“Every once in a while the tremendous responsibility of this job lands on me like a ton of bricks, but mostly I am not in the least worried”
Diary, October 24
The Augusta left here at 8:10. The sortie was remarkable for its ordered and apparently faultless efficiency. We moved in column through the mine fields and out a swept and buoyed channel . . .
All elements [of the convoy] . . . will have over 100 vessels.
Admiral Hewitt impresses me better. Admiral Hall is great.
Diary, October 25
“General Quarters” went at 6:30. It is also called “Man Battle Stations.” I got up, exercised, and took a bath as I guessed it was a drill...
The mess is superior. I have to watch eating too much . . .
Went to church . . . It is less than two weeks now [to battle] if all goes well.
Diary, October 26
The Admiral has just started zig-zagging. I like him better all the time.
I keep feeling that I should be doing something but there is nothing to do.
Diary, October 27
Today is Navy Day. Keyes wrote a letter to Hewitt for me to sign. It pleased him [Hewitt] . . . Keyes is a grand man, never forgets.
Diary, October 28
I have been giving everyone a simplified directive of war. Use steamroller strategy, that is make up your mind on a course and direction of action and stick to it. But in tactics do not steamroller. Attack weakness. Hold them by the nose and kick them in the arse.
Having nothing to do, some of my people worry. I could myself, but won’t. It is hard to realize that in 10 days I shall be up to my neck in work. At the moment I have nothing at all to do ...
So far I have read part of the Koran, finished “Three Harbors” and “The Raft.” “The Sun is my Undoing” is pretty sticky.
Someone gave him “a rowing machine so I get some exercise. I also hold on to the dresser and run in place 300 steps. It is good for the wind.”
Diary, October 30
Hewitt has certainly been fine . . .
I finished the Koran – a good book and interesting.
It begins to look like we will get ashore without a fight. I am sorry. The troops need blooding; also, it would be better for [my] future prospects.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, November 2, 1942
From some of the messages we have, it seems that there is a good chance that the French Army and Air will join us. I hope not, for it would sort of pull the cork of the men – all steamed up to fight and not have to – also it would be better for me to have a battle. Well in six days we will know . . .
This mess is the best I have ever seen. I fear I will get fat. I take lots of exercise running in place, 480 steps, 14 mile in my cabin.
Every night we darken ship, but there are reading lights in my cabin ...
This afternoon Sgt. Meeks, Stiller, Jensen, Gay, Lambert, and I did a lot of shooting on the stern. The new carbine is a lovly little thing and very accurate.
Diary, November 3
Every once in a while the tremendous responsibility of this job lands on me like a ton of bricks, but mostly I am not in the least worried. I can’t decide logically if I am a man of destiny or a lucky fool, but I think I am destined. Five more days will show. I really do very little, and have done very little, about this show. I feel that my claim to greatness hangs on an ability to lead and inspire. Perhaps when Napoleon said, “Je m’engage et puis je vois” [I start the fight and then I see], he was right. It is the only thing I can do in this case as I see it. I have no personal fear of death or failure. This may sound like junk, or prophecy, within a week.
We had a CPX [command post exercise] this morning which was very dull. I can’t see how people can be so dull and lacking imagination. Compared to them I am a genius – I think I am.
Diary, November 4
Things were so bad last night that they are bound to get better. Subs were all around us . . . There was a high north wind, and it was very rough. All the conditions needed for high surf at Casa [blanca].
Had radio that Giraud . . . [is] on the fence and that [Robert] Murphy wants to delay [the invasion] until they [the French] make up their mind. As if 100,000 men, all at sea, can wait. It looks from the radio as if Clark has told them [the French] D-day and H-hour. The fool.
I have always been opposed to talking with the French. Also it is reported that if we attack, the Spanish will move . . . This may interfere with Truscott at Port Lyautey. On the other hand, it may bring the French in on our side. If the Spanish move . . . it probably means they are in with the Axis and that closes the straits and we must, repeat, must take Casablanca.
Something good is bound to happen.
Reports of possible collusion with the French in North Africa were unclear. Clark’s secret trip by submarine to Algeria to talk with French officers willing to help the Americans ashore and Murphy’s diplomatic machinations were producing an uncertainty that would be heightened by General Henri Giraud’s clandestine submarine voyage from southern France to Eisenhower’s temporary headquarters at Gibraltar. Would the French fight?
Letter, Dillingham to GSP, Jr., November 5, 1942
I have thought of you many times in the past week and knew that your silence was the best evidence of the fact that you have been all out preparing a division whose efficiency is second to none other . . . Knowing you perhaps better than any of your many loyal friends, I can appreciate how irksome delays have been to you and how anxious you have been to prove your ability to handle a mechanized outfit in actual combat. I know that you have not only the technical ability from long years of military training, but that you have the spiritual quality which makes for the highest form of leadership. You know how many able leaders of many walks of life I have been privileged to know, and I can say without hesitation that you are outstanding, in my judgment, as having that which is given to no other man of my acquaintance. I remember what one of the generals said . . . that you were a difficult officer in time of peace, but a “hell of a good soldier” in time of war ...
If you have picked, as you must have, a staff of officers who are qualified on the polo field, you will be supported by men who are quick in making decisions and direct and intelligent in their method of attack. Wherever you are and in whatever you are undertaking to do, you have with you all the affection and loyalty that I have to give, for there is no one in whom I place greater confidence.
Diary, November 5
Last night it was very rough, almost a storm. This morning it is still very rough with a 40 mile wind . . . Things are bound to get better as they could not get worse. I have done some extra praying. I hope that whatever comes up, I shall be able to do my full duty. If I can do that, I have nothing more to ask. Fate will determine what success I shall attain ...
The Navy is quite anxious to fight. The younger of them want to close in to fire. I hope they do.
Diary, November 6
Things are looking up. It is calmer and the wind has fallen to about 20 miles and is northeast, which is O.K. The forecast is for a possible landing condition. The intercepts [of enemy messages] indicate that the French will fight.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, November 6, 1942
Darling B, Yesterday things looked as bad as possible . . . During the night things improved and now it looks as if we could land, though it will be pretty rough ...
It amases me how little I am excited – some times I fear that I am too calm.
I think that ones spirit enlarges with responsibility. In 40 hours I will probably be in battle and on the spur of the moment with little information I will have to make most momentus decisions, and I feel that with Gods help I shall make them and make them right. It seems to me that almost inspite of my self my whole life has been pointed to this moment. When this job is done I presume I will be pointed to the next step in the ladder of destiny.
Inspite of my over developed personal ambition, all I want to do right now is my full duty. If I do that, the rest will take care of its self.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Marshall, November 6, 1942
I am writing this at sea, Friday morning. The weather conditions, while not perfect, promise to permit a landing, Sunday morning, in fair to bad surf conditions. The forecast indicates that during Sunday and Monday the weather will get worse; however, the forecasts have been relatively inaccurate.
I should like to call your attention to the fact that the relations between the Army and Navy in this convoy could not possibly be more satisfactory. Admiral Hewitt and his chief of staff, Admiral Hall, have shown the utmost cooperation and the finest spirit. I desire to bring this to your attention because prior to leaving I had some doubts. These doubts have been removed.
Finally, I wish to again thank you for the opportunity you have given me, and to again assure you that to the uttermost of my ability I shall merit your confidence.
To Major General Guy V. Henry, a former chief of cavalry:
I have, perhaps, an illogical but firmly convinced belief that we shall be completely successful. If we are not, it is not my intention to live to make excuses; however, I feel very healthy for a dead man.
To Stimson:
I can assure you that to the limit of our ability we will strive for success. If we fail, I trust that I shall not be present to make explanations. However, I have the uttermost confidence that we will land, and having landed will stay.
With affectionate regards to Mrs. Stimson, and again thanking you for the lifetime of kindness you have shown me, I am, Devotedly yours,
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Maj, Gen, A, D. Surles, War Department, November 6, 1942
My dear Day: I have been informed that “Life” and “Time” magazines have a story about me which they wish to publish . . . There are several very objectionable features to this story. One to the effect that I am challenging Marshall Rommel to a personal encounter, or words to that effect. I believe, also, that they mention my athletic prowess, which is really zero, and also state that I am very wealthy, and bring out the usual line about my swearing.
In the position to which good fortune has sent me, all the above remarks are highly detrimental, and give to enemies, of whom we all have plenty, ammunition. I would regret very much if this article were published, and I should appreciate your using your great influence to stop it, or at least see that the objectionable features are removed. Please do your damdest!
It is my opinion that in spite of our large conversation about the psychology of war, we utterly fail to utilize the simplest means of stimulating pride and valor in the troops. In no account of which I have read of the fighting in the South Pacific have the names of commanders or units been mentioned. I presume that this is done with the erroneous belief that mentioning names of units and commanders would aid the enemy. You and I both know that the enemy is always fully cognizant of the names of the commanders and . . . the units he is fighting. Therefore, reticense, due to aiding the enemy, is foolishness.
On the other hand, if the people at home know that the boys from Lensville, Illinois, or Junction City, Kansas are fighting and doing well, they will get a great kick out of it and will write to the soldiers with the result that the soldiers will fight harder than ever. If, on the other hand, they learn that certain units have not done well, they will also write, and these units will do better. I am so convinced of this that it seems to me a national tragedy not to utilize man’s innate love of fame and fear of censure to develop a fighting spirit.
I believe that you could not possibly do a greater service to the country than by persuading the powers that be to permit pitiless publicity, giving names and units, with regards to the good and bad actions of troops in combat. Please think this over ...
As far as I have been concerned, the current voyage has been uneventful as I did all I could do before we started .-. .The performance of the Navy in this fleet, particularly Admirals Hewitt and Hall, has been of the highest order. I am amazed at their efficiency, and I am delighted at the wholehearted spirit of cooperation they have evinced. It would seem to me desirable that they receive credit . . . I believe that they will do everything humanly possible to put us ashore.
Please . . . remember to keep Beatrice informed. If this is my last letter – which I doubt – rest assured that for a would-be corpse, I feel very well.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to his troops, issued at sea early November, 1942
Soldiers: We are to be congratulated because we have been chosen as the units of the United States Army best trained to take part in this great American effort...
It is not known whether the French African army, composed of both white and colored troops, will contest our landing. It is regrettable to contemplate the necessity of fighting the gallant French who are at heart sympathetic toward us, but all resistance by whomever offered must be destroyed. However, when any of the French soldiers seek to surrender, you will accept it and treat them with the respect due a brave opponent and future ally. Remember, the French are not Nazis or Japs ...
When the great day of battle comes, remember your training, and remember above all that speed and vigor of attack are the sure roads to success and you must succeed – for to retreat is as cowardly as it is fatal. Indeed, once landed, retreat is impossible. Americans do not surrender.
During the first few days and nights after you get ashore, you must work unceasingly, regardless of sleep, regardless of food. A pint of sweat will save a gallon of blood.
The eyes of the world are watching us; the heart of America beats for us; God is with us. On our victory depends the freedom or slavery of the human race. We shall surely win.
Diary, November 7
This morning it is very quiet and cool, almost too good to be true. Thank God. I hope He stays on our side.
The Safi convoy quit us at 0600. The Lyautey one will pull out at 1500 ...
Fortunately I found a detective story, “The Cairo Garter Murders,” by Van Wyck Mason. I have just finished and will start to worry, or should I feel utterly confident? ...
In 15 hours I should be ashore. I will not write any more in this while at sea. At 2120 radar reports land . . . Went to bed dressed and slept from 1030 [P.M.]. This was hard to do.
Letter, Eisenhower to Marshall, November j, 1942
If Patton encounters any real resistance, he is going to have a tough time of it because landing problems alone are enough to occupy his full attention.
In the early morning hours of November 8, members of all the task forces in Operation Torch touched down on North African soil. In every instance, near Algiers, Oran, and Casablanca, they met immediate opposition from French army, navy, and air forces.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, November 8, 1942 (morning)
Darling B. We have had a great day §0 far. We have been in a naval battle since 0800 and it is still going on but at the moment we are not firing.
The French, 2 cruisers and several destroyers, came out and we went after them. This ship was not hit but one shell landed so close that it splashed me. The men were fine.
We took Safi before dawn. We had pretty [bad] losses at Fedala and some losses apparently largely [from] drowning at Lautey.
I tried to go ashore at 8:00 but the blast from our rear turett smashed our landing boat on the davits so I am still aboard.
There have been, so far as I know, two air attacks. I don’t think they hit anything.
There does not seem to be very hard fighting on shore. I am going in as soon as I can get a new boat.
It is a flat calm – God was with us.
Lots of love.
Diary, November 8
Woke at 0200, dressed and went on deck. Fedhala lights and lights at Gasa burning, also lights on shore. Sea dead calm, no swell – God is with us.
H Hour was at 0400, delayed first 30, then 45 minutes . . . There were four destroyers anchored about 6,000 yards from shore, the transports were anchored at 18,000 [too far, he thought]. They had different colored lights to show right, left, and center line of departure. Light house went dark at 0300. We had a sub on the surface which guided the destroyers in.
At Safi we had radio “Batter up” [code for “enemy firing"] at 0455. At 0530 a search light showed apparently vertical at Fedhala, then turned on the beach. At once our destroyers opened fire with tracer. They looked like red fireflies. The light went out in about 10 minutes. At the same time a French corvette showed up from the south. She was escorting three French ships. When she refused to halt, the destroyers opened fire and shot off the mast and killed her Captain. I think she sank. The three merchant ships beat it and beached themselves to north ...
Truscott radioed “Play ball” [code for “am fighting”] at 0713.
Mississippi’s batteries had been shelling battleship Jean Bart for about 30 minutes when six enemy destroyers came out of Casa at 0715. All ships in range opened on the destroyers and they went back. I was going ashore at 0800 and boat was on davits swung out with all our things in her, including my white pistols. I sent orderly to get them, and at that moment, a light cruiser and two big destroyers came out of Casa, tearing up the coast close to shore to try to get our transports. At once Augusta speeded up to 20 knots and opened fire. The first blast from the rear turret blew the leading boat to hell and we lost all our things except my pistols. At about 8:20, enemy bombers attacked transports and Augusta went to protect them. There was a hell of a racket but no damage was done. Then we went back into the fight with the French ships, about 0830, and fired hard for about three hours. Ranges ran from 18,000 to 27,000 yards. They breached us after using pink and green dyes on shells. I was on main deck just back of number two turret leaning on the rail when one [shell] hit so close that it splashed water all over me. When I was on the bridge later, one hit closer but I was too high to get wet. It was hazy and enemy used smoke well. I could just see them and make out our splashes. We had the Mississippi, the Brooklyn, the Augusta and some others all firing and going like hell in big zig-zags and curves to keep enemy from the subs . . . The Ludlow, a destroyer, was hit and set on fire, but put it out. The Brooklyn was hit. Her 43-gun turret fired like lightning, much faster than our 8” [guns], although we fired at times two salvos (9 guns at a time) each minute. You have to put cotton in your ears. Some of the people got white but it did not seem very dangerous to me – sort of impersonal.
The French went back about 11:30. The Mississippi kept on shelling them in harbor with her 16” guns. We had lunch —naval war is nice and comfortable.
Harmon took San at 0515, but we did not get the message till noon. It was a complete surprise. He captured a battalion of the Foreign Legion, three tanks, and a lot of guns.
Admiral Hall, Gay, Johnson, Ely, Jenson, Stiller, George Meeks, and I went ashore at 1242, hit the beach at 1320, and got very wet in the surf. There was still quite a fight going on but I had no bullets [come my way].
At 1340, Anderson met me with a French colonel, who suggested I send to Casa to demand a surrender. He said that the French [army] did not want to fight. I sent Gay and [Colonel W. H.] Wilbur. The Admiral refused to see them. The army general said he could do nothing, as Admiral Michelier was senior [to him]. His staff, on the side, gave us all the dope and even suggested that Casa could be taken more easily from the rear ...
Anderson is good but lacks drive – however, he did well. Captured eight of German Armistice Commission . . . They only heard of the landing at 0600, so it was a complete surprise.
I inspected the town and port and all the French soldiers except the marines saluted and grinned. We put on mixed Military Police, half American and half French, with a First Lieutenant of chasseurs a cheval, Moroccan, as assistant Provost Marshal.
Spent night at Hotel Miramar, very nice, but it had been hit several times so there was no water nor light and only cheese and fish to eat and champagne to drink ...
God was very good to me today.
Letter, Beatrice to GSP, Jr., November 8, 1942
Darling Georgie, You have landed in Africa and I will tell you the story from this end, play by play, without trimmings.
I . . . got into Washington yesterday morning. Since Thursday, despatches . . . had been coming in; first of a big concentration of war vessels at Gibraltar and later of a great convoy steaming thru the Mediterranean.
Yesterday morning Mrs. Stimson called up and asked me to supper. At about 7:30, just as I left for Woodley [the Stimson residence], Day Surles called and told me to get on the radio by nine [o’clock]. At dinner, nothing was said about D day but as it got on for 9, I asked about some news. We went into the library and the Secretary called up Day at the office. The news was just being released and he took it on the phone and repeated it as he heard it. We got the whole thing and then hung up and heard it over the radio. I cannot describe my feelings nor their looks as the news came in that all the entire operation had come off as planned. The news that you made your landing . . . showed that you did exactly what you wanted to ...
I came home at ten thirty and sat up . . . listening to the broadcasts . . . This A.M. I was called by Mrs. Marshall saying that you had made a successful landing . . . The Secretary has just called me now at 2:15 to tell me that all your landings have been made though no personal word has come from you. He says he will call me at intervals all day as soon as he has anything to report.. .
The names of the officers and principal generals in command of the show were given out on Army hour this afternoon and before it was over I had a call from the Times Herald asking for an interview. I gave a very nice one, saying nothing, by telephone, right then. I had no more than come upstairs to go on with this letter than the doorbell rang and a reporter from the same paper was at the door to get my picture. I sent word that I was out, as I am too busy answering the phone and writing to you to bother with anything like that this afternoon ...
I realize that there are months and perhaps years of waiting and anxiety ahead of me, yet today all I can think of is your triumph, and the thought that rings thru my mind like a peal of bells is that the first jump is taken and you will never have to take it again. And I know that it is a success. God with us ...
I finally broke down and let the Paramount News take my picture because they asked me to say something. They suggested I say something about army wives but I fooled them and they were tickled. When they had got the mike [microphone] ready, I said, “This is America’s hour of triumph. Safely our men have crossed the sea to fight our battle. The spirit of Victory is in their hearts. They will not fail.” The man’s eyes were full of tears when I finished. They are doing one of Mamie [Eisenhower] and both will be in the news this week...
[I will] make a speech at a bond rally at Harrisonburg where there are a great many Mennonites and other conscientious objectors. I will begin with our young Virginian objector who killed a sergeant and three soldiers because he didnt want to leave his Mama, and go on from there. I bet I sell a lot of bonds.
At Gibraltar, Eisenhower was receiving garbled messages of Patton’s activities. There seemed to be a battle, and one report had Patton re-embarking under a flag of truce. That Eisenhower rejected – “Unless my opinion of Georgie is 100% wrong.”
Diary, November 9
I got out of the Hotel before dawn and went to see Anderson, who was in bed. He should have been up.
The beach was a mess and the officers were doing nothing. We had tried since the previous day to have the lighters use the harbor, but Emmitt never told them to. As a result they were beached Jhalf the time, and whenever they got off, it took half an hour. I cursed, and at last got a launch off to catch the boats and show them into the harbor. Had Anderson showed proper push, this would have been done earlier. Just as I got the launch out, a boat turned end for end and drowned 16 men. We only found three —they were a nasty blue color. I was sorry. I got one of them.
The French bombed the beach and later strafed it. One soldier who was pushing a boat got scared and ran onto the beach and assumed the Fields [foetal or prenatal] position and jibbered. I kicked him in the arse with all my might and he jumped right up and went to work. Some way to boost morale.
As a whole the men were poor, the officers worse; no drive. It is very sad. I saw one lieutenant let his men hesitate to jump into the water. I gave him hell. I hit another man who was too lazy to push a boat. We also kicked a lot of Arabs ...
Things were going so slow that I came back to see the Admiral. He ordered the doctor to give me a drink as I had had no food. I needed it. Got back to ship at 1310.
Sent Keyes and all staff ashore at 1500.
Truscott has Lyautey but not the airport. Had a tank fight with 15 Renaults. Semmes must have had a good time.
The derrick on the sea-train broke, so there will be a delay. I may attack Casa with the 3d Infantry Division only, and with a naval bombardment and the air.
Harmon has a small airport, and I am sending one squadron of P-40’s to him at dawn . . . Again God has been good.
Diary, November 10
Today has been bad. Could get no news from either Truscott or Harmon except that Truscott wanted help. I had none to give. Anderson closed in on Casa and one battalion . . . broke badly under shell fire. Keyes, who was on the spot as usual, stopped them. I decided to take Casa anyway with only the 3d Division and an armored battalion. It took some doing, as we were outnumbered but I felt we should hold the initiative.
An important Frenchman came and suggested that I write the Sultan [of Morocco]. I did. Doubt if it does any good.
At 2200 Admiral Hall came in to arrange naval support [for the attack on Casablanca]. He brought fine news. The airport at Lyautey was taken and 42 P-40’s were on it. Harmon had defeated an enemy column, destroying 19 trucks and 6 tanks. He is marching on Casa. All this shows that we should push in. “God favors the bold, victory is to the audacious.”
Letter, Mrs. Ralph Menzing, Chicago, to GSP, Jr., November 10, 1942 My husband and I read with joy of your arrival in Africa, not only because my nephew . . . is a Sgt and M.P. in sd Armored Division, but because you are a “grand” general. We have your pictures in our apt [apartment], say special prayers for you and your unit . . . My husband saves all your photos in papers.
Telegram, Eisenhower to GSP, Jr., November 10, 1942
Algiers has been ours for two days. Oran defense crumbling rapidly . . . The only tough nut left is in your hands. Crack it open quickly and ask for what you want.
Telegram, Eisenhower to Walter Bedell Smith, chief of staff, AFHQ, November 10, 1942
Reports from Patton still meager but . . . information indicates he is progressing steadily. If he captures Casablanca by noon tomorrow, I will recommend both him and Fredendall for third stars.
Diary, November 11
Lambert woke me up at 0420 to say . . . that the French at Rabat and Lyautey had ceased firing. Staff wanted me to call off attack [against Casablanca] but I would not [do so] yet. It was too late, and besides it is bad to change plans.
Anderson wanted to attack at dawn, but I chose 0730 so as to give him a chance to form up by daylight. I also warned Admiral Hewitt to be ready to call off his air and gun fire on my signal “Cease firing.” Actually the French quit at 6:40, so had we attacked 0600 as planned, many needless lives would have been lost. Again the hand of God. I said I would take Casa by D plus 3, and I did. A nice birthday present [to himself]. Keyes gave me a letter from Bea . . .
General Nogues and Admiral Michelier came to discuss terms at 1400. I had a guard of honor [for them]. No use kicking a man when he is down. I had written a set of terms along the lines Ike had sent me. They were so different from those used in Algeria that I decided to have a gentlemen’s agreement [with the French] until I found out what Ike had done. The French don’t want to fight [us]. I felt that most of the time they bombed the ocean rather than the beach . . .
We are in Casa and have the harbor and airport . . .
To God be the praise.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, November 11, 1942
The last time I wrote you we had just finished a naval battle . . . Afterwards we had another. And since we left the Augusta she has had two more fights . . . I missed both . . .
We spent the night at the Miramar hotel and I slept in the bed of the Chief of the German Armistice Commission . . .
Monday morning I spent on the beach. Things were pretty bad and we got bombed and straffed by French air ...
The transports were so far out [from shore] that I went out to the Augusta to see the Admiral – the ships came closer.
This made for shorter voyages between ships and shore in the smaller landings boats and facilitated unloading men and supplies.
I sent Keyes and staff ashore and stayed on the ship . . .
In the morning Tuesday I heard that Truscott had air port at Fedala . . . I ordered Army planes to fly ashore . . .
I decided to attack Casa on the 11 th [the next day] . . . it took some nerve as at the moment both Truscott and Harmon seemed in a bad way ...
[When] the enemy quit, it was a near thing, for the bombers were over their targets and the battle ships were in position to fire.
I ordered Anderson to move in to the town and if any one stopped him to attack. No one stopped him. But the hours from 7:30 to 11:00 were the longest in my life.
Gen Nogues and Adm. Michelier came to treat for terms . . . Nogues is a crook – a handsome one. Michelier is a man and a very mad one at the moment . . .
I opened the conference by congratulating the French on their gallantry – the Navy did fight to the end. The army realy quit but keep it dark [quiet].
I closed the conference with champagne and many toasts . . .
I loved your birthday letter which Keyes gave me at 5:00 to day.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Stimson, December 7, 1942
We had a fairly hard fight and lost some good men, but we inflicted very severe casualties on our late enemies . . .
Of course, as a Christian I was very glad to avoid the further fusion of blood, but as a soldier I would have given a good deal to have the fight go on because we had a very pretty scheme of maneuver, and all the troops were in position . . .
When the French came in to make terms, my sporting sense of not wishing to triumph over a gallant enemy induced me to have a guard of honor to receive the French officers. This made a very happy impression upon them and was, I believe, a precursor of the excellent entente which has existed ever since.
Before the meeting started it was very evident to me that the two sets of terms, one of which we were to apply, were not applicable to the case because French Morocco is a protectorate and not a province, and its local security therefore depends on retaining the prestige of the French Army. I . . . decided that the best way to avoid an Arab uprising was to allow the French to retain their arms and man all their works. Fortunately my guess was correct and was subsequently approved by General Eisenhower.
With these thoughts in mind, I opened the meeting by paying a high compliment to the valor and effectiveness of the French resistance, mentioning the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. This also eased the situation.
At the end when he had reached an agreement, in fact the French agreed to what I asked them, I played a very nasty trick on them. I said, “Gentlemen, we have now settled everything, but there is one disagreeable formality which we should go through.” They all looked very worried. I then produced some champagne and suggested a toast to the happy termination of a fratricidal strife and to the resumption of the age-old friendship between France and America.
They drank $40.00 worth of champagne, but it was worth it.
The fortuitous presence in Algiers on November 8 of Pétain’s second in command, Admiral Darlan, made possible rapid armistice arrangements. Darlan was in Algiers to visit his son, stricken with polio, in the hospital. A commanding figure in his own right as well as representing the authority of the Petain government, Darlan – despite Peétain’s insistence that the armistice of 1940 be honored and that French forces continue to resist – had sufficient stature to conclude a cease-fire for Algiers at the end of the first day of the invasion. Fredendall’s men took Oran by military action, and at the end of November 10, as Patton was preparing to attack Casablanca, Darlan agreed to terminate hostilities in all of French North Africa.
Germany and Italy reacted swiftly. In metropolitan France, starting at midnight, November 10, ten German divisions crossed the demarcation line into unoccupied France and six Italian divisions marched into the southeastern part of the country. Overrunning the free zone governed by Vichy, they occupied all of France and took Corsica.
Beatrice was writing her husband another birthday letter on November 11:
Happy Birthday, and I know you are having one if things are going as I hear they are . . .
That must have been a splendid birthday for you: Casablanca taken and an armistice over the whole of North Africa . . . How I wish I could have seen your triumph. I expect you will go for Rommel now ...
For myself, I went to communion and spent the rest of the day answering the phone. This afternoon I took an African violet to Mrs. Stimson with a message from you that you had captured it at Casablanca. The Secretary told me that you had made a speech at Lyate’s tomb and that he had sent you a birthday telegram. As soon as he saw me, he called out, “Well, George had the toughest job of them all and he has got Casablanca for his birthday.”
The newspaper has just said that you took it at 3 am our time. Funnily enough, I woke up in the night for no reason and looked at the clock. It was just three. I thought, what is G. doing, I wonder . . . I did riot feel worried, but just lay thinking about you for some time. This has happened to me so many times in my life.
Fairfax Ayres, a friend, wrote to tell Patton that when he was asked what kind of person Patton was, he replied always, “You bet your boots he will fight”
Truscott informed him that his operation had been difficult because the Navy had landed his troops late and in some confusion, then had taken “station about half way to Bermuda,” which slowed unloading. He was conducting his affairs in accordance with what he believed Patton would wish. He toasted the Patton luck.
Diary, November 12
Got up early and went to dock. Nothing was going right . . . Six French trucks ready to help were standing idle because no one took hold. Found a lieutenant and put him to work with the trucks . . .
Chief of Civil Staff for General Nogues came in and tried to get me committed on politics.
Just after supper four transports were torpedoed in harbor. It was really terrible to see them burn. One .. . was full of ammunition and air bombs, also 400,000 pounds of frozen beef. Scout car with my things was last vehicle to get off. God is still for me ...
A bunch from Ike’s staff tried to put me on the spot for not disarming the French. I assumed the offensive, showing them that to disarm or discredit the French meant an Arab war which would demobilize 60,000 [American military] men as a starter. All agreed with me at last.
Got only three hours’ sleep today. We moved to Casa, office third floor Shell building, former manager’s office, very handsome. He gave me some roses.
We had over 2,000 Navy ashore from sunk boats and clothed all, but hope to get clothes back as we have no reserves. My men gave blankets to the wounded and slept cold.
Called on French Admiral and General. They had Guards of Honor for me. So did I for them when they called back. The honor regiment of Moroccan Infantry had a goat as mascot with the band. When we first landed in England in 1917, the Welsh Fusiliers had their goat. I wonder if this is a significant circumstance.
Very tired, going to bed . . .
Clark was made a lieutenant general.
We came into Casa at 1530. The citizens were quiet but certainly not moved [to enthusiasm because] the Guard of Honor . . . was poor. No music.
When I left the “Augusta” for keeps today, the entire crew lined the side of the ship and cheered. I was later told that this was spontaneous and seldom, if ever, accorded a non-naval person.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Eisenhower, November 14, 1942
The following is a discoursive account of the operations . . .
[When] the radar on the flagship picked up land . . . the Commanding General [Patton] went to bed, and by the exercise of great strength of character went to sleep . . .
A naval battle is not particularly impressive, as it is too impersonal ...
It took considerable mental energy on my part to attack [Casablanca] ...
It is of interest I think to note that if you adhere to your plan, things usually work for you . . .
The landing at Safi . . . went as planned . . . Harmon, showing tremendous drive and initiative, captured the harbor at 0515.
He immediately landed a light armored battalion and moved it out on the Marrakech road where enemy forces of about 40 trucks and a number of armored cars were advancing. Our navy dive bombers engaged this force, and it lasted long enough to allow the light armored battalion to build up sufficient strength to check the French advance ...
On the 10th . . . he attacked Marrakech column and destroyed a large number of trucks and armored cars . . . [then] started to march on Casablanca at 1900, completing a night march of 90 miles without lights and arriving at Mazagan at dawn.
The bridge across the river north of Mazagan . . . was defended. Harmon was just deploying to attack when he received my message that the French had ceased firing in the Casablanca area.
With great personal courage he went forward with one scout car, waving a dirty white towel, across the bridge and informed the French officers on the far side that the war was over. They immediately withdrew to their barracks.
He will pass through here enroute to Rabat about noon. His losses amounted to about 200 men killed and wounded.
Anderson’s losses ran between three and five hundred, including about fifty drowned.
Harmon’s forces captured around 1,000 French, who have been liberated, and killed an unknown but probably very large number of French ...
The initial attack at Port Lyautey went according to plan except that . . . Truscott was unable to capture the airport.
By daylight on the 11th, he had only eight tanks and two or three armored vehicles . . . unloaded. With these Colonel Semmes attacked 18 French tanks with their accompanying infantry, destroying 6 and driving the others back about 8 kilometers with heavy losses to the infantry.
During this fight Colonel Semmes’ tank was hit three times in the first five minutes, and Colonel Semmes, himself, using his M .37 [gun] accounted for four French tanks . . .
The harbor of Port Lyautey and the airfield had been captured . . . when hostilities in this area ceased. Truscott captured over 1,500 French troops with a loss of 100 [Americans] killed and two to three hundred wounded. In the fight here every soldier, including airplane mechanics, went into action, and the airport was held by air-ground and anti-aircraft personnel armed with rifles.
The unloading at Port Lyautey is proceeding very slowly. I have asked Admiral Hewitt to send some barges from Casablanca. If this is not done, it will take several weeks to complete the unloading due to bad surf conditions, and the destruction of numerous landing boats ...
French Morocco is a protectorate, nominally governed by the Sultan, and owing its existence and tranquility to the prestige of the French Army and Navy. Had I insisted on disarming the army and removing the navy from the ships and shore batteries, I would have dealt such a blow to the prestige of the French that I am personally convinced a revolution would have eventuated . . .
I realize that I am taking a chance but feel convinced that the end justifies the means. We do not wish to occupy this country and pacify it...
The French Army is, in my opinion, split between its allegiance to General Nogues and . . . to General Giraud. Owing to this fact, I believe that at the present time it has no combat ability. General Nogues’ adherents are of the opinion that the Germans will soon run us out of Morocco and that they therefore do not wish to commit themselves. There are some disturbing rumors from Marrakech, but I will not bother you with them until I know more about them . . .
Please accept my sincere congratulations on the success of your operations as a whole.
Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, November 14, 1942
Unfortunately I did not get a chance to distinguish my self [during the fighting] except not to lay down a couple of times when we got straffed.
John Waters was one of five officers whom Fredendall mentioned in orders ...
This town (Casa) is a cross between the ultra modern and the Arabian nights but is quite clean. We took over the Shell Building and I am writing at the director’s desk. The room is all panneled and very ornate . . .
We live at the Majestic Hotel which is fine except that the water is cut off.
The political situation is not too hot and the subs are bad but we have made such a good start that I think we will surely go on.
It must have occurred to him that his combat experience in Morocco equaled exactly the duration of all his actual battle time in World War I – little more than three days. Would he have more in World War II?