1 A late copy of Webster’s Account is reproduced in James Kyd, Scottish Population Statistics (Edinburgh, 1975).
2 Michael Anderson, ‘Guesses, Estimates and Adjustments: Webster’s 1755 “census” of Scotland Revisited Again’, Journal of Scottish Historical Studies, 31, i (2011), 26–45.
3 Michael Flinn et al., Scottish Population History from the 17th Century to the 1930s (Cambridge, 1977), 242.
4 Robert Tyson, ‘Contrasting Regimes: Population Growth in Ireland and Scotland during the Eighteenth Century’, in S. J. Connolly et al., Conflict, Identity and Economic Development: Ireland and Scotland, 1600–1939 (Preston, 1995), 64–6.
5 Flinn et al., Scottish Population History is probably the clearest exponent of the mortality-driven position; for a more subtle view, see R. A. Houston, ‘The Demographic Regime’, in T. M. Devine and Rosalind Mitchison, People and Society in Scotland, 1760–1830 (Edinburgh, 1988), 17.
6 For more on this, see ch. 1 above.
7 Looking ahead, this same set of market, transport, and welfare measures, together with the greater concentration of population near the coasts and lower population densities, saved north-west Scotland from Irish-level mortality when the potato crop failed in the 1840s.
8 Robert Tyson, ‘The Population History of Aberdeenshire, 1695–1755: A New Approach’, Northern Scotland, 6 (1985), 113–31. Karen Cullen et al., ‘King William’s Ill Years: New Evidence on the Impact of Scarcity and Harvest Failure during the Crisis of the 1690s in Tayside’, Scottish Historical Review, 85 (2006), 250–76.
9 R. A. Houston, ‘Age at Marriage of Scottish women, c.1660–1770’, Local Population Studies, 43 (1989), 63–6; Michael Anderson, ‘Population Growth and Population Regulation in Nineteenth-Century Rural Scotland’, in Tommy Bengstsson and Osamu Saito, Population and Economy (Oxford, 2000), 122–4.
10 Ian Whyte, ‘Population Movement in Early Modern Scotland’, in R. A. Houston and I. D. Whyte, Scottish Society 1500–1800 (Cambridge, 1989), 37–58.
11 Robert Tyson, ‘Landlord Policies and Population Change in North-East Scotland and the Western Isles 1755–1841’, Northern Scotland, 19 (1999), 63–74.
12 Eric Richards, A History of the Highland Clearances: Agrarian Transformation and the Evictions 1746–1886 (London, 1982), 128–34.
13 Ibid.; Flinn et al., Scottish Population History, 34, 421–30.
14 For more detail, see ch. 6 below.
15 New Statistical Account, vol. 13, 257.
16 Anderson, ‘Population Growth’, 120–1; T. M. Devine, ‘Urbanisation’, in Devine and Mitchison, People and Society, 45–7.
17 The paragraphs that follow rely heavily on Ian Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550–1830 (Basingstoke, 2000). On emigration, see also ch. 16 below.
18 Jan de Vries, European Urbanisation 1500–1800 (London, 1984), 39, 45, 46; see also ch. 24.
19 For more detail on numbers and destinations of emigrants in this period see chs. 7 and 16.
20 More detail on this period is covered in chs. 26 and 27.
21 Marjorie Harper, ‘Emigration from the Highlands and Islands since 1750’, in Michael Lynch, The Oxford Companion to Scottish History (Oxford, 2001), 230.
22 Post-1800 parish data used in this chapter come from the decennial censuses. Data up to 1951 were originally collated by Donald Morse and used, for example, in Michael Anderson and Donald Morse, ‘High Fertility, High Emigration, Low Nuptiality: Adjustment Processes in Scotland’s Demographic Experience, 1861–1914, Part 1’, Population Studies, 47 (1993), 5–25. These data have now been thoroughly rechecked and data to 2001 have been added. I am very grateful to Corinne Roughley for her work on the maps.
24 Devine, ‘Urbanisation’, 27–52; R. J. Morris, ‘Urbanisation and Scotland’, in W. Hamish Fraser and R. J. Morris, eds., People and Society in Scotland 1830–1914 (Edinburgh, 1990), 73–102.
26 Flinn et al., Scottish Population History, Part 5; Anderson and Morse, ‘High Fertility’; Michael Anderson, ‘One Scotland or Several? The Historical Evolution of Scotland’s Population over the Past Century’, in Robert Wright, Scotland’s Demographic Challenge (Glasgow, 2004).
27 Michael Anderson and Donald Morse, ‘High Fertility, High Emigration, Low Nuptiality: Adjustment Processes in Scotland’s Demographic Experience, 1861–1914, Part 2’, Population Studies, 47 (1993), 319–43; Michael Anderson, ‘Highly Restricted Fertility: Very Small Families in the British Fertility Decline’, Population Studies, 52 (1998), 177–99.
28 For more detail on emigration and the destinations of the emigrants, see chs. 7 and 27 below.
29 For English migration to Scotland see Murray Watson, Being English in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2003).
30 Anderson, ‘Population Growth’, 111–31.
31 Michael Anderson, ‘Why was Scottish Nuptiality so Depressed for so long?’, in Isabelle Devos and Liam Kennedy, Marriage and Rural Economy: Western Europe since 1400 (Turnhout, 1999).
32 For further discussion see Anderson and Morse, ‘High Fertility’, Parts 1 and 2.
33 Data and further discussion are in ibid.
34 Personal communication from Eilidh Garrett.
35 Andrew Blaikie, Illegitimacy, Sex and Society: Northeast Scotland, 1750–1900 (Oxford 1993), ch. 5, who also summarizes the work of Paddock. For the eighteenth century, see Rosalind Mitchison and Leah Leneman, Sexuality and Social Control: Scotland 1660–1780 (Oxford, 1989).
36 Recent data on life expectancy and survival are taken from the General Register Office for Scotland website at www.gro-scotland.gov.uk/statistics/publications-and-data/life-expectancy/index.html. For earlier material see the Decennial Supplement to the 48th Detailed Annual Report of the Registrar General … for Scotland, Parliamentary Papers, 1906, xxi.
37 This section is heavily dependent on information from the most recent editions of Scotland’s Population: The Registrar General’s Annual Review of Demographic Trends (Edinburgh: General Register Office for Scotland), published annually; see also ch. 36 below.