glaives and axes, that by the great grace of God and comfortable aid of the king, the victory fell that day to the Englishmen, and with little loss of their company; for, after the opinion of sundry writers, were slain that day of Englishmen, the dukes of York and of Suffolk, and not over 26 persons more.

But of Frenchmen were slain that day, after English writers, over the number of 10,000 albeit that French Gaguynus saith, that of the English host were slain the duke of York and with him 400 men, and of French host 4,000 of men of name, besides others, which he numbered not. Also he affirmeth to be horsemen at that field, upon the French part 10,000, over and beside the footmen, and that the Englishmen were numbered at 1,500 spear men, and 18,000 of yeomen and archers. At this said battle was take prisoner, the duke of Orléans, the duke of Bourbon, the earls of Vendôme, of Eu, of Richemont, and Boucicaut then marshall of France, with many other knights and esquires, which were tedious to name, to the number of 2,400 and above, as witnesseth the book of mayors. And in this battle were slain of the nobles of France, the dukes of Bar, of Alençon and of Brabant, eight earls, and barons above 80 with other gentlemen in coat armour, to the number of 3,000 and above; by reason of which pillage the Englishmen were greatly advanced, for the Frenchmen were so assured of victory by reason of their great number, that they brought the more plenty of riches with them, to the end to buy prisoners either of other. And also after the victory by them obtained, to show unto Englishmen their pride and pompous array; but God, which knew the presumption and pomp, turned all things contrary to their minds and intents. When the king by grace and power of God, more than by force of man, had thus gotten this triumphant victory, and returned his people from the chase of their enemies, tidings were brought unto him that a new host of Frenchmen were coming towards him. Wherefore he anon commanded his people to be embattled, and that done made proclamations through the host, that every man should slay his prisoner; by reason of which proclamation, the duke of Orléans and the other lords of France were in such fear that they anon, by the licence of the king, sent such word unto the said host that they withdrew them, and the king with his prisoners upon the morrow following took his way towards his town of Calais, where he rested him during this mayor’s time.

 

C 3. Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia (1513, published 1534, Latin)

 

Translated from Polydori Vergilii, Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVI (Basle, 1534), pp. 437–42

 

Polydore Vergil was born in Urbino, Italy in about 1470. He came to England in 1502 in the entourage of Adriano de Castello of Cornetto who had been appointed bishop of Hereford, and was appointed the bishop’s deputy as collector of Peter’s Pence, the tribute paid to the papacy by the English church. Four years after his patron was translated to the see of Bath and Wells in 1504, Vergil was appointed archdeacon of Wells. He was also used as an envoy to the papal court until he fell from Wolsey’s favour in 1514. He remained in England until 1553, then returning to Urbino where he died in 1555. His Anglica Historia was begun under commission from Henry VII, although it is possible that he had already begun to collect information on his own initiative.⁴⁰ The first version to 1509 was completed in 1513 and dedicated to Henry VIII. It was published in Basle in 1534, the delay in publication probably being due to his fall from favour, although the place of publication may also reveal the author’s intention that the work should be known on both sides of the Channel. Later editions were also delayed due to political developments in England. Second and third editions were published in Basle in 1546 and in 1555, the latter covering the period to 1537.

The work was within the humanist tradition, with much use made of classical sources and classical-style rhetoric. Vergil’s Latin style is also much purer and more precise than the fifteenth-century Latin writers noted in the previous chapter. He also had a stated desire to seek the truth, and to establish causation based upon human rather than divine agency. As Ellis points out, ‘it is the first of our histories in which the writer ventured to compare the facts and weigh the statements of his predecessors; and it was the first in which summaries of personal character are introduced in the terse and energetic form adopted in the Roman classics.’⁴¹ Thus Vergil condemned the monastic chronicles as bald, uncouth, chaotic and deceitful.⁴² Moreover, in the sections after 1066, he gave a reign-based structure to his work, probably influenced by Suetonius’ Twelve Caesars, although there is less by way of summative judgments of each reign: the approach is overwhelmingly narrative. He also includes an index, which was a novel feature for the period, and he was much more discriminating in his use of sources than Fabyan had been.⁴³

However, his work could not be totally objective given that it was commissioned by Henry VII. To 1400 there is no obvious bias but for the fifteenth century, and in particular the period of the Wars of the Roses, Vergil was keen to provide an account which would redound to the favour of the Tudors, rather as Hall attempted to do in the 1540s. This is not obvious, however, in the account of Agincourt, for here as elsewhere Henry V escapes the denigration given by the Tudors to their fifteenth-century predecessors. It is clear, too, that Vergil drew upon vernacular chronicles in England, especially the London Chronicles and the Brut, perhaps using the latter through Caxton’s printing of it in his Polychronicon. The words he gives to Henry in response to the French heralds are very close to those given by Tito Livio and the First English Life. There are also references to the use of oral traditions, such as in mention of the popular fame of Agincourt.⁴⁴ Although the work was published abroad it was used by later writers, including Hall and Holinshed. It is notable for the level of explanation, on, for instance, the use of stakes. It is a dispassionate and remarkably sensible account, although Henry is allowed a rhetorical flourish in his pre-battle oration. This is entirely in the classical tradition where the insertion of a speech before the action helps to heighten and maintain the tension. The excitement is also maintained by Polydore’s frequent use in his Latin tense structure of the historic present. The influence of Livy as well as Suetonius is apparent.

 

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Emboldened with joy and pleasure on account of that success [at Harfleur] the king thought that he should advance further but he was prevented by the onset of winter, which was now beginning to afflict them earlier than usual, and after calling a council of war consulted his officers about where now to march. Various opinions were offered, but one seemed best of all, that they make for Calais, and, so that their departure should not seem like running away, it was decided that they should go by an inland route through the middle of the enemy, which was judged to be that much more dangerous because the number of healthy soldiers had been greatly reduced, as many on all sides were dying from disease which at that time had spread through that region; that was also a reason why they had so quickly discussed a withdrawal. So the king, after leaving Thomas, earl of Dorset, with a garrison in the captured town, began to march with his column drawn up and and hurried to Pontoise [sic] with the intention of leading his forces across the Somme before the bridges were broken down.

The French meanwhile got to know their enemies’ plan and took in advance all the bridges and fords and also, wherever they guessed the English would try to cross, they despoiled the land of pasture, corn and any other foodstuff, in order to shut the enemy off from all routes equally and put pressure on him through lack of everything. The English, although affected at one point by inconveniences of that kind, were in no way dismayed, but, pressing vigorously to complete the journey they had undertaken, arrived at the Somme. There being informed that the bridges had been broken down by the enemy, without delay they sent light armed horsemen to reconnoitre and find out what enemy troops, what ambushes, and what danger there might be to the right and to the left and also where there was a shallow part of the river that was safe to cross. The horsemen performed this duty and reported that everywhere was full of enemy troops. When the king learned this, he went forward slowly, just as he had started to do, and, managing his affairs well, he led his battle array against the enemy who were standing around on the right and the left in such a way that he seemed to carry in front of him an appearance which brought terror on those who were watching. By that means it was brought about that without the necessity of fighting being put upon him he advanced as far as Corbie. There he was delayed by the arrival during the night of the country-dwellers and in the morning of the soldiers who had been left as a garrison in the town, but that affair turned out well for him, for, when the garrison had been routed and driven back in flight within the walls together with the crowd of country-dwellers, on the following day he found a ford between Corbie and Péronne, which, so the story goes, had never been known before that time, crossed the river and accelerating his journey straightway made for Calais, and that though he had decided that he should not fight a battle on account of the small number of his men, unless the situation demanded otherwise, for he had with him up to 2,000 English cavalry and up to 13,000 archers.

The English were afflicted during their journey by innumerable inconveniences, since they had not prepared the food supplies necessary for so many days nor could they easily find any on the journey, as the corn had been removed beforehand by their enemies. Henry, however, restrained the hands of his soldiery in a situation of such shortage from acts of sacrilege, in that he had long since promulgated an edict in the following terms to his army: ‘Let no soldier ever despoil sacred edifices or violate them; if you do this, you will expiate the crime with due punishment’. As a result of that, when he heard that a certain soldier had snatched from a church a small vessel in which the sacrament was reserved, it is said that he ordered his marching column to stop and did not allow it to leave the spot until the vessel had been restored and the soldier had paid the penalty with his life. Hence it came about that, when the report of that action had spread through the countryside, the inhabitants of neighbouring places, contrary to their orders, supplied food to the column.

The French were highly indignant that the enemy was slipping away without a fight and they sent an invitation to battle to Henry by means of messengers. To that the Englishman replied: ‘It is my concern that nothing should be done other than as God wills and as is necessary: for I shall not take the initiative in attacking the French with arms, but, if I am provoked by them, I shall not refuse battle: meanwhile I shall proceed to Calais. But, if anyone tries to stop me on my journey, he will not do so without harm to himself. Therefore lest anyone rashly dare to do that, I am particularly keen that this land should not unluckily be soaked with Christian blood.’ That said, he dismissed the messengers from his presence without a gift.

On receiving this response, the French leaders pitched camp near the town of Blangy and prevented the enemy from advancing further, prepared in any circumstances to join battle, and so they arrayed their line of battle. In the front line they positioned 3,000 cavalry, the second line was strengthened by Charles, duke of Orléans, Louis, duke of Bourbon, Edward, duke of Bar, and the count of Nevers, attended by much the most numerous multitude of infantry and horsemen. After these, in a disordered array an unnumbered throng of soldiers held the third line in order to bring help where needed.

When Henry saw that the battle was nearer than he had believed, and thought that he would not safely leave the nearby camp where he had established himself the day before, he led out his army to take up battle order on the nearest plain, which lay open and extensive around the town of Blangy: and in order that the site of the battle should not restrict his soldiers’ valour he chose a place near the hamlet which they call Agincourt, behind which a small hill rose which was covered on both sides with a forest of trees and very thick thorn-bushes, which provided defences like a wall, to prevent the enemy attacking him in the rear. Here he drew up his battle line. On his right flank, which was against the enemy, he placed his archers, in command of whom he put Edward, duke of York, and on the left and around the sides he disposed his cavalry. He himself joined with the main strength of his soldiers in the middle of the line.

But, since the enemy were superior in the number of both infantry and cavalry, he was afraid that the battle would not be fought with the same intensity on his men’s front and flank, and so to ward off the force and the charge of the enemy’s cavalry and to prevent them disturbing the order of his infantry on which the whole strength of his army rested, and breaking it, he had fences made on each flank from stakes six feet or a little less long, shod with iron on both sides and sharpened, so that, if the horses ran into them, they would be suddenly transfixed, and to certain soldiers of the common sort he gave the task of refixing the stakes as chance and the situation required and again fixing them in that point of the location to which the infantry moved in the fighting. The infantry therefore stationed itself within these fences of stakes or a rampart of earth, but all the cavalry stood on the flanks outside the stakes. Even now the English keep this method of fortifying their battle-array, although other machines have been invented for this purpose by means of which cavalry are kept at a distance from their infantry, for, if horses run rashly into the devices themselves, either they are pierced through at once or, their feet wounded, they are forced to fall to the ground.

I return to my theme. When he had drawn up his battle line in this way, the king ordered the baggage to be thrown together into one place and a place left in the camp even though it was defended by only a small garrison. After that he made a speech to the soldiers and urged them to foster a good hope in their hearts; for, he said, they should convince themselves of that truth that they had come to that particular place, which was as suitable for a small force of solders to fight in as it was useless to a large number, with God as their guide, who did not favour treaty-breakers, who did not help those who laid their hands on what belonged to others, those by whose faults surely and whose crimes rightly they knew that the French were among their most clearly marked out enemies. Therefore they should not be afraid because the enemy were far greater in number, since they ought also to know that in a great multitude of soldiers it necessarily follows that the greater proportion of them are much the most inexperienced in warfare and that, whenever they are involved in fighting, they are wont to obstruct those soldiers who are brave and energetic. Moreover, even if all men were equally knowledgeable of military skill, they should not for that reason be terrified, since they had to fight for their country, on whose behalf nothing had to be done without a heart prepared for it. Further, although there would be loss of life, yet it would be glorious: if they were victorious, they should be assured that the victory would be ascribed by all peoples to their noble qualities, but, if they were defeated by so great a multitude of enemies, they should reckon that they themselves would incur no ignominy at all, because being few they had been overcome by many. And finally they should know for sure that victory was in their grasp, if at the first clash they entered battle with a brave heart; because, what taught them that they ought to do so was the fact that they knew well that the issue was between them and the French, whom they had very often defeated before and whom they had for a long time known were as very ready to join battle as they were very weak at bearing the burden of a longer fight.

While the king was speaking up to this point, the soldiers’ ardour began to peak at such a level that with a huge clamour they demanded the signal for battle. The dukes of Clarence, York and Gloucester felt that that should be done quickly, arguing that delay was merely an advantage to the enemy, since new troops were flowing into him from all sides. The king, however, decided to delay a little so that he should not do anything without proper thought. But the French meanwhile scorned the small numbers of the enemy and considered them of no account and so much confidence and high spirits took hold of them that they no longer thought about the logic of warfare, but thought they had already won the day; they widely rejoiced, considered themselves to be in paradise, boasted and bragged that they had the English surrounded and that he was defeated with no effort of their part and was already in their hands. The leaders of the contingents were already dividing the spoils, casting lots for the prisoners and preparing a chariot, in which the captive king would be led in triumph; at the same time they encouraged their soldiers and shouted to them: ‘Hurry to booty and to glory, so that we may now think about your rewards and about rendering our thanks’.

Vain though it was, their passion for rejoicing went so far that they sent messengers to the cities in every direction to order them to rejoice and publicly congratulate them on the victory, as if it was not still uncertain, and to give thanks to God, in no way suspecting that it would soon come about that the winds would snatch their joy away. From this one may gather that to judge anything as certain about the outcome of future affairs is as much a mark of madness as not to do so is of prudence. What about the fact that they sent a messenger even to Henry to ask how much he wished to pay for his own ransom! They say that Henry replied that he hoped that within two or three hours it would so happen that the French rather than the English would have to give consideration to ransoming.

But while these things were happening, the forces being drawn up by both sides on the 25th of October, which was the day of the battle, at around midday they came at last to grips, for, when the signal had been given at the same point of time from both sides, they ran eagerly at one another and began to fight in their different ways. Certainly the English archers so harried with their first attack the French cavalry and infantry who were positioned together against them, that for some long time afflicted by many wounds they could not easily mount an attack, and by falling all over the place they caused no small consternation to their own men and gave heart to their enemies. On the other hand, when hand-to-hand fighting began, a good part of the English archers, having quickly thrown away their bows as is their custom and taken up the daggers and the swords which they always had ready to hand, rushed at a great pace into the advancing enemy. Against them at every point the French pressed, threatened and strove hard; while some of the cavalry fought it out with the English infantry, others on the right wing, with their shields held before them strove with the utmost endeavour to attack the enemy from the flank, but not without slaughter and they were repelled first by the rest of the archers, then by the horsemen who were standing near the stockades. So, the contest was everywhere keen and it was in the balance; everyone straining on his own behalf where he stood and pressing forward with shields and swords without time to draw breath fought some for victory, others for survival.

After both sides had fought bravely for nearly three hours, the king, after leading round wings of his cavalry a short distance, himself attached the line of infantry from behind; the new clamour that arose from there so terrified the minds of the French that at once they began to retreat. But, when the king saw the standards in confusion and the battle-array wavering, he then encouraged his soldiers with a few words attacked them with such force that the French were suddenly put to flight and fled in different directions and, after throwing away their arms, praying only for survival, surrendered. Meanwhile the French cavalry with Robert Bournoville at their head, who had been the first to turn their backs, heard that the equipment of the English was far away from their armed men without a guard and unfortified, and stirred by eagerness partly to take booty, partly to remedy by some fine deed the misfortune they had suffered, made an attack on the camp which was empty of defenders and seized all the equipment capturing or killing those who had been left to guard it. When an alarmed messenger brought this news to the king and the clamour was heard of the young men and others, who on the arrival of the enemy had taken to their heels, and were shouting that the soldiers’ goods were being snatched away and carried off in all directions, the king was afraid that the enemy might be gathered together from their scattered flight and renew the battle, and out of necessity going against the mildness of his spirit he ordered the prisoners themselves of whom there was a large number to be killed at once and instructed his soldiers to disencumber themselves again for fighting.

Carrying out his orders, they killed a good part of the prisoners, and, forgetting all the unexpected labour that they had endured through almost a whole day and their wounds, stirred themselves with a single shake just as if they were unharmed and fresh. They returned to their battle formation and then attacked the enemy with the greatest force they could. But since the enemy, having now obtained his booty, was too far away for them to overtake him, of their own accord they stopped pursuing him. So this was the glorious battle at Agincourt and a victory of the English people, recalled among their foremost victories. Ten thousand Frenchmen were killed in the battle; the number of those taken prisoner, if they had not been killed in their camp by the enemy, was almost as large; many on both sides died later from their wounds. Of the English, if we believe those who recount miracles, scarcely a hundred perished, along with Edward, duke of York. Of the writers some record that 500 English were lost in that battle, others 600. I am not sorry not to be of the opinion of the latter; for, when the battle was hard fought for more than three hours, it is far from doubt fair to believe that the English who were involved in armed conflict also received wounds of their own.

But for the king who had won so great a victory nothing was more urgent than that at that place on bended knee he should say many prayers and give undying thanks to God to whom that day, which is sacred to Sts Crispin and Crispinian, has remained for ever dedicated. After that shortly before nightfall he returned to his camp, which, as he refilled it to some small extent with his spoils, when he had that night restored his soldiers who were weary from their labours. The next day he returned to the battlefield and honoured with burial all those alike, whether of his own men or of the enemy, who had been lost in that encounter, but he had the body of the duke of York transported back to England, in order that it might be placed in the tomb of his ancestors. This done, with the dukes of Orléans and Bourbon and other prisoners from the nobility he returned first to Calais and then to England.

 

C 4. Edward Hall, The Union of the Two Illustre Families of Lancaster and York (1542, English)

 

Modernised from Hall’s Chronicle containing the History of England, ed. H. Ellis (London, 1809), pp. 63–73.

 

Edward Hall (d. 1547) hailed from Shropshire. After studying at Eton and Cambridge, he entered Gray’s Inn and spent most of his life in legal and political activity in London. He was a committed supporter of the Henrician Reformation: ‘his historical studies were boldly applied to the maintenance of an extreme theory of royal supremacy’.⁴⁵ In 1542 he published his Union of the Two Illustre Families of Lancaster and York beyng Long in Continual Dissension for the Crown of this Noble Realm, which was reprinted after his death by Grafton in 1548 and again in 1550. Unlike Fabyan, he chose not to cast his work in the style of the London chronicle with the year by year list of officials, preferring rather a reign-based approach. He also gave a shape and a unity of purpose to his work by deliberately beginning it with Henry IV (‘the first author of this division’) and ending with the accession of Henry VIII (‘the undubitate flower and very heir of both the sayd lineages’). This was an overtly political statement which contrasted the anarchy of the fifteenth century, caused by the continuing aftermath of the change of dynasty in 1399, with the peace brought about by the coming of the Tudors, who united the two warring houses.

He claimed that this made sense in terms of historical writing, although he was exaggerating somewhat when he said in his prologue that ‘sithe the ende of Froissart which endeth at the begynnyng of King Henry the Fourthe no man in the English tongue hath either set furth their honours according to their desertes, nor yet declared many noble actes worthy of memory dooen in the tyme of the seven kynges which after King Richard succeeded.’⁴⁶ Hall used a wide range of source materials, and although he did not use marginal notes, he prefixed his work with a list of the authorities used. He divides this into Latin, French and English writers, and those relevant to the current study include Monstrelet, the Chronicles of Normandy, Fabyan, Hardyng, the Chronicles of London, Caxton and John Basset. This last reference is particularly interesting as there are distinct indications in his text that he did indeed draw upon the Chronicle of (Peter) Basset and Hanson which is now in the College of Arms. He did not, it seems, consult Tito Livio’s Vita Henrici Quinti.⁴⁷ He praised Fabyan as one of the few adequate histories in the English tongue but he also used the manuscript London chronicles too.⁴⁸ Polydore Vergil was also an important influence if not source. Indeed it is claimed that there was a strong humanist influence playing on Hall, and that he was the first of the native sixteenth-century writers to use English in the fashion of the renaissance in a work which deliberately covered a long and coherent period of time.⁴⁹ His chronicle is long-winded and he was keen to give his characters fictitious speeches. Roger Ascham accused him ‘of making excessive use of what he called “indenture English”, this is of synonyms and equivalent phrases’, but as McKisack adds ‘he had a sensitive ear for language and he was a master of the vivid phrase’.⁵⁰

Hall treated Henry V as a great hero, subtitling his reign ‘the victorious acts of King Henry V’. This tone is exemplified in the account of the battle which is exceptionally full although sometimes inventive. In many ways, Hall produced the definitive version of the battle, expanding upon the stories he found elsewhere, and establishing the orthodoxy for others to follow. The account is poetic throughout. Hall waxes lyrical on the killing of the prisoners, and gives a remarkable speech to the French King of Arms after the battle as well as to Henry and the French constable before it.

 

*

 

King Henry, not a little rejoicing of his good luck and fortunate success in the beginning of his pretensed conquest, determined with all diligence to set forward in performing his intended purpose and warlike enterprise, but because winter approached faster and more furiously than before that time had been accustomed, he was sore troubled and vexed. For the which cause he called together all the chieftains and men of policy in his army to consult upon the proceeding forward and to be sure of way and ready passage. After long debating and much reasoning, it was as a thing both necessary and convenient and fully agreed and determined to set forward with all diligence before the dead time of winter approached, toward the town of Calais. And because their going forward should be called of slanderous tongues a running or flying away, it was decreed that the whole army should pass the next way by land through the midst of their enemies, and yet that journey was judged perilous by reason that the number was much diminished by the flux and other fevers, which sore vexed and brought to death above 1,500 persons, which was the very cause that the return was sooner concluded and appointed.

When the king had repaired the walls, fortified the bulwarks, refreshed the ramparts and furnished the town with victuals and artillery, he removed from Harfleur toward Pontoise [sic for Ponthieu?], intending to pass the river of Somme with his army before the bridges were either withdrawn or broken. The French king hearing that the town of Harfleur was gotten and that the king of England was marching forward into the bowels of the realm, sent out proclamations and assembled people in every quarter, committing the whole charge of his army to his son, the dauphin and the duke of Aquitaine, which immediately caused the bridges to be broken and all the passages to be defended, beside that they caused all corn and other victual to be destroyed in all places where they conjectured that the Englishmen would repair or pass through, to the intent that they might either keep them in a place certain without any passage or departure, and so to destroy them at their pleasures, or else to keep them in a strait without victuals or comfort, and so by famine with cause them to die or yield.

The king of England afflicted with all these incommodities at one time was neither dismayed nor discouraged, but keeping forth his journey approached to the river of Somme, where he perceived that all the bridges were by his enemies broken and unframed: wherefore he came to the passage called Blanchetaque where King Edward, his great-grandfather, passed the river of Somme before the battle of Crécy. But the passage was so kept that he could not pass without great danger, considering that his enemies were at his back and before his face. Wherefore he passed forward to Arraines, burning villages and taking great booty and every day he sent his light horsemen abroad to spy and seek what perils there were at hand, what ambushes there were laid on the one side or the other, and to find out where he might most safely pass the river. The spies returned and declared for a truth that the country swarmed with men of war, whereof he being advertised, set forth in good order, keeping still his way forward and so ordered his army and placed his carriage, that having his enemies on both sides of him, he passed so terribly that his enemies were afraid once to offer him battle, and yet the lord d’Albret, constable of France, the Marshal Boucicaut, the earl of Vendôme, great Master of France, and the lord Dampier admiral of France, the duke of Alençon and the earl of Richemont with all the puissance of the dauphin lay at Abbeville and durst not once touch his battles, but ever kept the passages and coasted aloft like a hawk that liketh not her prey. The king of England still kept on his journey till he came to the bridge of St Maxence, where he found above 3,000 Frenchmen and there pitched his field, looking surely to be set on and fought withal. Wherefore to encourage his captains the more, he dubbed certain of his hardy and valiant gentlemen knights, as lord Ferrers of Groby, Reignold of Greystoke, Piers Tempest, Christopher Morisby, Thomas Pickering, William Huddleston, [?] Hosbalton, Henry Mortimer, Philip Hall and William his brother, and Jaques de Ormond and divers others.⁵¹ But when he saw the Frenchmen made no semblance to fight, he departed in good order of battle by the town of Amiens to a town near to a castle called Boves, and there lay two days, every hour looking for battle. And from thence he came near to Corbie where he stayed that night by reason that the common people and peasants of the country assembled in great number, and the men of arms of the garrison of Corbie skirmished with his army in the morning, which tarrying was to him both joyous and profitable, for there he discomfited the crew of horsemen and drove the rustic people even to their gates, and also found there the same day a shallow ford between Corbie and Péronne, which never was espied before. At the which he, his army and carriages the night ensuing passed the great river of Somme without let or danger, the morrow after St Luke’s day [19 Oct], determined with all diligence to pass to Calais, and not to seek for battle except he were thereto constrained and compelled, because that his army by sickness was sore diminished and impaired, for he had only 2,000 horsemen and 8,000 archers, billmen and of all sorts. The Englishmen were afflicted in this journey with an hundred discommodities, for their victual was in manner all spent, and new they could get none, for their enemies had destroyed all the corn before their coming: rest they could take none, for their enemies were ever at hand, daily it rained and nightly it froze, of fuel was scarceness and of fluxes was plenty, money they had enough but comfort they had none. And yet in this great necessity the poor folks were not spoiled nor anything without payment was of them extorted, nor great offence was done except one, which was that a foolish soldier stole a pyx out of a church and unreverently did eat the holy hosts within the same contained. For which cause he was apprehended, and the king would not once remove till the vessel was restored and the offender strangled. The people of the countries thereabout, hearing of his straight justice and godly mind, ministered to him both victuals and other necessaries, although by open proclamation they were thereof prohibited.

The French king being at Rouen, hearing that the king of England was passed the water of Somme, was not a little discontent, and assembled his council to the number of thirty-five to consult what should be done, the chief whereof were the dauphin, his son, whose name was Louis, calling himself king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry and Brittany, the earl of Ponthieu the king’s youngest son and divers others, whereof thirty agreed that the Englishmen should not depart unfought withal, and five were of the contrary opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter. And so Mountjoye king at arms was sent to the king of England to defy him as the enemy of France, and to tell him that he should shortly have battle. King Henry soberly answered: ‘Sir, mine intent and desire is none other, but to do as it pleaseth almighty God and as it becometh me, for surely I will not seek your master at this time, but if he or his seek me I will willingly fight with him. And if any of your nation attempt once to stop me in my journey toward Calais, at their jeopardy be it, and yet my desire is that none of you be so unadvised or harebrained as to be the occasion that I in my defence shall colour and make red your tawny ground with the deaths of yourselves and the effusion of Christian blood.’ When he had answered the herald, he gave to him a great reward and licensed him to depart.

When the lords of France heard the king of England’s answer, it was immediately proclaimed, that all men of war should resort to the constable of France to fight with the king of England and his puissance. Whereupon all men accustomed to bear armour and desirous to win honour through the realm of France drew toward the field. The dauphin sore desired to be at that battle, but he was prohibited by the king his father, likewise Philip earl of Charolais, son to the duke of Burgundy, would gladly have been at that noble assembly if the duke his father would have suffered him, but many of his men stole away and went to the Frenchmen.

The king of England informed by his spies that the day of battle was nearer than he looked for, dislodged from Bomers [?Boves] and rode in good array through the fair plain beside the town of Blangy, where to the intent that his army should not be included in a straight or driven to a corner, he chose a place meet and convenient for two armies to array for battle between the towns of Blangy and Agincourt, where he pight [arranged] his field.

The constable of France, the marshal, the admiral, the Lord Rambures, master of the crossbows and divers lords and knights pitched their banners near to the banner royal of the constable in the county of St Paul within the territory of Agincourt, but the which way the Englishmen must needs pass toward Calais. The Frenchmen made great fires about their banners, and they were in number 60,000 horseman, as their own historians and writers affirm, beside footmen, pages and waggoners, and all that night made great cheer and were very merry. The Englishmen that night sounded their trumpets and divers musical instruments with great melody, and yet they were both hungry, weary, sore travailled and much vexed with cold diseases: howbeit they made peace with God, in confessing their sins, requiring him of help, and receiving the holy sacrament, every man encouraging and determining clearly rather to die than either to yield or fly.

Now approached the fortunate fair day to the Englishmen and the infest and unlucky day to the French nobility, which was the five and twentieth day of October in the year of our Lord Jesus Christ 1415, being then Friday and the day of Crispin and Crispinian. On the which day in the morning, the French men made three battles: in the vanguard were 8,000 healms of knights and esquires and 4,000 archers and 1,500 crossbows, which were guided by the lord d’Albret constable of France, having with him the dukes of Orléans and Bourbon, the earls of Eu and Richemont, the Marshal Boucicaut and the master of the crossbows, the lord Dampierre, admiral of France and other captains. And the earl of Vendôme and other the king’s officers with 1,600 men of arms were ordered for a wing to that battle. And the other wing was guided by Sir Guy Dauphin and Sir Clignet of Brabant and Sir Louis of Bourbon with 800 men of arms, of chosen and elect persons. And to break the shot of the Englishmen were appointed Sir William of Saveuses with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferry of Maylley and Alan of Gaspanes with other 800 men of arms. In the middle ward were assigned as many persons or more as were in the foremost battle, and thereof was the charge committed to the dukes of Bar and Alençon, the earls of Nevers, Vaudemont, Blammant, Salm, Grand Pré and of Roussy. And in the rearward were all the other men of arms, guided by the earls of Marlay, Dammartin, Fauquembergue and the lord of Lourrey captain of Ardres, who had with him men of the frontiers of Boulogne.

When these battles were thus ordered, it was a glorious sight to behold them, and surely they were esteemed to be in number six times as many or more than was the whole company of the Englishmen with waggoners, pages and all. Thus the Frenchmen were every man under his banner only waiting for the bloody blast of the terrible trumpet, and in this order they continued resting themselves and reconciling everyone to other for all old rancours and hatreds which had been between them, till the hour between nine and ten of the day. During which season, the constable of France said openly to the captains in effect as followeth:

‘Friends and companions in arms, I cannot but both rejoice and lament the chances and fortunes of these two armies which I openly see and behold with mine eyes here present. I rejoice for the victory which I see at hand for our part, and I lament and sorrow for the misery and calamity which I perceive to approach to the other side: for we cannot but be victors and triumphant conquerors, for who saw ever so flourishing an army within any Christian region, or such a multitude of valiant persons in one company? Is not here the flower of the French nation on barded horses with sharp spears and deadly weapons? Are not here the bold Bretons with fiery handguns and sharp swords? See you not present the practised pickards with strong and weighty crossbows? Beside these, we have the fierce Brabanters and strong Almaines with long pikes and cutting slaughmesses. And on the other side is a small handful of poor Englishmen which are entered into this region in hope of some gain or desire of profit, which by reason that their victual is consumed and spent, are by daily famine sore weakened, consumed and almost without spirits: for their force is clearly abated and their strength utterly decayed, so ere the battles shall join they shall be for very feebleness vanquished and overcome, and instead of men ye shall fight with shadows. For you must understand, ere keep an Englishman one month from his warm bed, fat beef and stale drink, and let him that season taste cold and suffer hunger, you then shall see his courage abated, his body wax lean and bare, and ever desirous to return into his own country. Experience now declareth this to be true, for if famine had not pinched them, or cold weather had not nipped them, surely they would have made their progress further into France, and not by so many perilous passages retired toward Calais. Such courage is in Englishmen when fair weather and victuals follow them, and such weakness they have when famine and cold vex and trouble them. Therefore now it is no mastery to vanquish and overthrow them, being both weary and weak, for by reason of feebleness and faintness their weapons shall fall out of their hands when they proffer to strike, so that ye may no more easily kill a poor sheep than destroy them being already sick and hungerstarven. But imagine that they were lusty, strong and courageous, and then ponder wisely the cause of their coming hither, and the meaning of their enterprise: first their king, a young stripling (more mete for a tennis play than a warlike camp), claimeth the crown, sceptre and sovereignty of the very substance of the French nation by battle: then he and his intend to occupy this country, inhabit this land, destroy our wives and children, extinguish our blood and put our names in the black book of oblivion. Wherefore remember well, in what quarrel can you better fight than for the tuition of your natural country, the honour of your prince, the surety of your children and the safeguard of your land and lives. If these causes do not encourage you to fight, behold before your eyes the tents of your enemies, with treasure, plate and jewels well stuffed and richly furnished, which prey is surely yours if every man strike but one stroke, beside the great ransoms which shall be paid for rich captains and wealthy prisoners, which as surely shall be yours as you now had them in your possession. Yet this thing I charge you withal, that in no wise the king himself be killed, but by force or otherwise to be apprehended and taken to the intent that with glory and triumph we may convey him openly through the noble city of Paris to our king and dauphin as a testimony of our victory and witness of our noble act. And of this thing you be sure, that fly they cannot, and to yield to our fight of necessity they shall be compelled. Therefore good fellows take courage to you, the victory is yours, the gain is yours and the honour is yours without great labour or much loss.’

King Henry also like a leader and not like one led, like a sovereign and not like a soldier, ordered his men for his most advantage like an expert captain and a courageous warrior. And first, he sent privily 200 archers into a low meadow which was near to the forward of his enemies, but separate with a great ditch, and were there commanded to keep themselves close till they had a token to them given to shoot at their adversaries. Beside this he appointed a vanguard, of the which he made captain Edward, duke of York which of a high courage had of the king required and obtained that office: and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughby and Fanhope, and this battle was all archers. The middle ward was governed by the king himself with his brother, the duke of Gloucester, and the earls Marshal, Oxford and Suffolk, in the which were all the strong billmen. The duke of Exeter, uncle to the king, led the rearward, which was mixed both with archers and billmen. The horsemen like wings went on every side of the battle. When the king had thus ordered his battle, like a puissant conqueror without fear of his enemies, yet considering the multitude of them far to exceed the small number of his people, doubting that the Frenchmen would compass and beset him about, and so fight with him of every side, to the intent to vanquish the power of the French horsemen which might break the order and array of his archers, in whom the whole force of the battle did consist and in manner remain, he caused stakes bound with iron sharp at both ends of the length of five or six foot to be pitched before the archers and of every side the footmen like an edge, to the intent that if the barded horses ran rashly upon them, they might shortly be gored and destroyed, and appointed certain persons to remove the stakes when the archers moved, and as time required: so that the footmen were hedged about with the stakes, and the horsemen stood like a bulwark between them and their enemies without the stakes. This device of fortifying an army was at this time first invented, but since that time, they have imagined caltraps, harrows and other new tricks to defend the force of the horsemen so that if the enemies at adventure run against their engines, either suddenly their horses be wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engines, so that of very necessity for pain, the silly poor beasts are compelled to fall and tumble to the ground. When he had ordered thus his battles, he left a small company to keep his camp and baggage, and then calling his captains and soldiers about him, he made to them an hearty oration in effect as followeth, saying:

‘Well beloved friends and countrymen, I exhort you heartily to think and conceive in yourselves that this day shall be to us all a day of joy, a day of good luck and a day of victory: for truly if you well note and wisely consider all things, almighty God under whose protection we be come hither, hath appointed a place so meet and apt for our purpose as we ourselves could neither have devised nor wished which as it is apt and convenient for our small number and little army so is it unprofitable and unmeet for a great multitude to fight or give battle in: and in especial for such men in whom is neither constant faith nor security of promise, which persons be of God neither favoured nor regarded, nor he is not accustomed to aid and succour such people which by force and strength contrary to right and reason detain and keep from other their just patrimony and lawful inheritance, with which blot and spot the French nation is apparently defiled and distrained: so that God of his justice will scourge and afflict them for their manifest injuries and open wrongs to us and our realm daily committed and done. Therefore putting your only trust in him, let not their multitude fear your hearts, nor their great number abate your courage; for surely old warlike fathers have both said and written that the more people that an army is, the less knowledge the multitude hath of material feats or politic practices, which rude rustical and ignorant persons shall be in the field unto hardy captains and lusty men of war a great let and sore impediment. And though they all were of like policy, like audacity and of one uniform experience in martial affairs, yet we ought neither to fear them nor once to shrink from them considering that we come in the right, which ever of God is favoured, set forth and advanced: in which good and just quarrel all good persons shall rather set both their feet forward, than once to turn their one heel backward. For if you adventure your lives in so just a battle and so good a cause, which way soever fortune turn her wheel, you shall be sure of fame, glory and renown: If you be victors and overcome your enemies, your strength and virtue shall be spread and dispersed through the whole world: If you overpressed with so great a multitude shall happen to be slain or taken yet neither reproach can be to you ascribed, either yet infamy of you reported, considering that Hercules alone was not equivalent unto two men, nor a small handful is not equal to a great number, for victory is the gift of God and consisteth not in the puissance of men. Wherefore manfully set on your enemies at their first encounter strike with a hardy courage on the false-hearted Frenchmen, whom your noble ancestors have so often overcome and vanquished. For surely they be not so strong to give the onset upon you, but they be much weaker to abide your strength in a long fight and tired battle. As for me I assure you all, that England for my person shall never pay ransom, nor never Frenchmen shall triumph over me as his captain, for this day by famous death or glorious victory I will win honour and obtain fame. Therefore now joyously prepare yourselves to the battle and courageously fight with your enemies, for at this very time all the realm of England prayeth for our good luck and prosperous success.’

While the king was thus speaking, each army so maligned and grudged at the other being in open sight and evident appearance, that every man cried forth, forth, forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Gloucester and York were of the same opinion, thinking it most convenient to march toward their enemies with all speed and celerity, lest in prolonging of time and arguing of opinions, the French army might more and more increase and multiply. Howbeit the king tarried a while lest any jeopardy were not forseen, or any hazard not prevented.

The Frenchmen in the mean season little or nothing regarding the small number of the English nation, were of such high courage and proud stomachs that they took no thought for the battle, as who say they were victors and overcomers before any stroke was striken, and laughed at the Englishmen, and for very pride thought themselves lifted into heaven jesting and boasting that they had the Englishmen enclosed in a straight and had overcome and taken them without any resistance. The captains determined how to divide the spoil: the soldiers played the Englishmen at dice: the noble men devised a chariot how they might triumphantly convey King Henry being captive to the city of Paris, crying to their soldiers, haste yourselves to obtain spoil, glory and honour, to the intent that we may study how to give you thanks for the great gifts and rewards which we hope to receive of your great liberality. The foolish folly of this vain solace broke out so far, that messengers were sent to the cities and towns adjoining, willing them to make open plays and triumphs (as though that the victory were to them certain and no resistance could appear) and also to give God thanks for their prosperous act and notable deed, not remembering that the whirlwind shortly with a puff blew away all their foolish joy and fantastical bragging.

Of this doing you may gather, that it is as much madness to make a determinate judgment of things to come, as it is wisdom to doubt what will follow of things begun. I may not forget how the Frenchmen, being in this pleasant pastime, sent a herald to King Henry to inquire what ransom he would offer, and how he answered that within two or three hours he hoped that it should so happen that the Frenchmen should come rather with the Englishmen how to be redeemed, than the Englishmen should take thought how to pay any ransom or money for their deliverance: ascertaining them for himself that his dead carrion should rather be their prey, than his living body should pay any ransom. When the messenger was departed, the Frenchmen put on their helmets and set them in order under their banners, richly armed and gorgeously trapped and caused their trumpets to blow to the battle.

The Englishmen perceiving that, set a little forward, before whom there went an old knight called Sir Thomas of Erpingham, a man of great experience in war, with a warder in his hand, and when he cast up his warder, all the army shouted, at the which the Frenchmen much marvelled, but that was a sign to the archers in the meadow, which knowing the token, shot wholly altogether at the vanguard of the Frenchmen. When they perceived the archers in the meadow, whom they saw not before, and saw they could not come to them for a ditch, they with all haste set on King Henry’s forward, but ere they joined, the archers in the forefront and the archers on the side which stood in the meadow, so wounded the footmen, so galled the horses and so cumbered the men of arms that the footmen durst not go forward, the horsemen ran in plumpes [groups?] without order, some overthrew his fellow, and horses overthrew their masters: so at the first joining, as the Frenchmen were clearly discouraged, so the Englishmen were much cheered. When the French vanguard was thus discomforted, the English archers cast away their bows and took into their hands axes, mails and swords, bills and other weapons, and therewith slew the Frenchmen till they came to the middleward. Then the king approached and encouraged his soldiers, that shortly the second battle was overthrown and dispersed not without great slaughter of men: howbeit divers being wounded were relieved by their varlets and conveyed out of the field, for the Englishmen so sore laboured with fighting and slaying, and were so busy in taking of prisoners, that they followed no chase, nor would once break out of the battle. The Frenchmen strongly withstood the fierceness of the Englishmen when they came to handy strokes, so that the fight was very doubtful and perilous. And when one part of the French horsemen thought to have entered into the king’s battle, they were with the stakes overturned, and either slain or taken.

Thus this battle continued three long hours, some strake, some defended, some made a thrust, some traversed, some caused injuries, some took prisoners, no man was idle, every man fought either in hope of victory or glad to save himself. The king that day showed himself like a valiant knight, which notwithstanding that he was almost felled with the duke of Alençon, yet with plain strength he slew two of the duke’s company and felled the duke: but when the duke would have yielded him, the king’s guard contrary to the king’s mind outrageously slew him. And in conclusion, minding to make an end of that day’s journey, caused his horsemen to fetch a compass about and to join with him against the rearward of France: in the which battle were the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceived his intent, they were suddenly amazed and ran away like sheep without array or order.

When the king perceived the banners cast down and the array was clearly broken, he encouraged his soldiers and followed so quickly that the Frenchmen turning to flight, ran hither and thither not knowing which ways to take, casting away their armour and on their knees desired to have their lives saved. In the mean season while the battle thus continued and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certain Frenchmen on horseback whereof were captains Robinet of Bourneville, Rifflart of Clamas and Isambert of Agincourt and other men of arms to the number of 600 horsemen: which fled first from the field at their first coming and hearing that the English tents and pavilions were far from the army without any great number of keepers or persons meet and convenient for defence, partly moved and stirred with covetous desire of spoil and prey, and partly intending by some notable act to revenge the damage and displeasure done to them and theirs in battle the same day, entered into the king’s camp being void of men and fortified with varlets and lackeys, and there spoiled halls, robbed tents, brake up chests and carried away caskets and slew such servants as they could find in the tents and pavilions. For the which act they were long imprisoned and sore punished and like to have lost their lives if the dauphin had longer lived.

When the king by a fearful messenger was of this evil act suddenly advertised, and when the outcry of the lackeys and boys which ran away for fear of the robbers was heard into the field, saying that the Frenchmen had robbed all the tents and lodgings of the Englishmen, he fearing lest his enemies being dispersed and scattered abroad should gather together again and begin a new field, and doubting farther that the prisoners would either be an aid to his enemies or very enemies to him if he should suffer them to live, contrary to his accustomed gentleness and pity he commanded by the sound of a trumpet that every man upon pain of death should incontinently slay his prisoner. When this dolorous decree and pitiful proclamation was pronounced, pity it was to see and loathsome it was to behold how some Frenchmen were suddenly sticked with daggers, some were brained with poleaxes, some were slain with mails, other had their throats cut and some their bellies paunched: so that in effect having respect to the great number, few prisoners or none were saved.

When this lamentable manslaughter was finished, the Englishmen forgetting their wounds and hurts and not remembering what pain they had sustained all day in fighting with their enemies, as men that were fresh and lusty, ranged themselves again in array both pressed and ready to abide a new field, and also to invade and newly to set on their enemies, and so courageously they set on the earls of Marlay and Fauquembergue and the lords of Louray and of Thyne, which with 600 men of arms had all day kept together and slew them out of hand.

When the king has passed through the field and saw neither resistance nor appearance of any Frenchmen saving the dead corpses, he caused the retreat to be blown and brought all his army together about four of the clock at afternoon. And first to give thanks to almighty God giver and tributor of this glorious victory, he caused his prelates and chaplains first to sing this psalm In exitu Israel de Egypto etc. commanding every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse. Non nobis domine, non nobis, sed nomine tuo da gloriam, which is to say in English, ‘Not to us lord, not to us, but to thy name let the glory be given’: which done he caused Te deum with certain anthems to be sung giving lauds and praisings to God, and not boasting nor bragging of himself nor his human power. That night he took refreshment of such as he found in the French camp, and in the morning Mountjoye king at arms and four heralds came to him to know the number of prisoners and to desire burial to them which were slain. Before he could make any answer to the heralds he, remembering that it is more honourable to be praised of his enemies than to be extolled of his friends, and he that praiseth himself lacketh loving neighbours: wherefore he demanded to them why they made to him that request, considering that he knew not certainly whether the praise and the victory were meet to be attributed to him or to their nation. ‘Oh lord’ quoth Mountjoye king at arms, ‘think you as officers of arms to be rude and bestial persons? If we for the affection that we bear to our natural country, would either for favour or mead hide or deny your glorious victory: fhe fowls of the air, the worms of the ground feeding on the multitude of the dead carrions, by your only puissance destroyed and confounded, will bear witness against us, ye and much more the captives which be living and in your possession with their wives and little infants will say we be open liers and untrue taletellers: wherefore according to the duty of our office which is or should be always indifferently to write and truly to judge, we say, determine and affirm that the victory is yours, the honour is yours and yours is the glory, advising you, as you have manfully gotten it, so politically to use it.’ ‘Well’ said the king, ‘seeing this is your determination, I willingly accept the same, desiring you to know the name of the castle near adjoining.’ When they had answered that it was called Agincourt he said that this conflict should be called the battle of Agincourt, ‘which victory hath not been obtained by us nor our power, but only by the suffrance of God for injury and untruth that we have received at the hands of your prince and his nation.’ That day he feasted the French officers of arms and granted to them their request, which busily sought through the field for such as were slain, but the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone for they searched with them and found many hurt but not in jeopardy of their life, whom they took prisoners and brought them into their tents.

When the king of England had well refreshed himself and his soldiers and had taken the spoil of such as were slain, he with his prisoners in good order returned to his town of Calais.

When the king of England was departed the Sunday toward Calais, divers Frenchmen repaired to the plain where the battle was and removed again the dead bodies, some to find their lords and masters and them to convey into their countries there to be buried, some to spoil and take the relics which the Englishmen had left behind. For they took nothing but gold, silver, jewels, rich apparel and costly armour. But the ploughmen and peasants spoiled the dead carcasses, leaving them neither shirt nor clout, and so they lay stark naked till Wednesday. On the which day divers of the noblemen were conveyed into their countries and the remnant were by Philip, earl Charolais (sore lamenting the chance and moved with pity) at his cost and charge buried in a square plot of 500 yards, in the which he caused to be made three pits, wherein were buried by account 5,800 persons beside them that were carried away by their friends and servants, and other which being wounded to death died in hospitals and other places, which grove after was made a churchyard, and for fear of wolves enclosed with a high wall.

After this dolorous journey and piteous slaughter, divers clerks of Paris made many lamentable verses, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that councillors were partial, affirming that the noblemen fled against nature, and that the commons were destroyed by their prodigality, declaring also that the clergy were dumb and durst not say the truth, and that the humble commons duly obeyed and yet ever suffered punishment. For which cause by persecution divine, the less number vanquished, and the great was overcome. Wherefore they concluded that all things were out of order, and yet there was no man that studied to bring the unruly to frame. And no marvel though this battle were dolorous and lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slain the flower of all the nobility of France, for there were taken prisoners [list follows] and divers other to the number of fifteen hundred knights and esquires beside the common people. There were slain of nobles and gentlemen [list follows] with divers other which I leave out for tediousness. But surely by the relation of the heralds and declaracion of other notable persons worthy of credit as Enguerrant writeth, there were slain on the French part above 10,000 persons whereof were princes and nobles bearing banners 126 and all the remnant saving 1,600 were knights esquires and gentlemen: so of noblemen and gentlemen were slain 8,400 of the which 500 were dubbed knights the night before the battle. From the field escaped alive, the earl Dammartin, the Lord Delarivier, Clignet of Brabant, Sir Louis of Bourbon, Sir Galiot of Gaul, Sir John Dengermes and few other men of name.

Of Englishmen at this battle were slain Edward duke of York, the earl of Suffolk, Sir Richard Kyghely and Davy Gamme esquire, and of all other not above twenty five if you will give credit to such as write miracles: but other writers whom I sooner believe, affirm that there was slain above five or six hundred persons which is not unlike, considering the battle was earnestly and furiously fought by the space of three long hours, wherefore it is not incredible nor yet impossible but more Englishmen than five and twenty were slain and destroyed.

This battle may be a mirror and glass to all Christian princes to behold and follow, for king Henry neither trusted in the puissance of his people, nor in the fortitude of his champions, nor in the strength of his barded horses, nor yet in his own policy, but he put in God (which is the corner stone and immovable rock) his whole confidence, hope and trust. And he which never leaveth them destitute that put their confidence in him, sent to him this glorious victory, which victory is almost incredible if we had not read in the Book of Kings that God likewise had defended and aided them that only put their trust in Him and committed themselves wholly to His governance.

 

C 5. John Stow, The Chronicles of England (1580, English) republished in expanded form as The Annales of England (1592, 1601, English)

 

Modernised from The Annales of England, faithfully collected out of the most authenticall authors, records and other monuments of antiquities, lately corrected, encreased and continued from the first habitation until this present yeere 1601 by John Stow citizen of London (London, 1601), pp. 348–51.

 

John Stow (?1525–1605) was a London tailor who in mid-life devoted himself to ‘the search of our famous antiquities’.⁵² He spent much time searching out manuscripts and printed books, gaining a great familiarity with such materials. He also became a collector of the same in his own right, and some of his manuscripts are today to be found in the British Library. He also assisted Archbishop Matthew Parker in locating and establishing texts of medieval chronicles for printing, such as that of Thomas Walsingham in 1574. His first publication was the works of Chaucer (1561). Four years later he produced the Summarie of English Chronicles, which was a brief survey of English history. In 1580 he published the first edition of his The Chronicles of England, dedicated to the earl of Leicester. This was revised and expanded after extra research as the Annals of England (1592), which were reprinted in 1601. He lent materials to Holinshed and was involved in the revision of the second edition of the latter’s chronicle.

Stow’s interest in the traditions and history of London was particularly strong. The Summarie was dedicated to the mayors, aldermen and the commonalty of London, and in 1598 he produced his magisterial Survey of London. Of interest is his long-running intellectual feud with Richard Grafton, where both men impugned the accuracy and scholarship of the other, often in heated and abusive terms. This rivalry is not surprising given that both men brought out similar historical works in close succession. There can be little doubt that Stow was the more diligent researcher of the two, drawing on a more extensive range of original sources. Like others in this period, his works contain marginal notes on the source of information. His Chronicle of England was still in the annalistic form of the London Chronicle, and he has been seen as the last of the great London chroniclers. The Annals, despite the name, saw him drop this annalistic form and to adopt a continuous narrative. In this respect, and in the extent of his research, he also stands as an indication of future trends in historical writing, and there can be no doubt that his work, especially the Survey of London, was well known and much used in later centuries. As noted earlier a list at the outset of his work shows that he drew on a wide array of sources, including the ‘Translator of Livius’, of which he possessed a copy, and some official records such as the register of the garter and the records of Parliament on which no others are known to have drawn. He also put marginal notes giving the sources, although by no means systematically. His account is much more business-like and less rhetorical than that of Hall and much closer to the First English Life.

 

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After King Henry had remained at Harfleur fifteen days, after the delivery of the town and of the towers, he departed from thence towards Calais, whereof, when his enemies were advised, and also by what way he intended to pass, all the people of the country, cities, and towns were marvellously oppressed with fear, wherefore they hasted them to defensible places, and others that were apt to war took them to their hosts, and assembled them together in great number, with no small company of footmen, and in all they might they oppressed the Englishmen.

The king’s host kept an easy pace, without making any haste, and when they approached the town of Eu, their enemies assailed them in the fields with great force and noise, where on both parties it was fought fierce and vigorously: but the Frenchmen drew back to the town, where they were in good surety. From thence the king departed, and came to a passage of the river Somme, which the Frenchmen call Blanchetoke, or Blanchtache. This passage, at the coming into it, was fixed with sharp stakes by their enemies, so that they could not pass there, but were constrained to go further, seeking their passage, until they came directly to have the city of Amiens and the castle of Corbie on their left side, where they of the said city began with them a new fight: but they were soon forced by the English to return to their city again. The nineteenth of October the king passed the river of Somme, at the passage of Voyennes, and Bethencourt, and went then to lodge him at Monchy-Lagache, from whence he advanced him towards the river of Miramont. In the meantime, the French king and the duke of Guienne his son, then dauphin, proposing to resist the Englishmen, came to Rouen, from whence they sent three heralds to the king of England, to give understanding that he should not escape without battle: unto whom the said king answered, ‘All things be done at the pleasure of GOD, I will keep the right way towards Calais: if our adversaries do attempt to disturb us in our journey, we think they shall not do it without their own great danger and peril.’ From thence King Henry removed to a village called Forceville, advancing his host towards the river of Miramont, and the next day they passed by the Cheve, and the king lodged that night at Gonvers-l’Estaillon. The next day the king removed on to Blangy. The next day late in the night the king came to a village named Agincourt, Enguerant saith Maisoncelle, where they lodged distant from the French host not above 250 paces. The Frenchmen tied their banners and standards with the banner royal, whereof the Constable had the conduct in the field by them devised and chosen, which was in the county of Saint Pôl, in the ground of Agincourt, by which the day following, the Englishmen should pass to go to Calais.

The 25th of October, after prayers and supplications of the king, his priests and people done with great devotion, the king of England in the morning very early set forth his host in array: he commanded that his hosts and other carriages should be left in the village where he had lodged. The order of his field was thus: the middle battle whereof the king was conductor, was set in the midst of the field, directly against the middle battle of his adversaries. On the right side was the first battle and therewith the right wing: and on the left side the last battle, and the left wing. And these battles joining nigh together, by the providence of God, proved unto this king a defensible place for his host, for the village wherein he was lodged before defended his host from all invasions on the back, and the field wherein he was, was defended on both sides with two small rivers. This noble king was armed with fair and right beautiful armour: on his head a bright helmet, whereupon was set a crown of gold replete with pearls and precious stones, marvellous rich: in his shield he bore the arms both of England and France. And thus armed, he was mounted upon a goodly great horse, and after him were led certain noble horses, with their bridles and trappings of goldsmiths’ work, and upon them also were beaten the arms of England and of France. Thus this victorious king prepared to battle, encouraged his people to the field that approached at hand.

The night before this cruel battle, by the advice and counsel (as it is said) of the duke of York, the king had given commandment through his host, that every man should purvey him a stake sharp at both ends, which the Englishmen fixed in the ground before them in the field, to defend them from the oppression of horsemen. The Frenchmen had such confidence in the great multitude of their people, and in their great horses, that many of their great princes and lords leaving behind them their soldiers, standards and other ensigns, came towards the Englishmen in right great haste, as if they had been assured of victory.

The king of England forthwith advanced his banners and standards towards the French host, and he in person with his battle in the same order wherein he stood, followed, exhorting and encouraging every man to battle, notwithstanding he went to invade his enemies, yet kept his accustomed order, that is, that the first battle went before, the second battle followed, and the third came immediately after, he commanded his priests to abide in prayers, and divine supplications, and his heralds in their coats of arms to attend to their offices. Then every man fell prostrate to the ground, and committed themselves to God, every one of them took in his mouth a little piece of earth, in remembrance that they were mortal, and made of earth, as also in remembrance of the holy communion. Thus all their carriages and baggages left behind, only charged with their harness, weapons, and stakes, they marched towards their enemies, with great noise. They sounded their trumpets, and struck up their drums, which greatly encouraged the hearts of every man. Their enemies seeing them approach, advanced themselves also, and met them in the field, betwixt whom was begun a marvellous fierce and cruel battle. The battle of the Englishmen was as long as the field wherein they fought, which was greatly to their advantage, for by that their enemies were allowed to come upon them at the sides and back of the host. The Frenchmen had ordained their battles with two sharp fronts, like unto two horns, which always backward was broader and broader: these sharp battles set upon the English middleward, intending to have run through the whole field, but the Frenchmen were slain and wounded by the English archers, and by the help of the stakes, which the Englishmen had fixed before them in the ground, whereby the horsemen were constrained to return, or else to run upon the stakes, where many of them were overthrown and wounded, and many both horses and men slain. The battle and fight increased marvellously, by the space of three hours, in all which time no man was taken prisoner, but an innumerable number were slain, upon whose dead bodies they that followed were thrown and slain.

Thus after a long and cruel battle, by the demerits of their great pride, there approached no man of the French to battle, but to death, of whom after that an innumerable company were slain, and that the victory surely remained to the Englishmen, they spared to slay and took prisoners of the French, both princes and gentlemen in great number. In this mortal battle, the noble king of England never failed his men, for no danger of death, but fought with his enemies with an ardent heart, as a famished lion for his prey, receiving on his helmet and on the residue of his armour, many and great strokes.

In this field, as the puissant prince Humphrey, duke of Gloucester the king’s brother, fought with great courage and force, he was sore wounded in the groin with a sword, and overthrown, insomuch, as he lay as half dead in the field, his head towards the Englishmen and his feet towards his enemies: upon whom the king having a brotherly compassion, bestrode him, and with most strong battle and labour, not without his own great peril, like a brother he defended and succoured his brother from the enemies, and made the duke to be borne out of the field amongst his own men.

At the last, the victory obtained, and the great host of the Frenchmen overcome, slain, wounded, taken and vanquished, forthwith another host of Frenchmen, no less than the first, supposing the Englishmen to be wearied by their long travail and fight, disposed them to begin again the battle anew. When the Englishmen (which had many more prisoners than they were of themselves in number) saw this new field assembled to give them battle again, fearing in this new field, lest they should fight both against their prisoners and their other enemies, they put to death many of their said prisoners, both noble and rich men, among whom the duke of Brabant, who at that field was taken prisoner, was one.

The prudent king of England seeing the reassemble of his adversaries sent his heralds unto them, commanding them either forthwith to come to battle, or else immediately to depart the field, and if they delayed to depart, or to come to battle, both those of their company already taken prisoners, and also all they that should thereafter be taken, without mercy or redemption should be put to death: which message when the Frenchmen heard, fearing the strength of the Englishmen, and also the death, both of themselves, and also of their friends before taken prisoners, with great heaviness, and with shame, they forthwith departed. Then the king of England being assured of the victory, gave the greatest laud and praise to God that might be.

In this battle were slain on the French part, the noble dukes of Alençon, of Berry, and Bavere [Bar], and the lord Heilly, the lord d’Albret, chief constable of France, the archbishop of Sens, eight earls, 101 barons, 1,500 knights, and above 10,000 of all estates, whereof scarcely 1,500 were soldiers or labourers, the rest were of coats armour (saith Enguerant) but Thomas Elmham saith archbishops, one, dukes, three, earls, five, barons and such like, 92 knights, 1,500, of esquires and gentlemen, 7,000, whereof he nameth the archbishop of Sens, the dukes of Brabant, Alençon and of Bar, the earl of Nevers, Dammartin, Marlay, Grandpré, Salines, and of Dansemonteul, the lord of d’Albret, constable of France.

In this battle were taken prisoners of the Frenchmen, the dukes of Orléans and of Bourbon, Arthur, brother to the duke of Brittany, the earls of Vendôme, of Eu, and Richemont, and Sir Boucicaut marshal of France, and many others to the number of 1,500 knights and esquires: and of the English part were slain Edward duke of York, buried at Fotheringhay, Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, buried at Ewelme and to the number of 100 persons in the vanguard, and of all estates in the English party were not found dead above 600 in the field. When night approached, the king of England returned with his host into the village wherein they had harboured the night before, where he found his horses, and other baggages and carriages that he left behind him there before the field, to be stolen and carried away by the Frenchmen: where amongst many other jewels of great price, was stolen away a sword of great value, adorned with gold and precious stones, which was after given to Philip earl of Charolais, son and heir to John duke of Brittany [sic].

King Henry having gathered his army together, gave thanks to Almighty God for his so happy a victory, calling his priests and chaplains to sing the psalm In exitis Israel de aegyptem [sic], and commanding every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse, Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomine tuo da gloriam which being done, he caused Te Deum with certain anthems to be sung, giving laud and praise to God, not boasting of his own force or any human power. This night when the king sat at his refection in the aforesaid village, he was served at his board by those great lords and princes that were taken in the field. That night the king appointed good and fair watches throughout his host, for fear of sudden invasions, but the Frenchmen were utterly divided and gone without making or intending any new business, whereby the Englishmen were suffered in peace to take their rest.

On the next day the king with his people entered his journey towards Calais: and as they passed through the fields where they had fought the day before, they found all the dead bodies dispoiled, as well of their harness as of their array, by the inhabitants of the country, notwithstanding the bodies that might be known for Englishmen of any reputation, the king caused to be interred according to their estates, and so continuing his journey the king came to the castle of Guînes, and from thence he went to his town of Calais, with all his host and his prisoners, where he was received of his liege men, with great joy and due honour. After the king’s host was somewhat refreshed with meat, drink, and sleep, the king conferred with his wise counsellors, if it were good now to return into France, to pursue his enterprise begun, or else to return with his host into England, there to refresh his people, among who it was considered that the number of his people was right small, and many of them with the flux, many sore grieved of their wounds which they had received at the field. Moreover, that their long staying at Calais should cause scarcity of victuals there, whereas otherwise in their own country the people should at more ease refresh themselves, and also be better cured of their wounds: finally, considering the time had not been hitherto unfortunate, but that with honour they might return with great gain, which they had conquered, they doubted not, but by the aid of God, the king should right well obtain his desire in time to come, for which causes they all condescended upon their return into England.

 

C 6. Raphael Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (1586–7, English)

 

Modernised from Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland, ed. H. Ellis, 6 vols (London, 1808), 3, pp. 76–84.

 

Holinshed probably came from Cheshire but came to London early in the reign of Elizabeth to work with the printer Reginald Wolfe.⁵³ The latter, who held the notes of the early Tudor antiquarian, John Leland, had an idea for the production of a universal history and cosmography, on which Holinshed worked, but this work was not ready for publication when Wolfe died in 1573. Three publishers took on the task but decided to limit the work to England, Scotland and Ireland, taking on others to assist. ‘Holinshed’s Chronicle’ was produced in two volumes in 1578, with woodcuts and with the intention of reaching a large audience. After Holinshed’s death in 1580, the publishers joined with others to produce a new expanded edition under the direction of John Hooker.⁵⁴ This appeared in three volumes in 1586–7. It was this edition which Shakespeare drew upon and even took phrases from for his history plays and for Macbeth, King Lear and Cymbeline.

Holinshed was therefore only one of several authors but the work has continued to bear his name.⁵⁵ He used marginal notes to indicate his sources and he also listed some key works at the end of each reign. We thus know that he drew on a wide range of materials, including Tito Livio,⁵⁶ Hardyng, Walsingham, Monstrelet, Hall and the London Chronicles. He also used the verse work, De Angliae Praeliis, from which he cites a short extract on the numbers of French dead. Holinshed’s chronicle was an extremely wordy production. There was also a desire ‘to have an especial eye unto the truth of things’.⁵⁷ One of the reasons also cited for the publication of the work was ‘to put men in mind not to forget their native country’s praise’.⁵⁸ It would be fair to say, however, that there is nothing particularly different or superior about Holinshed’s chronicle compared, say, with Stow or Hall, and that its claim to fame is perhaps dependent on the Shakespearean link. (Some of the errors in Shakespeare, such as Exeter and perhaps Clarence being present at the battle, come from errors in Holinshed, which he himself had copied from Hall and others.) In many ways, Holinshed is of crucial importance because it combined the traditions established in the First English Life, and distilled through Stow, with the tradition established by Hall, transmitted through Grafton, and is thus the greatest of the composite histories of the period.

 

*

 

The Englishmen were brought into some distress in this journey, by reason of their victuals in manner spent, and no hope to get more: for the enemies had destroyed all the corn before they came. Rest could they none take, for their enemies with alarm did ever so infest them: daily it rained, and nightly it froze: of fuel there was great scarcity, of fluxes plenty: money enough, but wares for their relief to bestow it on had they none. Yet in this great necessity, the poor people of the country were not spoiled, nor anything taken of them without payment, nor any outrage or offence done by the Englishmen, except one, which was that a soldier took a pyx out of a church, for which he was apprehended, and the king not once removed [would not move on] till the box was restored, and the offender strangled. The people of the countries thereabout, hearing of such zeal in him, to the maintenance of justice, ministered to his army victuals, and other necessaries, although by open proclamation so to do they were prohibited.

The French king being at Rouen, and hearing that King Henry was passed the river Somme, was much displeased therewith, and assembling his council to the number of five and thirty, asked their advice what was to be done. There was amongst these five and thirty, his son the dauphin, calling himself king of Sicily; the dukes of Berry and Brittany, the count of Ponthieu, the king’s youngest son, and other high estates. At length thirty of them agreed that the Englishmen should not depart unfought withall, and five were of a contrary opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter: and so Mountjoye king at arms was sent to the king of England to defy him as the enemy of France, and to tell him that he would shortly have battle. King Henry advisedly answered: ‘Mine intent is to do as it pleaseth God. I will not seek your master at this time; but if he or his seek me, I will meet with them God willing. If any of your nation attempt once to stop me in my journey now towards Calais, at their jeopardy be it; and yet I wish not any of you so unadvised, as to be the occasion that I dye your tawny ground with your red blood.’

When he had thus answered the herald, he gave him a princely reward, and licence to depart. Upon whose return, with this answer, it was instantly on the French side proclaimed that all men of war should resort to the constable to fight with the king of England. Whereupon, all men apt for armour and desirous of honour, drew them toward the field. The dauphin sore desired to have been at the battle, but he was prohibited by his father: likewise Philip, earl of Charolais would gladly have been there, if his father the duke of Burgundy would have suffered him: many of his men stole away, and went to the Frenchmen. The king of England, hearing that the Frenchmen approached, and that there was another river for him to pass with his army by a bridge, and doubting lest, if the same bridge should be broken it would be greatly to his hindrance, appointed certain captains with their bands to go thither with all speed before him, and to take possession thereof, and so to keep it, till his coming thither.

Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busy to break down their bridge, assailed them so vigorously that they discomfited them, and took and slew them; and so the bridge was preserved till the king came, and passed the river by the same with his whole army. This was on the two and twentieth day of October. The duke of York that led the vanguard (after the army was passed the river) mounted up to the height of a hill with his people, and sent out scouts to discover the country, the which upon their return advised him that a great army of Frenchmen was at hand, approaching towards them. The duke declared to the king what he had heard, and the king thereupon, without all fear or trouble of mind, caused the battle which he led himself to stay, and instantly rode forth to view his adversaries, and that done, returned to his people, and with cheerful countenance caused them to be put in order of battle, assigning to every captain such room and place as he thought convenient, and so kept them still in that order till night was come, and then determined to seek a place to encamp and lodge his army in for that night.

There was not one amongst them that knew any certain place whither to go in that unknown country: but by chance they happened upon a beaten way, white in sight; by the which they were brought into a little village, where they were refreshed with meat and drink somewhat more plenteously than they had been divers days before. Order was taken by commandment from the king after the army was first set in battle array, that no noise or clamour should be made in the host; so that in marching forth to this village, every man kept himself quiet: but at their coming in to the village, fires were made to give light on every side, as there likewise were in the French host, which was encamped not past two hundred and fifty paces distant from the English. The chief leaders of the French host were these: the constable of France, the marshal, the admiral, the lord Rambures master of the crossbows, and other of the French nobility, which came and pitched down their standards and banners in the county of Saint Pôl, within the territory of Agincourt, having in their army (as some write) to the number of threescore thousand horsemen, besides footmen, waggoners and others.

They were lodged even in the way by the which the Englishmen must needs pass towards Calais, and all that night after their coming thither, made great cheer, and were very merry, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen also for their part were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter, and yet they were both hungry, weary, sore travelled, and vexed with many cold diseases. Howbeit reconciling themselves with God by confession and shrift, requiring assistance at his hands that is the only giver of victory, they determined rather to die than to yield or flee. The day following was the five and twentieth of October in the year 1415, being then Friday, and the feast of Crispin and Crispinian, a day fair and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowful and unlucky to the French.

In the morning, the French captains made three battles. In the vanguard were eight thousand healmes of knights and esquires, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred crossbows which were guided by the lord d’Albret, constable of France, having with him the dukes of Orléans and Bourbon, the earls of Eu and Richemont, the marshal Boucicaut, and the master of the crossbows, the lord Dampier, admiral of France, and other captains. The earl of Vendôme with 16,000 men-at-arms were ordered for a wing to that battle. And the other wing was guided by Sir Richard Dolphine, Sir Clignet of Brabant, and Sir Louis Bourdon, with 800 men-at-arms, of elect chosen persons. And to break the shot of the Englishmen were appointed Sir William de Saveuses, with Hector and Philip his brothers, Ferrie de Maillie, and Alan de Gaspares, with other 800 of arms.

In the middle ward, were assigned as many persons, or more, as were in the foremost battle, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alençon, the earls of Nevers, Vaudemont, Blamont, Salm, Grand Pré, and of Roussy. And in the rearward were all the other men-at-arms guided by the earls of Marlay, Dammartin, Fauquembergue, and the lord of Lourrey, captain of Ardres, who had with him the men of the frontiers of Boulogne. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered under their standards and banners, made a great show: for surely they were esteemed in number six times as many or more, than was the whole company of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested themselves, waiting for the bloody blast of the terrible trumpet, till the hour between nine and ten o’clock of the same day, during which season, the constable made unto the captains and other men of war a pithy oration, exhorting and encouraging them to do valiantly, with many comfortable words and sensible reasons. King Henry also like a leader, and not as one led; like a sovereign, and not an inferior, perceiving a plot of ground very strong and meet for his purpose, which on the back half was fenced with the village wherein he had lodged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to embattle his host, and so ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most advantage.

First he sent privily two hundred archers into a low meadow, which was near to the vanguard of his enemies; but separated with a great ditch, commanding them there to keep themselves close till they had a token to them given, to let drive at their adversaries: beside this he appointed a vanguard, of the which he made captain Edward, duke of York, who of an high courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughby, and Fanhope, and this battle was all of archers. The middle ward was governed by the king himself, with his brother, the duke of Gloucester, and the earls of Marshall, Oxford, and Suffolk, in the which were all the strong billmen. The duke of Exeter, uncle to the king, led the rearward, which was mixed both with billmen and archers. The horsemen like wings went on every side of the battle.

Thus the king, having ordered his battles, feared not the power of his enemies, but yet to provide that they should not with the multitude of horsemen break the order of his archers, in whom the force of his army consisted (for in those days the yeomen had their limbs at liberty, so their hose were then fastened with one point, and their jackets long and easy to shoot in; so that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a yard long; beside the head), he caused stakes bound with iron, sharp at both ends, of the length of five or six foot, to be pitched before the archers, and on each side [of] the footmen like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horses ran rashly upon them, they might shortly be gored and destroyed. Certain persons also were appointed to remove the stakes, as by the moving of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horsemen stood like a bulwark between them and their enemies, without the stakes. This device of fortifying an army was at this time first invented: but since that time they have devised caltraps, harrows, and other new engines against the force of horsemen; so that if the enemies run hastily upon the same, either are their horses wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engines, so as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made unable to maintain their course.

King Henry, by reason of his small number of people to fill up his battles, placed his vanguard so on the right hand of the main battle, which himself led, that the distance betwixt them might scarce be perceived, and so in like case was the rearward joined on the left hand, that the one might the more readily succour another in time of need. When he had thus ordered his battles, he left a small company to keep his camp and carriage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his captains and soldiers about him, he made to them a right grave oration, moving them to play the men, whereby to obtain a glorious victory, as there was hope certain they should, the rather if they would but remember the just cause for which they fought, and whom they should encounter, such fainthearted people as their ancestors had so often overcome. To conclude, many words of courage he uttered, to stir them to do manfully, assuring them that England should never be charged with his ransom, nor any Frenchman triumph over him as a captive; for either by famous death or glorious victory would he (by God’s grace) win honour and fame.

It is said that as he heard one of the host utter his wish to another thus: ‘I would to God there were with us now so many good soldiers as are at this hour within England!’ the king answered: ‘I would not wish a man more here than I have. We are indeed in comparison to the enemy but a few, but, if God of his clemency do favour us, and our just cause (as I trust he will), we shall speed well enough. But let no man ascribe victory to our own strength and might, but only to God’s assistance, to whom I have no doubt we shall worthily have cause to give thanks therefore. And if so be that for our offenses sakes we shall be delivered into the hands of our enemies, the less number we be, the less damage shall the realm of England sustain: but if we should fight in trust of multitude of men, and so get the victory (our minds being prone to pride), we should thereupon peradventure ascribe the victory not so much to the gift of God, as to our own power, and thereby provoke his high indignation and displeasure against us: and if the enemy get the upper hand, then should our realm and country suffer more damage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort; and show yourselves valiant, God and our just quarrel shall defend us, and deliver these our proud adversaries with all the multitude of them which you see (or at the least the most of them) into our hands.’ Whilst the king was yet thus in speech, either army so maligned the other, being as then in open sight, that every man cried, ‘Forward, forward.’ The dukes of Clarence, Gloucester, and York were of the same opinion, yet the king stayed a while, lest any jeopardy were not foreseen, or any hazard not prevented. The Frenchmen in the meanwhile, as though they had been sure of victory, made great triumph, for the captains had determined before how to divide the spoils, and the soldiers the night before had played the Englishmen at dice. The noblemen had devised a chariot, wherein they might triumphantly convey the king captive to the city of Paris, crying to their soldiers; ‘Haste you to the spoil, glory and honour’; little knowing (God wot) how soon their brags should be blown away.

Here we may not forget how the French thus in their jollity sent an herald to King Henry, to enquire what ransom he would offer. Whereunto he answered, that within two or three hours he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliverance, promising for his own part, that his dead carcass should rather be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his living body should pay any ransom. When the messenger was come back to the French host, the men of war put on their helmets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the battle. They thought themselves so sure of victory that divers of the noblemen made such haste towards the battle, that they left many of their servants and men of war behind them, and some of them would not once stay for their standards: as amongst other the duke of Brabant, when his standard was not come, caused a banner to be taken from a trumpet and fastened to a spear, the which he commanded to be borne before him instead of his standard.

But when both these armies coming within danger either of other, set in full order of battle on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanour, being not distant in sunder past three bow shots. And when they had on both parts thus stayed a good while without doing anything, (except that certain of the French horsemen advancing forwards, betwixt both the hosts, were by the English archers constrained to return back) advice was taken amongst the Englishmen, what was best for them to do. Thereupon all things considered, it was determined that if the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his army embattled (as ye have heard) should march towards them, and so leaving their truss and baggage in the village where they lodged the night before, only with their weapons, armour, and stakes prepared for the purpose, as ye have heard.

These made somewhat forward, before whom there went an old knight Sir Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the war) with a warder in his hand; and when he cast up his warder, all the army shouted, but that was a sign to the archers in the meadow, which therewith shot wholly altogether at the vanguard of the Frenchmen, who when they perceived the archers in the meadow, and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was betwixt them, with all haste set upon the forward of King Henry, but ere they could join, the archers in the forefront, and the archers on that side which stood in the meadow, so wounded the footmen, galled the horses, and cumbered the men-at-arms, that the footmen durst not go forward, the horsemen ran together upon plumps without order, some overthrew such as were next them, and the horses overthrew their masters, and so at the first joining, the Frenchmen were foully discomforted, and the Englishmen highly encouraged.

When the French vanguard was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast away their bows, and took into their hands axes, mails, swords, bills, and other hand-weapons, and with the same slew the Frenchmen, until they came to the middle ward. Then approached the king, and so encouraged his people, that shortly the second battle of the Frenchmen was overthrown and dispersed, not without great slaughter of men: howbeit, divers were relieved by their varlets, and conveyed out of the field. The Englishmen were so busied in fighting, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not in chase of their enemies, nor would once break out of their array of battle. Yet sundry of the Frenchmen strongly withstood the fierceness of the English, when they came to handy strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtful and perilous. Yet as part of the French horsemen set their course to have entered upon the king’s battle, with the stakes overthrown, they were either taken or slain. Thus this battle continued three long hours.

The king that day showed himself a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alençon; yet with plain strength he slew two of the dukes company, and felled the duke himself; whom when he would have yielded, the king’s guard (contrary to his mind) slew out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that day’s journey, caused his horsemen to fetch a compass about, and to join with him against the rearward of the Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceived his intent, they were suddenly amazed and ran away like sheep, without order or array. Which when the king perceived, he encouraged his men, and followed so quickly upon the enemy, that they ran hither and thither, casting away their armour: many on their knees desired to have their lives saved.

In the meantime, while the battle thus continued, and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certain Frenchmen on horseback, whereof were captains Robinet of Borneville, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men-at-arms, to the number of 600 horsemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents and pavilions were a good way distant from the army, without any sufficient guard to defend the same, either upon a covetous meaning to gain by the spoil, or upon a desire to be revenged, entered upon the king’s camp, and there spoiled the hails, robbed the tents, broke up chests, and carried away caskets, and slew such servants as they found to make any resistance. For which treason and baseness in thus leaving their camp at the very point of fight, for winning of spoil where none to defend it, very many were after committed to prison, and had lost their lives, if the dauphin had longer lived.

But then the outcry of the lackeys and boys, which ran away for fear of the Frenchmen thus spoiling the camp, came to the king’s ears, he doubting lest his enemies should gather together again, and begin a new field; and mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enemies, or the very enemies to their takers indeed if they were suffered to live, contrary to his accustomed gentleness, commanded by sound of trumpet, that every man (upon pain of death) should instantly slay his prisoner. When this dolorous decree, and pitiful proclamation was pronounced, pity it was to see how some Frenchmen were suddenly stuck with daggers, some were brained with poleaxes, some slain with mails, others had their throats cut, and some their bellies cut open, so that in effect, having respect to the great number, few prisoners were saved.

When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the Englishmen disposed themselves in order of battle, ready to abide a new field, and also to invade, and newly set on their enemies, with great force they assailed the earls of Marlay and Fauquembergue, and the lords of Lorraine, and of Thine, with 600 men-at-arms, who had all that day kept together, but now slain and beaten down out of hand. Some write, that the king perceiving his enemies in one part to assemble together, as though they meant to give a new battle for preservation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and give battle: promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight again, not only those prisoners which his people already had taken, but also so many of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption.

The Frenchmen, fearing the sentence of so terrible a decree, without further delay departed out of the field. And so about four of the clock in the afternoon, the king when he saw no appearance of enemies, caused the retreat to be blown; and gathering his army together, gave thanks to almighty God for so happy a victory, causing his prelates and chaplains to sing this psalm: In exitu Israel de Aegypto, and commanded every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam. Which done, he caused Te Deum with certain anthems to be sung, giving laud and praise to God, without boasting of his own force or any human power. That night he and his people took rest, and refreshed themselves with such victuals as they found in the French camp, but lodged in the same village where he lay the night before.

In the morning, Mountjoye king at arms and four other French heralds came to the king to know the number of prisoners, and to desire burial for the dead. Before he made them answer (to understand what they would say) he demanded to them why they made to him that request, considering that he knew not whether the victory was his or theirs? When Mountjoye by true and just confession had cleared that doubt to the high praise of the king, he desired of Mountjoye to understand the name of the castle near adjoining: when they had told him that it was called Agincourt, he said, ‘Then shall this conflict be called the battle of Agincourt.’ He feasted the French officers of arms that day, and granted them their request, which busily sought through the field for such as were slain. But the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone, for they searched with them, and found many hurt, but not in jeopardy of their lives, whom they took prisoners, and brought them to their tents. When the king of England had well refreshed himself, and his soldiers, that had taken the spoil of such as were slain, he with his prisoners in good order returned to his town of Calais.

When tidings of this great victory were blown into England, solemn processions and other praisings to almighty God with bonfires and joyful triumphs, were ordained in every town, city, and borough, and the mayor and citizens of London went the morrow after the day of St Simon and Jude from the church of St Paul to the church of St Peter at Westminster in devout manner, rendering to God hearty thanks for such fortunate luck sent to the king and his army. The same Sunday that the king removed from the camp at Agincourt towards Calais, divers Frenchmen came to the field to view again the dead bodies; and the peasants of the country spoiled the carcasses of all such apparel and other things as the Englishmen had left: who took nothing but gold and silver, jewels, rich apparel and costly armour. But the plowmen and peasants left nothing behind, neither shirt nor clothing: so that the bodies lay stark naked until Wednesday. On the which day divers of the noblemen were conveyed into their countries, and the remnant were by Philip, earl Charolais (sore lamenting the chance, and moved with pity) at his costs and charges buried in a square plot of ground of fifteen hundred yards; in the which he caused to be made three pits, wherein were buried by account 5,800 persons, beside them that were carried away by their friends and servants, and others which being wounded died in hospitals and other places.

After this their dolorous journey and pitiful slaughter, divers clerks of Paris made many a lamentable verse, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that councillors were partial, affirming that the noblemen fled against nature, and that the commons were destroyed by their prodigality, declaring also that the clergy were dumb, and durst not say the truth, and that the humble commons duly obeyed, and yet ever suffered punishment, for which cause by divine persecution the less number vanquished the greater: wherefore they concluded that all things went out of order, and yet was there no man that studied to bring the unruly to frame. It was no marvel though this battle was lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slain the flower of all the nobility of France.

There were taken prisoner, Charles, duke of Orléans, nephew to the French king, John, duke of Bourbon, the Lord Boucicaut, one of the marshals of France (he after died in England) with a number of other lords, knights, and esquires, at the least 1,500, besides the common people. There were slain in all of the French part to the number of 10,000 men, whereof were princes and noblemen bearing banners 126; to these of knights, esquires, and gentlemen, so many as made up the number of 8,400 (of the which 500 were dubbed knights the night before the battle) so as of the meaner sort, not past 1,600. Amongst those of the nobility that were slain, these were the chiefest, Charles, lord d’Albret, high constable of France, Jacques of Chatilon, lord of Dampier, admiral of France, the Lord Rambures, master of the crossbows, Sir Guischard Dauphin, great master of France, John, duke of Alençon, Anthony, duke of Brabant, brother to the duke of Burgundy, Edward, duke of Bar, the earl of Nevers, another brother to the duke of Burgundy, with the earls of Marlay, Vaudemont, Beaumont, Grand Pré, Roussy, Fauquembergue, Fois and Lestrake, beside a great number of lords and barons of name.

Of Englishmen, there died at this battle, Edward, duke of York, the earl of Suffolk, Sir Richard Kyghley, and Davie Gamme esquire, and of all other not above five and twenty persons, as some do report; but other writers of greater credit affirm that there were slain about five or six hundred persons. Titus Livius said that there were slain of Englishmen, beside the duke of York and the earl of Suffolk, an hundred persons at the first encounter. The duke of Gloucester the king’s brother was sore wounded about the hips, and borne down to the ground so that he fell backwards with his feet towards his enemies, whom the king bestrid, and like a brother valiantly rescued from his enemies, and so saving his life, caused him to be conveyed out of the fight, into a place of more safety. The whole order of this conflict which cost many a man’s life, and procured great bloodshed before it was ended, is lively described in Anglorum praeliis; where also, besides the manner of disposing the armies, with the exploits on both sides, the number also of the slain not much differing (though somewhat) from the account here named, is there touched, which remembrance very fit for this place it were an error (I think) to omit.