CHAPTER 17
Palermo and Messina

“If I succeed, Attila will have to take a back seat.”

HUBE brought his XIV Panzer Corps headquarters to Sicily on July 15, established a good working relationship with Guzzoni, and began to prepare a meticulous plan for evacuating the island. Although Guzzoni remained in nominal command of the Axis forces in Sicily, Hube conducted the land battle. Both men agreed that their purpose in fighting was to postpone as long as possible the Allied conquest of Sicily. The four German and the four Italian divisions were to pull slowly into the northeastern corner and eventually withdraw from the island to the Italian mainland.

Diary, July 19

I was amazed at what our troops have accomplished over truly terrible country [for fighting] . . . At Caltanisetta, we killed at least 4,000 civilians by air alone and the place smelled to heaven as the bodies are still in the ruins. I had to feel sorry for the poor devils.

We had lunch in the Facist Palace, which, strangely enough, was not hurt much. It was truly magnificent, all velvet and brocade and gold chairs and we had lunch of C rations in the state dining room on a silk tablecloth, lovely china and silver with toilet paper [for] napkins...

My policy of continuous attack is correct. The farther we press, the more stuff we find abandoned that should not be abandoned. The Italians are fighting very well in face of certain defeat. They must crack soon.

I think that the British have the bear by the tail in the Messina peninsula and we may have to go in and help. Had they let us . . . take Caltagirone and Enna ourselves, instead of waiting for them, we would have saved two days and been on the north coast now.

Alex has no idea of either the power or speed of American armies. We can go twice as fast as the British and hit harder, but to save British prestige, the XXX Corps had to make the envelopment, and now I think they are stuck. They attacked Catania with a whole division yesterday and only made 400 yards . . .

Our method of attacking all the time is better than the British system of stop, build up, and start, but we must judge by the enemy reaction. I can do it here [judge the enemy reaction] – Alex can’t in Tunis.

Acting on his hunch that the Seventh Army might get a crack at Messina, Patton telegraphed Alexander and suggested bringing the entire 9th Division to Sicily before the end of the month.

On his file copy of the telegram, Patton added a handwritten note: “I was quite right in this idea as events have shown. Again I had outguessed the situation.”

Diary, July 20

We took Enna at 0943 . . . The Canadians came in from the east eight minutes later . . . I sent a dispatch to General Alexander saying that we [both] arrived at the same time. I will bet they claim to have, got there first.

Decorated a large number of [men] . . . Band played Star Spangled Banner and God Save the King and then I had a concert and all the Dagos cheered and danced and asked for food. I often wonder when one of them will try to kill me, but I think that apparent lack of fear bluffs them, and it is good for the troops to see my flags flying all over the front. One dies but once and I am on a high spot. A victorious memory may be better than to achieve success and be forgotten. However, I feel that I still have much to do, so probably won’t get killed, but I do hate to be shot at just as much as I ever did.

Keyes is going great, and we may get Palermo by the 23d, and I will win my bet with Wigglesworth . . .

I could have been elected Pope right after the concert.

Patton had formed a Provisional Corps with Keyes in command. From Agrigento, Keyes sent the 8ad Airborne Division westward to Marsala and Trapani and the 2d Armored and 3d Divisions to Palermo.

Meanwhile, Bradley’s II Corps was advancing through the middle of Sicily toward the northern shore, heading for the coastal town of Termini Imerese.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 20, 1943

Our men are realy grim fighters, and I would hate to be the enemy. ..

I was actually appauled at the havoc wrought in some of the towns by our air and artillery . . .

The whole country is literally strewn with smashed trucks, guns, and tanks . . . In my opinion, their so called Tiger tanks with the 88 mm’s are a flop. They are too slow.

I had lunch with Troy [Middleton] in a Facist palace recently occupied by the Germans. It was so magnificent that it would have made Louis XIV blush for shame . . .

This show has changed from a battle to a campaign . . .

Back of my house is a little court yard. Yesterday I counted eleven children, eight goats, five dogs, and a horse, also a flock of chickens minus tails. The children were competing with the other animals for scraps of food . . .

I feel terribly sorry for the poor things. Wherever you pass them, they beg for food, but I suppose they are natural beggars.

My theory of keeping on attacking has certainly worked. Now I am trying to get Gaffey loose. If I succeed, Attila will have to take a back seat . . .

It is hard to be an Army commander and a hero at the same time.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 20, 1943

This is the second letter I have written you to day . . .

Poor things [the natives], I feel sorry for them. They make tomato catchup in the streets and let all the filth settle on it and then eat it with spagattey. All the children beg for food all the time and one could buy any woman on the island for a can of beans, but there are not many purchasers.

Diary, July 21

The British have a pretty bloody nose south of Catania . . . They have asked for the 78th Division [to come to Sicily from North Africa], which last week they said they did not need.

I really feel like a great general today – all my plans have so far worked. I hope God stays with me.

Keyes sent a message, “Peanuts for breakfast,” which means the 26. Armored will be on the way at 0600, July 2sd . . . If the attack . . . works out, it will be a classic example of the proper use of armor. I told Gaffey and Maurice Rose [who headed a combat command in the division] to take chances – to smoke the enemy and then charge him with tanks. I am sure that this will work as the enemy is jumpy and justly so, in the face of the power we can put against him.

Eisenhower found time to prepare Patton’s efficiency report covering the first six months of 1943. He graded Patton “Superior,” and placed him Number 3 among the lieutenant generals – “I know them all.” Pat-ton functioned best in command of a corps or an Army. He showed “outstanding leadership” and was “aggressive, loyal, energetic. Particularly suited for creating esprit and morale in a force preparing to face great risks.”

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 22, 1943

Keyes who is commanding a provisional corps just radioed “Will kick goal this evening or at latest in the morning.” By the time even the censor sees this [letter] the name of the town will be in all the papers so he can fill it in here——.

We have out blitzed the Bosch . . . It is really a great show. I am flying to the front after lunch to see the kill.

Diary, July 22

Left for the front . . . The road discipline was superior. Whenever I passed any of the 2d Armored Division, all the men first saluted me and then waved. It was quite cheering.

It was probably on that day, near Licata, he wrote Beatrice eight months later, that he came to “a one way bridge with half the Hell on Wheels being delayed by a mule cart and a fight [battle] going on.” Pat-ton had the mule killed and, along with the cart, pushed off the bridge to get the traffic moving. “Actually I broke my stick over the driver. Human rights are being exalted over victory.”

On the way up we passed some very fine tank traps . . . and antitank ditches . . . Only killing stops good troops – defenses sap the vitality of those who make them.

I feel that future students of the Command and General Staff School will study the campaign of Palermo as a classic example of the use of tanks. I held them back far enough so that the enemy could not tell where they were to be used; then when the infantry had found the hole, the tanks went through and in large numbers and fast. Such methods assure victory and reduce losses, but it takes fine leadership to insure the execution. General Keyes provided perfect leadership and great drive. The praise should be his.

After dusk we got to the command post of the 2d Armored Division and Colonel Perry, chief of staff, told me he thought Palermo had fallen and that Generals Keyes and Gaffey had entered it. He volunteered to guide me in, so we started . . .

It is a great thrill to be driving into a captured city in the dark. We got to the Headquarters at the Royal Palace at 2200 and found Keyes and Gaffey had gone to bed, and Combat Command A and elements of the 3d Division had the town under control. I saw Keyes and Gaffey and congratulated them. We had a small flask and each took a drink.

Alex radioed, “This is a great triumph. Well done. Heartiest congratulations to you and all your splendid soldiers.” I [had] told him once that Americans needed praise and here it is.

GSP, Jr., Account of Capture of Palermo, July 23, 1943

We went through an almost continuous village. The street was full of people shouting, “Down with Mussolini” and “Long Live America.”

When we got into the town the same thing went on. Those who arrived before dark . . . had flowers thrown on the road in front of them, and lemons and watermelons given them in such profusion that they almost became lethal weapons.

The Governor had left, but we captured the two [Italian] Generals, both of whom said that they were glad to be captured because the Sicilians were not human beings but animals.

The bag in prisoners for the day must have been close to 10,000. On the morning of the 23d, when I was inspecting the harbor, I passed a group of prisoners, all of whom stood up, saluted, and then cheered.

The harbor is not too badly damaged, but the destruction around the lip is really appalling ...

We took over the so-called Royal Palace for a headquarters and had it cleaned by prisoners for the first time since the Greek Occupation [in antiquity]. We are also having the prisoners remove the rubbish from the streets and plug the holes in the dock . . .

The Cardinal’s Vicar came to call on me, and I assured him that I was amazed at the stupidity and gallantry of the Italian army: stupid because they were fighting for a lost cause, and gallant because they were Italians. I asked him to tell them that and to spread the rumor.

I further said that we had demonstrated our ability to destroy them, and if they failed to take the hint and surrender, we would certainly do so.

As a matter of fact, I called off the air bombardment and naval bombardment which we had arranged, because I felt enough people had been killed, and felt that with the drive of the 2d Armored Division we could take the place without inflicting unproductive losses on the enemy.

I believe . . . that historical research will reveal that General Keyes’ Corps moved faster against heavier resistance and over worse roads than did the Germans during their famous blitz.

We did not waste any time, however, and started this morning capturing the north road and also moving artillery to support the final effort of the II Corps which will begin in a few days.

The “final effort” to which Patton referred was to be an American drive along the northern shore toward Messina. For on July 22, the same time that Palermo fell, Bradley reached the north shore at Termini Imerese.

The British have given me [Routes] 113 and 120 [leading to the east, toward Messina] and are damned glad we are there . . . The Seventh Army has taken most of the island . . .

But the details on the use of the roads had still to be worked out.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Eisenhower, July 24, 1943

It would seem . . . that the visit I paid to General Alexander . . . produced results, as it permitted us to take Palermo and thereby shorten our line of communication and facilitate unloading.

The operation of the Provisional Corps . . . is, I believe, a correct exemplification of the use of armor . . .

The performance of all the troops, infantry and armored, was outstanding, and the drive and leadership shown by General Keyes were of a superior order. I should appreciate it if his name could be released [to the press] . . .

So far as I know, out of close to 300 tanks, only 5 fell out because of mechanical trouble . . .

I have nothing but praise for all the General Officers concerned, and nothing but outstanding admiration for the endurance, hardihood, and combat efficiency of the troops . . .

The supply arrangements, both from the SOS, Navy, and our own Supply here have been very successful, and I have nothing but praise for all of those concerned . . .

I certainly appreciate your having sent the rest of the gth Division, as I feel that we will need them in the ensuing operation which may be quite bloody. The faster we can push it, the less it will cost.

With renewed thanks for the opportunities you have always given, I am as ever, Devotedly yours,

Letter, Col. John A. Robenson, Camp Fannin, Tex., to GSP, Jr., July 24, 1943

Dear Georgie: I take two daily papers and saw your picture in yesterday’s papers eleven times.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 24, 1943

So many big shots have told me how great I am that I am in danger of believing and that might cramp my style – just like it did when Gen. Craig told me I stood [number] one [in the class] at Leaven-worth. But I shall try to keep proper perspective and the Leaven-worth lesson will help . . .

Of course under the circumstances there is danger in too much success, but I cant help it if the cherries fall in my mouth.

So far I have heard nothing [of praise] from D, but suppose that in time it will come?

Geoff realy deserves most of the credit and I have handed it out to him via the press. I hope it gets through.

Tomorrow I go to see Alex and Monty. I hope it comes out all right. I always feel like a little lamb on such occasions but so far I have gotten by.

Some day I hope I can fight a nice war alone [without allies] but fear that it is too much to hope for. Any how I love wars and am having a fine time. When it cools off, I am going to have a close up of the Greek temples as it will be my last chance as I join Geoff tomorrow evening.

I saw a very fine statue of Charles V of Spain at Palermo. Did he ever own the place? It is on the front of quite a fine looking house, I should think of about 1600.

Even Gruenther, who arrived for a visit, contributed to Patton’s feeling of self-importance. He was

just snooping, trying to find out how we do things. Every time I said something, he wrote it in his notebook.

The only flaw that marred the joy was the outrageous news that Hueb-ner was relieved as Alexander’s deputy chief of staff —

largely, I know, because he stood up for American interests . . . Bedell Smith (s.o.b.) relieved him at the request of Alexander . . . I believe the British have hurt themselves very much and have hurt the entente between themselves and the Americans . . . It is a sad commentary that a man must suffer from being an American.

Lyman L. Lemnitzer replaced Huebner.

To report at Siracusa Airport tomorrow at 1100 to see Alex and Monty. I fear the worst, but so far have held my own with them.

While the Seventh Army headquarters started moving by road to Palermo, Patton flew in a C-47, with two Spitfires as escorts, to Syracuse. “Monty was there with several staff officers. I made the error of hurrying to meet him. He hurried a little too, but I started it. Be then asked me to look at a map on the hood of his car. On this he had drawn a boundary” between the Armies.

They discussed the roads they would need in their next operations, and Patton was surprised by and somewhat suspicious of Montgomery’s conciliatory attitude.

He agreed so readily that I felt something was wrong, but have not found it yet.

When this much had been arranged, Montgomery did not see why we did not take all of route 117. As it is useless to both of us, he did not have any objection to our taking it.

All this was hardly vital. What was terribly important was that Patton would have the coastal road, Highway 113, and another route, about 20 miles inland, Highway 120, for his eastward drive toward Messina.

After all this had been settled, Alex came. He looked a little mad, and, for him, was quite brusque. He told Monty to explain his plan. Monty said he and I had already decided what we were going to do, so Alex got madder and told Monty to show him the plan. He did and then Alex asked for mine and agreed, but said there were supply difficulties which General Miller [G-4, AFHQ] would explain.

All Miller wanted to do was to cut my LSTs to 35.

I held out for 45, to which Miller reluctantly agreed, but said it was up to Admiral Cunningham.

On this, Bedell Smith broke in and told Miller that AFHQ would make the division [of LSTs between the Armies] and that he, Miller, was too prone to forget the existence of AFHQ. (So is everyone else, as it never asserts itself.)

I then said I wanted LCTs for at least a reinforced battalion for small amphibious operations [along the north shore]. Alex did not think much of this but agreed to try.

I also said I needed cruisers, and Richardson said he would see that we got them. I doubt if he does.

He also asked me if I knew Huebner had been relieved, and I said I did.

He said, “I want to assure you that [Alexander’s] 15th Army Group is completely Allied in mind and favors neither Army.”

I know this was a lie, but said I felt that he was right – God pardon me.

Actually, by giving Patton two roads to Messina, Alexander placed the Seventh Army on an equal footing with the Eighth.

The meeting then broke up. No one was offered any lunch and I thought that Monty was ill bred both to Alexander and me. Monty gave me a 5¢ [cigarette] lighter. Some one must have sent him a box of them.

We flew back to Palermo in just one hour, arriving at 1430, at the same moment that the rest of the staff came in by motor.

Keyes met me with a Guard of Honor from the 3d Division and a band. We occupied the Royal Palace. I am in the King’s room and there are, by count, seven ante-rooms between my room and the State dining room. My bed has three mattresses on it, but is uncomfortable, and there is a bathroom with warm water, also electric lights. Many fine oil paintings on the walls and much gold furniture, mirrors, etc. . . There is also a grand staircase – very dirty. All sorts of retainers live in holes about the place and all give the Facist salute. Stiller has no flair for history and said he was sure he could find me a nicer place in some good boarding house. I prefer the historical lift of sleeping in a royal bed and cleaning my teeth in glass etched with the Arms of Savoy.

It all enhanced his feeling of being a conqueror. He was indeed exceptionally elated.

No doubt prompted by the thought that Huebner, whom he had always admired and liked, was now available for a new assignment, Patton talked with Lucas, Bradley, and Keyes, then suggested to Eisenhower that the time had come to relieve Allen and Roosevelt – but “without prejudice on the ground that their experience will be of great value at home and that they are now battle weary.” To replace them, he asked for Huebner and Norman Cota.

On July 26, Patton “heard radio broadcast that Mussolini had retired.”

Mussolini’s retirement was forced. He was kidnaped and imprisoned in a secret place. King Victor Emmanuel appointed Marshal Pietro Badog-lio head of government and instructed him to break the alliance with Germany and make peace with the Allies. Badoglio immediately dissolved the Fascist party, declared “The war continues,” and set about to see how he could negotiate with the Allies for an armistice.

Hitler was enraged by news of Mussolini’s abduction. But he followed Kesselring’s advice: precipitate no break with the Italians, move more German troops into Italy to prevent an Italian surrender, and fight a delaying action in Sicily to the end of conserving resources.

Eventually Hitler would rescue Mussolini and set him up as head of a puppet state in northern Italy.

Diary, July 26

Called on the Cardinal. He lives in a convent as his palace was bombed. He is very small and quite intelligent. They took a lot of pictures of us in the bosom of the church. I offered to kiss his ring but Keyes said no, that only the faithful did that – he did it. We went into a chapel and prayed. The Mother Superior is a French woman and we talked a little . . . I feel that he [the Cardinal] is on our side and this fact will have a good effect on the inhabitants.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Cardinal Luigi Lavitrano, July 26, 1943

I am pleased to take under consideration your request for alleviating the condition of these prisoners of war . . .

In accordance with your further request, orders will also be issued to enable the clergy of the Diocese to visit such places of detention of prisoners . . . and to impart to them your message on the necessity of good order and discipline.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 26, 1943

All the towns along the coast are built on high rocky hills and have been the cites of cities since pre historic times . . . Where we are now fighting the country is the worst I have ever seen, realy terrible, hills as bare as babies bottom.

Omar, Terry, and Manton [Eddy] are having the hardest battle yet fought since last November. Of course we will win but it takes time.

The Germans are SOB but great soldiers and are sticking to the death and know it ...

The other day . . . I apparently performed a miracle. I was at the hospital seeing the men [who had been hit] . . . I presented a lot of Purple Hearts. Finally I came to a man with an oxygen mask on, which is the last stage, so I took off my helmet, kneeled down, and pinned the PH on his pajamas – he got well.

Time magazine carried a photograph of Patton and a caption that quoted him as saying: “It makes no difference what part of Europe you kill Germans in.”

An article describing the campaign in Sicily mentioned his brief visit to North Africa. Many stories about him had come out of Sicily, tales befitting the Patton legend, and some were rather wild. One anecdote had him “making” a two-star general go to the top of a hill “so that you can get shot at a bit,” accompanying the general up the hill and waiting at the top until “a suitable number of missiles had fallen suitably near,” then saying, “All right, you can go down now.” Although Patton’s colleagues smiled at stories such as these, they believed some of them.

Yet there was now a more balanced appreciation of Patton. “Gorgeous Georgie” and “Old Blood and Guts” – “who had once cultivated the spectacular impression” – had proved that he “was also a patient and careful and studious man, a field officer with a good staff mind.”

To the correspondent with whom he talked, Patton said, “You had better come now [with me to Sicily] or my men will have killed all the bastards.”

“Then he was gone, back to the places where the fighting was.”

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, July 27, 1943

Green Meadows and even Avalon are going to look pretty measley to me after this. To get to the royal apartment in which I sleep, you have to traverse seven anti rooms and a small dining room about forty by sixty.

Keyes lives at the other end but he has only three anti rooms – a piker.

The Palace was built in sixteen hundred but is modernized though not cleaned. I get quite a kick about using a toilet previously made maloderous by constipated royalty.

The bed has a spring ma tress and then three other down ones on top like the story of the Princess and the Pea, only unfortunately you are not there.

The state dining room is huge, I imagine over a hundred feet long and forty wide. We eat ”K” rations on china marked with the Cross of Savoy.

Stiller who has no soul took one look at the place and said, “General, if you let me look, I can find a nice modern house much better than this old dump.”

The old dump is some two blocks long. One end has offices, the middle a church, and the other end living quarters. The living part has two court yards and also a Grand Stair Case. You can either go up the stairs or else drive on a sort of circular street and get off where you like.

Me and His Eminence the Cardinal are very thick. Yesterday I called on him and to day he called on me . . . An Arch Bishop came with him . . . and a couple of other prelates. We gave them captured German champagne and bacon and had quite a time. He is of great use to me as a stabelizing agency and of course exerts great influence ...

The war is far from over but we are going to win it in a big way. At the moment we are having a hard race with our cousins. I think we have an edge on them. I am quite curious to see what comes out at home. BBC just barely admits that we exist.

I have not the least notion what will happen next time [after Sicily] but I don’t care where, when, or who I fight so long as I keep fighting. It is the greatest of all games . . .

FDR sent me a signed picture of he and I, and the PM has wired congrats, but Divine Destiny [Eisenhower] is still mute.

Diary, July 27

Inspected Coast Artillery Corps Anti-aircraft. The Colonel [in command] did not know where his [firing] batteries were. I told him to visit all of them at once and be able to guide me personally next time.

Diary, July 28

Monty, his air officer, and chief of staff arrived at noon. Codman met them at the airport with escort of scout cars and motorcycles. Keyes and I met them at the Palace with company of . . . infantry and a band. I hope Monty realized that I did this [instead of meeting him at the airport] to show him up for doing nothing for me on the 25 th.

After lunch he showed me his plan . . . Monty kept repeating that the move of the 45th Division along the coast was a most significant operation. I can’t decide whether he is honest or wants me to lay off [the inland route] 120. On the other hand, he said that if we got to Taormina first, we were to turn south. Previously he had insisted that we not come as far as the [east] coast . . .

I spurred both Bradley and Middleton a little today. I felt they were getting sticky, but probably I am wrong.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Middleton, July 28, 1943

This is a horse race, in which the prestige of the U.S. Army is at stake. We must take Messina before the British. Please use your best efforts to facilitate the success of our race.

Still smarting from what he considered to be the condescending attitude of Alexander and Montgomery and other British officers toward American troops, whom they regarded as second-rate at worst, inexperienced at best, Patton became obsessed with reaching Messina ahead of the British – not so much for his personal glory, although that was important, but rather to prove to the world that American soldiers were every bit as good as – indeed, better than – British troops.

Diary, July 30

Middleton looked tired and his attacks have lacked drive, so I said, “I think I will give the 45th a rest and use the 3d.”

He said, “I would never ask for a rest.”

I said, “It is my duty to see that the best interests of the United States are served, so I shall give you a rest.”

He replied, “I think that is what you should do.”

I thought this was an excellent example of willingness to play ball and unwillingness to ask for help. I wired Truscott to come up and talk over with Middleton the question of [division] relief . . .

Bradley called up and I told him . . . I was going to relieve the 45th, as I had talked about with him yesterday.

Drove to the command post of the leading battalion . . . just west of S. Stefano. They were attacking. I talked to the men and said, “I hope you know how good you are, for everyone else does. You are magnificent.” I also told the engineers what fine work they have done. They have, but love to be told.

Letter, Beatrice to GSP, Jr., July 50, 1943

I think you have hit on how to make the men mad, although unwittingly. Any enemy who will booby trap their own dead deserves no mercy, and after a few hands have been blown off trying to move them, will get none from the Americans ...

I am saving you clippings from all sorts of papers ...

Your letter . . . written during the battle gives me the creeps and thrills. I went to Myopia [Hunt Club] to dinner last night with [half brother] Chill and [brother] Fredy and took the letter over to read to them. In the middle of dinner, John Tuckerman (himself) got up and banged for silence and suggested a standing toast to Myopia’s most distinguished son – General Patton. (Pretty good for old John, as the last letter I ever got from him began, “My God, Miss Ayer, I would have tried so hard to make you perfectly happy.”)

Chilly demanded that I read the letters to the company, so I did, with judicious skipture. I also read the last sentence of your . . . jumping into the surf from the landing barge [which] has been in all the papers and when I read: “This is the first day of the campaign. I think I earned my pay,” they all yelled.

Monty hardly figures at all in the papers except to compare his number of prisoners and yours, sadly to his disadvantage. Everyone wonders what he is doing and why he doesn’t go ahead . . .

Your account of the fight on the 11th is great, except that you left out how you personally took command by jumping into the sea. I wish you had told about that...

Your visit to the Cardinal was great. I have now heard on good authority that you are a Catholic.

If I were you, I should allow the correspondents to write something of the sort you wrote me about the havoc in the towns – how you wondered, when you saw the battlefields from the enemy side, how you ever could have taken them . . . The reason I suggest this is because if any one is (or are) trying to steal your show, they might try to say it was a pushover, and a few gory details planted in the popular mind will be a good thing. You have some fine writers. I like Drew Middleton and Richard Tregaskis especially, and they are widely read. So far you are the hero; but in time of war prepare for peace, is my motto.

I do hope that you and O. won’t have to change hats again. I don’t believe you will. He couldn’t do that to you twice ...

The N.Y. Times tonight calls you the brilliant and mobile soldier, pretty good from them, but take my advice and have the correspondent’s put out that the resistance was bitter or people may think otherwise.

Your blitz is unheard of in its speed.

Diary, July 31

Ike . . . arrived . . . We had a scout car escort and Guard of Honor, the last from his old battalion of the 15th Infantry, the only unit he ever commanded. This touch was the thought of Gay, and Ike was quite pleased with the compliment. He was quite relaxed but did not compliment us...

He says [that after Sicily] the Eighth Army will . . . cross at Messina and the Fifth U.S. Army land at Naples with one American corps and the X British Corps. If things get serious, the Seventh Army will land later near Florence, otherwise we will go to UK for the big push [across the Channel]. I have a feeling that the UK show will never materialize [because of] the British ...

I got Ike’s permission to relieve both Allen and Roosevelt on the same terms . . . There will be a kick over Teddy but he has to go: brave, but otherwise no soldier. Huebner and [Colonel W. G.] Wy-man go up in the morning [to replace them].

I telegraphed Allen’s and Roosevelt’s relief to Bradley and sent him a personal note suggesting that he postpone it until the 1st Division is relieved by the 9th.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 1, 1943

All the West is cleared up and we are pushing to the east, north of Etna. To day we made about 10 miles against very fierce resistance, but they cant stand our continuous attack .. .

Last night they bombed us for an hour . . . One bomb hit quite close to me when I was on the dock, but luckily landed in the water so did no harm.

Diary, August 1

We have started to move and move . . . The mountains are the worst I have ever seen. It is a miracle that our men get through them but we must keep up our steady pressure. The enemy simply can’t stand it. Besides, we must beat the Eighth Army to Messina.

Seventh Army General Orders 10, August 1, 1943

To be read to the troops. Soldiers of the Seventh Army and XII Air Support Command: Landed and supported by the navy and air force, you have, during 21 days of ceaseless battle and unremitting toil, killed and captured more than 87,000 enemy soldiers, you have captured or destroyed 371 cannon, 172 tanks, 928 trucks, and 190 airplanes – you are magnificent soldiers! General Eisenhower . . . and General Alexander . . . have both expressed pride and satisfaction in your efforts. Now in conjunction with the British Eighth Army you are closing in for the kill. Your relentless offensive will continue to be irresistible. The end is certain and is very near. Messina is our next stop!

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Somervell, August 2,

Some of the really important factors in successful war are not mentioned because they are so obvious, so I am taking this occasion to tell you what a wonderful thing you did in providing us with the DUKWS ...

DUKWS permitted a strategical surprise, because no one unacquainted with the capabilities of the DUKWS – and the Germans were unacquainted – could have visualized a successful landing on the south coast where this Army landed . . .

The speed of [our] operations and the violence of attack were largely made possible by the old 2½ ton 6-wheeler [truck] and by the self-propelled artillery ...

The cub plane has been of great assistance in maintaining communication and in permitting senior officers to inspect distant units ...

The clothing, equipment, and weapons of the American soldiers are superior to anything that we have encountered . . . and on behalf of this Army I desire to thank you and your organization for providing us so amply and so well.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to McNair, August 2, 1943

The 4.2 mortar is doing a splendid job, and is spreading white phosphorus in an even more generous manner than the 105 [artillery shell] ...

We have been very fortunate in our operations so far, and I am betting that we get to Messina first in the current horse race.

The troops have improved tremendously since Tunisia . . .

Their famous Tiger [tank] is . . . a poor piece of artillery and a bad tank.

At the moment, malaria is bothering us more than the enemy, although we are fighting pretty hard.

Already he was thinking of what he would do beyond Sicily, and his concluding remark to McNair was prophetic: “Trusting that I will not get the job of garrisoning this damn island.”

Cable, Eisenhower to Patton (through Alexander), August 2, 1943

The Seventh Army has already made a name for itself that will live in American history. Within the next few days it will add immeasurably to the lustre of its fame. I personally assure you that if we speedily finish off the German in Sicily, you need have no fear of being left there in the backwater of the war.

Letter, Charles F. Ayer to GSP, Jr., August 2, 1943

I am told that in California you are considered the greatest warrior ever known and certainly in this part of the world your career is becoming an epic. In another one hundred years, and perhaps in half that time, you will, I think, be a legendary hero . . . We are watching your performance with the deepest interest and applauding in spirit, although the four thousand miles of distance prevents our making this applause audible.

Diary, August 2

Inspected all sick and wounded at the . . . hospital. Pinned on some 40 Purple Hearts on men hurt in air raid. One man was dying and had an oxygen mask on, so I knelt down and pinned the Purple Heart on him, and he seemed to understand although he could not speak ...

The Monsignor who runs the chapel [at the Palace] said it was the first time that anyone but royalty had ever been there, but that from now on it is for the use of the Americans.

Alex came . . . I was very much amused at his statement that he was delighted with our ability to carry out his plans for the early capture of Palermo . . . He did everything to prevent not only its early capture but its capture at all.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 2, 1943

The tablet for Dick [Jenson] is not for Dick but to inspire others who will read it...

We have had all the hot shots to visit us, first Monty, then D, and to day Alex.

The first is much less condescending than he was – he ought to be, as a study of the map will show.

D was very nice and while not complimentary failed to criticize – first time. Apparently we have made more of a splash than we know. We have not seen a paper from home yet.

Alex is always good company and much interested in ruins. I showed him my palace . . . There is a parliament room 140 feet long by 60 broad, with all the labors of Hercules in fresco on the walls at one end and on the cealing. Someone is being roasted at the other end, Venus is having a time with some one, and in the middle there is a three headed horse and a lot of soldiers.

The middle part of the palace was built before 1000 and there is a chapel in it built by a Norman duke in 1040. The old Monsenieur who runs it told me that it was reserved for royalty but insisted on having a mass for me, so I went all alone. He wanted to make it a Tedium [Te Deum] mass, but I insisted on a low one as not knowing the rules, I decided to kneel all the time. It was not too bad, as I had a royal red velvet priedieu. He is a fine old man and hates Musfsolini].

The walls are covered with frescoes and the part back of the alter is full of pictures made of inlaid stones. The head of Christ is the finest I have ever seen. All conquerers have made up to the priests of the conquered ...

We are going to pull a stunt on the enemy pretty soon – long before you get this, that may become quite famous.

He was referring to an amphibious end run to get troops around the mountains holding up the overland advance toward Messina. The problem was, he could get only enough landing craft to lift a battalionrsized force. This would hardly be strong enough to get behind the Germans and bottle them up.

Hube on that day completed a detailed evacuation plan, meticulously prepared, with precise defensive lines, definite ferry schedules, and exact movements specified. To get all the Axis forces off the island, he needed five nights. His problem was, could he keep the Allies from interfering with his withdrawal? Could he keep them from pushing the Axis forces out of Sicily in disorder? Moving into the corner would facilitate the evacuation, for as the front became shorter, Hube could pull units out of the line and send them to the ferries. The ground was excellent for a defensive stand.

On August 3, Patton was awarded the Oak Leaf Cluster to the Distinguished Service Cross, according to the citation, “For extraordinary heroism in action against an armed enemy” on July 11, near Gela, where he

promptly moved to the scene of action over a road that was being constantly bombed and strafed . . . Personally directing the movement of reinforcements, he closed the gap and repulsed all counterattacks. His prompt action . . . and his presence on the front line among his troops prevented the recapture of Gela by the enemy and made possible the establishment of a secure bridgehead.

Diary, August 3

Stopped at an evacuation hospital and talked to 350 newly wounded. One poor fellow who had lost his right arm cried; another had lost a leg. All were brave and cheerful. A first sergeant . . . was in for his second wound. He laughed and said that after he got his third wound he was going to ask to go home. I had told General Marshall some months ago that an enlisted man hit three times should be sent home ...

Roosevelt came up, all perturbed about being relieved. I reassured him and also Allen.

Roosevelt’s relief left him somewhat bitter. Several months later he wrote to his wife:

At El Guettar, I was in a slit trench with Terry Allen, only large enough to hold two. Patton came up. A dive bombing raid started. I got out & gave Patton my place. He took it. I never thought about it again, but a friend of mine told me two months later the story was being told.

Appointed liaison officer to the French military command, Roosevelt would serve in Italy as a member of Alphonse Juin’s corps staff. Later, as assistant commander of the 4th Division, he would land in Normandy among the leading assault waves.

Allen would take command of the 104th Division in the United States, bring it to Europe in the fall of 1944, and lead it in combat with brilliance and distinction.

Diary, August 4

Asked General McSherry in charge of Civil Affairs to have the local civilians bury German and Italian dead found in their fields and bring us the dog tags. Also told him to put a crimp in the Facists, who are running a black market and stealing food from the poor.

Brig. Gen. [R. A.] McClure in charge of publicity was in. I told him he should take a motor trip over the country so he could see how bad it is and get proper credit for our men. He will do it tomorrow.

Letter, President Roosevelt to GSP, Jr., August 4, 1943

Dear George: . . . You are doing a grand job . . . It was suggested by Pa Watson and Wilson Brown and Harry Hopkins that after the war I should make you the Marquis of Mt. Etna. Don’t fall into the crater!

Letter, Everett Hughes to GSP, Jr., August 5, 1943

Here is a quotation from a recently arrived communication which may have a moral effect on a [certain] Lieutenant General [Patton]: “It is in this follow-up [of the cross-Channel invasion] that the prestige of the Seventh Army would prove to great advantage.” So once more, keep your shirt on.

Patton was worrying about where the Seventh Army would go next.

Diary, August 5

Inspected all the rear echelon sections and told the soldiers . . . that although they are not doing very romantic work, they are doing work of great importance and without their efforts, the more romantic aspects of war would be impossible.

Busted some pictures of Mussolini with my dagger and had one really good bust smashed at the Post Office. Told Provost Marshal to destroy all busts and pictures of him. I consider such acts a pity, but if one is not an iconoclast, one is considered unpatriotic.

We are having a good deal of trouble in getting the Navy to go in for amphibious operations east of San Stefano. They appear to have no idea of the value of time or the need for improvisation. If they can’t get everything they want, they say they can’t move. I think this is the result of many years during which all officers who lost a ship were tried [by court martial]. It is true that they have had two destroyers smashed by bombs and really think they should pull out, but we have had many thousands of men hit.

General Spaatz came to see me. As usual he was dirty and unshaved.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Frederick Ayer, August 6, 1943

We have taken a town that we have been attacking for three days, so I feel pretty good, especially as Bernard [Montgomery] had wired me that he was coming to my assistance. Now he don’t need to. We are having a horse race who will get the last big town first – it will be a close match, but I hope to beat him and so make a clean sweep.

This is a truly horrid country in climate, fleas, mosquitoes, sand bugs, mountains, and inhabitants.

Sergeant George Meeks, my colored orderly, has it sized up pretty well; he said, “When you and me commanded the 5th Cavalry, them Mexicans was mighty low; then when we got to Morocco, the Arabs was worse; then when we commanded the II Corps in Tunisia, that was worse yet, but when we got back to Algeria, that was the bottom. Now here we is, commanding a Army, and these natives is lower than the bottom!” He is about right.

The town to which Patton referred was Troina. After several days of heavy fighting and heavy Allied pressure, Hube relinquished it. He also gave up Catania to the British. By pulling back from Troina and Catania, together with Adrano, which the Canadians took, Hube abandoned what the Allies called the Etna Line and settled into a shorter line of defense.

Diary, August 6

I stopped to inspect the field hospital . . . and saw two men completely out from shell shock. One kept going through the motions of crawling. The doctor told me they were going to give them an injection to put them to sleep and that probably they would wake up alright.

One man had the top of his head blown off and they were just waiting for him to die. He was a horrid bloody mess and was not good to look at, or I might develop personal feelings about sending men to battle. That would be fatal for a General.

The Germans are firing at the command post regularly with a long-range gun . . . I was a little worried for a few seconds, and I felt ashamed of myself but I got over it. I have trained myself so that usually I can keep right on talking when an explosion occurs quite close. I take a sly pleasure in seeing others bat their eyes or look around.

The Navy promised Patton enough lift to move a battalion of infantry on an amphibious end run. There were plenty of good beaches for landings, and four sites, each behind a predictable defensive line, were chosen. Since Bradley feared that Patton’s intense desire to get to Messina might compel him to be rash in ordering an amphibious operation, he obtained Patton’s agreement to have seaborne landings closely coordinated with the overland advance. This would insure swift link-up with the landed force and prevent its isolation and destruction.

On the evening of August 6, as a battalion of infantry marched to San Stefano for embarkation, four German aircraft bombed and strafed the area and damaged a key LST in the projected assault. Truscott postponed the operation, and the Navy rushed another vessel from Palermo.

On the following evening, as the battalion again marched to the embarkation point, another German air raid damaged the newly arrived LST. After hurried repairs, the troops were loaded, and the amphibious force, covered by two cruisers and six destroyers, sailed for Sant’ Agata. The men came ashore at 3:15 A.M., August 8, and found the Germans gone.

Now Patton’s Seventh Army was 75 miles from Messina; Montgomery’s Eighth Army was 52 miles short of the town.

On that day, Kesselring gave Hube permission to start evacuating his forces whenever he thought it necessary.

Diary, August 9

Bradley . . . feels that we should try the two men responsible for the shooting of the prisoners . . . He also reports that at least three Italian [American] soldiers . . . have deserted and were caught living in civilian clothes with the natives. I shall try to have them shot. Desertion in face of the enemy – the bastards.

I am staying home today as I feel that I should not appear too often when things are going well.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 9, 1943

We moved our CP up the coast . . . The camp is in an ancient olive grove where Hannibal may have wandered if he ever came this way. It was full of mines, but Hap [Gay] had it deloused, and it is very nice. I have flown over it twice in a cub and cant see it. Besides, George [Meeks] has dug me a slit trench as large and deep as a grave in which I can retire.

The first afternoon they shelled us . . . and some of the fragments would howl over head. I was disgusted to find that my pulse went up – I timed it – but soon I got my self in hand.

Mostly I can have a shell hit or a mine go off quite close with out winking or ducking. This is a great assett, and besides if they were going to get you, they hit you before you hear them. One must be an actor ...

It is the God damdest country I have ever seen. Indio looks like foot hills. The show now is more of a campaign than a battle. I am fighting on two roads with Lucien [Truscott] and Troy [Middleton] on one and Terry [Allen] and Manton [Eddy] on the other. The others are holding in the West...

We pulled a landing operation the other night. No opposition. When we got in an orchard, there were four hundred Germans asleep. It was butt and bayonet for a while. It was too dark to shoot. We won ...

I tried to put an another landing to night but no soap. The sister service is a bunch of ladies. We are trying to win a horse race to the last big town. I hope we do . . . Roads more than enemy stop us.

I saw a letter taken off a German corpse the other day in which he said that this was worse than Stalingrad. He wrote his parents telling them good by – he was right. ..

I have lived a long time in the last thirty days, but I feel very humble. It was the superior fighting ability of the American soldier, the wonderful efficiency of our mechanical transport, the work of Bradley, Keyes, and the Army staff that did the trick. I just came along for the ride . . . I certainly love war ...

This is the longest day I have ever spent. I have been at the extreme front every day for three days and decided I was being a nusance so stayed in camp all day. It was hell. I can hear the guns, and they have the damdest effect on me. I am scared but want to get up [front] ...

P.S. It might be good to send a copy of this to Tom Handy. He would probably use it correctly. Omit the P.S.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to McNair, August 10, 1943

Bradley and I both feel that it is desirable to shoot over soldiers [in training], but this crawling about under fire is in our opinion, certainly in my opinion, apt to produce undue timidity rather than the reverse.

In this hot country, the composition sole of a shoe burns the men’s feet . . . and thereby . . . vitiates the advantages . . . in its non-slip characteristics ...

I am firmly of the opinion . . . that if possible the 37-mm. gun in the light tank should be replaced with the 57-mm. gun ...

The replacements are still not as good as they should be ...

The fire of the M-i rifle is devastating ...

P.S. I am perhaps presumptuous in what is to follow, but it is my opinion that an Army should consist of two infantry corps, each corps consisting of three infantry divisions ...

In each corps, two divisions should be old and one new. In addition . . . there should be two armored divisions. Whether or not these armored divisions should be formed into a corps is open to question . . . The corps should be simply tactical and not administrative ...

If I should be given an Army as above outlined, I should like to have General Bradley, or if General Bradley gets an Army, then General Middleton to command one of the corps and General Keyes the other corps. It is desirable I think to have different personalities for corps commanders. Keyes is very dashing; Bradley and Middleton are more methodical. All three are infinitely loyal and of superior effectiveness.

If it is desired to have an armored corps, I should recommend General Harmon ...

My reason for suggesting three divisions to the corps is based on the absolute necessity of giving short periods of rest to battle-weary divisions.

I trust that my rather grandiloquent statements will be received by you in the spirit in which it is written. I do not consider myself a great Army commander, but do believe I have had some experience.

Diary, August 10

At another evacuation hospital . . . one boy with a shattered leg said, “Are you General Patton? I have read all about you.” All seemed glad to see me . . . Most of them are in good shape, and I saw only two who the medical people said were going to die . . .

At 1945, Keyes called up to say that Bradley and Truscott wanted to call off the landing on the ground that 3d Division had not gotten on fast enough to support it. I told Keyes that the landings would go on. Truscott then asked to speak to me and strongly protested going on the landing. I told him it would go on. He replied, “Alright, it you order it,” and I said, “I do.”

I then decided to go up to see Truscott and took Gay along to see that the boats got off . . . I got to the command post, 3d Division, at 2045. The first person I met was Captain Davis, U.S. Navy, chief of staff to Admiral Davidson. He said the landing should be called off, as it had started an hour late and could not land before 0400. I told him that if it did not land until 0600, it still had to go on.

Truscott was walking up and down, holding a map and looking futile. I said, “General Truscott, if your conscience will not let you conduct this operation, I will relieve you and put someone in command who will.”

He replied, “General, it is your privilege to reduce me whenever you want to.”

I said, “I don’t want to. I got you the DSM and recommended you for a major general, but your own ability really gained both honors. You are too old an athlete to believe it is possible to postpone a match.”

He said, “You are an old enough athlete to know that sometimes they are postponed.”

I said, “This one won’t be. The ships have already started.”

Truscott replied, “This is a war of defile, and there is a bottleneck delaying me in getting my guns up to support the infantry. They – the infantry.— will be too far west to help the landing.”

I said, “Remember Frederick the Great: L’audace, toujours l’audace! I know you will win and if there is a bottleneck, you should be there and not here.”

Bradley called me at this moment to see whether we were going to attack. I told him we were, and that I took full responsibility for a failure but that if things went well, he could have the credit along with Truscott.

I then told Truscott I had complete confidence in him, and, to show it, was going home and to bed, and left.

On the way back alone I worried a little, but feel I was right. I thought of Grant and Nelson and felt O.K. That is the value of history. I woke General House up to be sure we would have air cover for the Navy in the morning, as we may need their support [for the landing]. I also told him to put all his air in front of the 3d [Division].

I may have been bull-headed, but I truly feel that I did my exact and full duty and under rather heavy pressure and demonstrated that I am a great leader.

Montgomery had embarked Commando units twice for amphibious end runs on the eastern face of Sicily. He had canceled both because he thought they were too risky.

Diary, August 11

I am not going to the front today as I feel it would show lack of confidence in Truscott, and it is necessary to maintain the self-respect of generals in order to get the best out of them.

The infantrymen making the seaborne envelopment came ashore at Brolo at 2:30 that morning. They were behind the German front, and fortunately for them – for they were too small a force to withstand a German attack in strength – they moved across the beaches and into the high ground without being detected. When the Germans discovered their presence athwart their route of withdrawal, they mounted a strong effort to eliminate them. Dug in on good positions, helped by naval gunfire and air strikes, the men held out all day. That evening, after a massive attack on the main battle line, Truscott drove the Germans back and made contact with the Americans on the hill.

The amphibious venture had made the Germans pull back faster than they had wanted.

That evening Hube started his evacuation, sending forces across the straits by increment while still holding the Allies at bay. The withdrawal would continue during the following four nights.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 11, 1943

Poor old Kent [Hewitt] . . . is realy a menace. I never knew such an old lady. We have a fellow named Davidson with us here who is swell and willing to fight.

I realy did what the papers say at Gela and a lot more too, such as not taking cover etc., but mostly an Army commander is too safe. We are now about eight miles or perhaps five back of a battle. You can hear the guns clearly ...

Yesterday I earned my pay. We were to put on a swimming operation, and it was all set. Then at 8:00 Omar and Lucien both called to say it was too risky. I told them to do it . . . It worked, and now they think they thought of it. I had to get pretty tough and ask how they would like to have stars turn out to be [colonels’] eagles.

I have a sixth sense in war as I used to have in fencing, and besides I can put myself inside the enemies head and also I am willing to take chances. Last night I remembered Frederick [the Great]’s “L’audace . . .” and Nelson putting the glass to his blind eye and saying, “Mark well, gentlemen. I have searched diligently and see no signal to withdraw. Fly the signal to continue the action.” Also other acts of victorious generals.

I was coming back through a mine field alone in the dark – there was, however, a trail if you could see it – and those historic memories cheered me no end.

I was interrupted here to answer a phone call from Lucien that he was about to be counterattacked. I told him that that was one of the easiest places to kill Huns and to go to it. He was much cheered up...

The shooting has started up again. I think I will go and have a look.

Telegram, Eisenhower to GSP, Jr., August 12, 1943

All I’m doing is sending congratulations.

Patton directed that another amphibious landing be made in a few days in order “to block the enemy retrograde movement to the east.”

Diary, August 12

Three German planes flew over. We could see the bomb bays open and the bombs drop, but as we were on a road with a wall on one side and a cliff on the other, we could do nothing about it, so . . . just stood there. The bombs did not hit too close but might well have done so.

While this bombing was going on, Truscott came up and I had a chance to congratulate him on his splendid work.

Diary, August 13

In bed with high fever.

Diary, August 14

Still quite sick, but flew late in afternoon to 3d Division CP.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 15,

There is a disease here called locally sand fly fever, supposed to be transmitted by the bite of a tiny fly . . . You run a high fever around 104, ake all over, cant eat, and sweat all the time. It lasts four to five days, and then you are all right. I will be over it tomorrow, which is fortunate, as I think we will end the show tomorrow or next day ...

It was funny to see our men sitting down among German corpses eating lunch . . . Our men are pretty hard ...

I sent you a very gaudy bed spread which took the Palermo prize for embroidery in 1893. I paid $90 for it. Hope it was worth it ...

There is no point in saying I have been sick. Too many people hope I will be. I feel pretty punk so shall go back to bed.

You will soon see me in the movies entering Messina.

Diary, August 15

We are going to put on a third amphibious operation tonight.

Montgomery had also decided to launch a seaborne operation, and early on August 16, British Commandos came ashore and sped toward Messina.

Diary, August 16

Truscott and Bradley again tried to call off the landing operation due to the fact that elements of the 3d Division had passed Falcone [the landing site], I insisted that the landings go on because the plans had been made and also so we would get an extra regiment to the front without effort.

Early that morning a regiment of Middleton’s 45th Division was lifted by sea to Bivio Salica. Men of Truscott’s 3d Division had already taken the place and were pushing toward Messina.

We received a message from Truscott at about midnight that leading elements of the 3d Division entered Messina at 2200 . . . I immediately sent a message in clear [uncoded] to General Alexander and one to General Eisenhower.

Phoned Bradley at 0300 on the 17th that we would enter Messina in the morning at 1000 hours. I also phoned Truscott to make the necessary arrangements.

At daybreak, August 17, the British Commandos were two miles south of Messina and halted by a demolished bridge over a deep ravine. Herculean efforts managed to get a jeep across the gap, and the commander of the force drove for the town. When he arrived, he found, to his dismay, that Messina was in American hands.

On the hill just west of Messina, Truscott received the municipal dignitaries at 7 A.M. He sent his assistant division commander, William Eagles, into the town to organize the troops and, as Eagles later said, to see that the British did not capture the city from the Americans.

Half an hour earlier, at 6:30, Hube telegraphed Kesselring from the toe of Italy to inform him that the evacuation was complete. He had ferried across the strait 40,000 Germans, about 70,000 Italians, more than 10,000 vehicles, almost 200 guns, 47 tanks, 1000 tons of ammunition, 1000 tons of fuel, more than 15,000 tons of miscellaneous weapons and equipment.

Diary, August 17

Left by cub at 0850, Lucas, Gay, and self. Met Keyes at command post 3d Division . . . and drove to . . . top of hill overlooking Messina. Bradley not there – must have failed to get the message. This is a great disappointment to me, as I had telephoned him, and he certainly deserved the pleasure of entering the town.

Patton made a short talk into a dictaphone of the BBC and complimented the 3d Division, particularly the enlisted men.

We started into town about 1010. On the way, the enemy shelled the road from the Italian side [of the straits]. One of these shells hit the second car behind me, wounding all the occupants, including the G-2 of the 3d Division. The next car behind that, in which Truscott’s aide was riding, had all four tires blown off without injuring the car or anyone in it.

In the town of Messina we met three British tanks and a few men who had arrived at 10:00 o’clock under the command of a general. It is very evident that Montgomery sent these men for the purpose of stealing the show. They landed from one LCT about 15 miles south and had come directly up the road. I think the general was quite sore that we had got there first, but since we had been in for 18 hours when he arrived, the race was clearly to us.

Montgomery had sent an armored column toward Messina, and the tankers made contact with the Commandos, repaired the bridge, and entered the town. The senior officer walked over to Patton, shook his hand, and said, “It was a jolly good race. I congratulate you.”

We then went to the town hall and saw the Mayor, the Chief of Police, etc. I told Truscott to do the honors as he had captured Messina. The town is horribly destroyed – the worst I have seen. In one tunnel there were said to have been 5,000 civilians hiding for over a week. I do not believe that this indiscriminate bombing of towns is worth the ammunition, and it is unnecessarily cruel to civilians.

On the way back we met General Bedell Smith and General Lemnitzer. Smith had stopped back of the crest, just why I do not know, although it would be reasonable to suppose because the road beyond the crest was under fire.

Diary, May 22, 1944

Just heard the full story of Beedle Smith at Messina. After Keyes, Gay, and I took off to enter the town, Smith and Lemnitzer arrived and decided to follow me “if it was quite safe.” Murnane [Gay’s aide] took them. When they got to the top of the pass, Smith asked if we were under fire and was told it could happen. Just then one of our batteries of 155 [mm.] guns let go, firing [across the strait of Messina] into Italy. Smith thought it was enemy shells arriving and jumped from the car into the ditch in one leap, and refused to leave it, even when Lemnitzer and Murnane told him it was quite safe. When I got back he was still pale, gray, and shaky.

Diary, August 17, 1943

I took Smith in my car and we drove ahead to the 3d Division where we had lunch . . . I had quite a discussion with him about promotions for the staff of the Seventh Army. He said that when it was organized we were told that we would not get the makes [promotions]. I said I knew that, but now that we had demonstrated our ability, we demanded recognition, not as a favor but as a right. I feel sure he will do his best to prevent it, but I will get them anyhow. Smith is a typical s.o.b.

Well, I feel let down. The reaction from intense mental and physical activity to a status of inertia is very difficult...

I feel that the Lord has been most generous. If I had to fight the campaign over, I would make no change in anything I did. Few generals in history have ever been able to say as much.

So far in this war I have been a chip floating on the river of destiny. I think I had best keep on floating – I will surely be used some more, though at the worst, things look gloomy. For the moment the future of the Seventh Army does not look bright but I trust that the same fortune which has helped me before will continue to assist me. I have been very lucky.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, August 18, 1943

The Sicilian campaign has joined the countless others which this island has known and become history ...

The attack . . . which we started on July 23 was one of the fiercest and most sustained battles in history.

We tried every thing, including three landing operations behind them. The obstacles in the way of terrain and demolitions were appauling and the valor and tenacity of the enemy was great but we were greater.

Few people, especially generals, have no regrets, but in this case, I have none ...

Of course, had I not been interfered with . . . by a fool change of plan, I would have taken Messina in ten days. But then I would have had to turn back to get Palermo. So it all came out OK ...

M.[essina] is the worst mess I have seen. It is realy smashed. The natives were delighted to see us.

In addition to getting M. 26 hours ahead of the British, I also got a second D.S.C. for the Gela affair.

It came as a complete surprise to me. John Lucas wrote it up. I rather feel that I did not deserve it, but wont say so.

I feel awful to day, all let down. I have no inkling what is going to happen to the Seventh Army. W[ayne Clark] will have the next job [invading southern Italy at Salerno]. I may end up with Jake [Devers] for another swimming party [invading southern France]. I hope not.

I will move back to my palace in a day or so, but at the moment we are in a fig orchard . . . It is not bad at all.

My damned fever left me very weak and with a back ake, but I am getting over it.

As I fought a perfect campaign and got a second DSC, I may have fulfilled my destiny, but hope not. Some one must win the war and also the peace.