CHAPTER 24
The Knutsford Incident

I am destined to achieve some great thingwhat, I don’t know, but this last incident was so trivial in its nature, but so terrible in its effect, that it is not the result of an accident but the work of God. His Will be done.”

IT STARTED so innocently. Mr. G. Mould of the Ministry of Information invited Patton to come to Knutsford on April 25, and make a few remarks to open a Welcome Club for American soldiers.

Patton declined because he thought he might be too prominent.

His presence in England was being kept secret as part of a huge and well-organized deception plan named Fortitude. An important facet of the plan capitalized on Patton’s considerable reputation among the Germans as a battle leader. The Allies hoped to convince the Germans that Patton, who had not appeared in combat since Sicily, was in England at the head of an Army Group that was preparing to cross the Channel, not in the Bay of the Seine, where Overlord was scheduled to go, but instead at the narrowest place, near Dover, to invade the Pas de Calais.

Allied intelligence had indications that the hoax was succeeding. A large and impressive German force, the Fifteenth Army, was stationed along the coast near Calais to repel landings by Patton’s Group of Armies.

Having declined to speak at the opening ceremony in Knutsford, Patton consented to attend. He would thereby acknowledge his thanks to the British for helping to entertain his troops.

At 6 P.M. on the appointed day, accompanied by Gampariole, Midshipman Bower, a nephew of Campanole’s landlady, and the ever-present Stiller, Patton drove to Knutsford. He deliberately arrived 15 minutes late in the hope that the short ceremony would be over.

“This did no good, as they were waiting for me.” Three newsmen with cameras were in the yard at the entrance to the Club. They “insisted on taking photographs” Patton said he was willing to be photographed but not for the purpose of publicity. He said he was “not there officially,” and repeated several times that there was to be no mention of the Third Army.

The photographers said they understood. They took five or six pictures and promised not to publish them.

Patton then entered the Club, where he was greeted. Someone handed him a typed program, which listed four events: 1) an introduction, 2) an explanation of the purpose of the Club, 3) “General—opens the club”; the last three words were crossed out and substituted were “gives his blessing” and 4) God Save the King.

The party went upstairs to the hall, where about 50 or 60 people, mostly women, were gathered.

The honorable Mrs. Constantine Smith, chairman of the local committee, “opened the proceedings with a very laudatory address” concerning the next speaker who was Miss Foster Jeffery, Order of the British Empire, the Regular Administrator of the Women’s Volunteer Services. She gave a short address and explained that the purpose of the Welcome Clubs was to “enable selected ladies of the community to meet enlisted men of the U.S. forces with the idea of making friends and eventually asking some of them to their homes for meals. It appears that this system has been very satisfactorily practiced in other parts of England.” She then pronounced the club open.

“Without any warning” – so it seemed to Patton, although he had a copy of the program – Miss Jeffery turned and asked him “to say a few words.”

Before he could do so, Mrs. Smith rose to introduce him. As Patton later recalled, she announced that he was not there officially and was speaking “in a purely friendly way.” His “presence was not to be disclosed.”

Mrs. Smith remembered having said: “I now have the pleasure of introducing someone who really is not supposed to be here, and I feel sure that if he will give this club his blessing, the club will be a success . . . I have great pleasure in introducing General Patton.”

As nearly as he could tell on the following day, his remarks were as follows:

Until today, my only experience in welcoming has been to welcome

Germans and Italians to the “Infernal Regions.” In this I have been quite successful...

I feel that such clubs as this are a very real value, because I believe with Mr. Bernard Shaw, I think it was he, that the British and Americans are two people separated by a common language, and since it is the evident destiny of the British and Americans, and, of course, the Russians, to rule the world, the better we know each other, the better job we will do.

A Club like this is an ideal place for making such acquaintances and for promoting mutual understanding. Also, as soon as our soldiers meet and know the English ladies and write home and tell our women how truly lovely you are, the sooner the American ladies will get jealous and force this war to a quick termination, and I will get a chance to go and kill Japanese.

In retrospect it appeared to Patton to be “a most innocuous statement of the policy of the three great Powers as I understand it.”

After his talk, Mr. F. Johnson, Chairman of the Knutsford Urban District Council, proposed a vote of thanks to Miss Jeffery and to Patton. This was seconded by Colonel Thomas Blatherwick “in a rather lengthy speech.”

Mr. A. Armstrong, U.S. Consul, proposed a vote of thanks to the Chair-lady and to the Women’s Volunteer Service, and this was seconded by Mr. Mould of the Ministry of Information “in a lengthy speech.”

“After this they played God Save the King and the Star Spangled Banner. They urged me to stay to supper, but I felt they would have a better time if I were not there, so I went home.”

On the following day a great stir and a great noise arose.

Diary, April 26

Just before lunch the public relations people from Ike’s called up to know what I had said in my talk yesterday. They got Hap Gay on the line and told him to ask what I had said about British and Americans ruling the world. I told him that I said, “Since it was the evident destiny of England and the Americans, and of course the Russians, to rule the world, the better we knew each other, the better it would be.”

Despite Patton’s request for no publicity, despite Mrs. Smith’s announcement of a no-disclosure policy, a story of his presence at the club and of his remarks had appeared in the newspapers.

Hap told me that some papers said I mentioned the Russians and some did not...

It seems to have been a bad thing [for me] to do ...

As far as I knew, no correspondents were present . . . In any case I was really trying to careful . . . I thanked everyone and went home.

When Mrs. Constantine Smith introduced me, she said, “General Patton is not here officially,” which was naturally an added reason for me to think that no mention would be made of my presence or remarks in the press.

I was asked to stay to supper but felt that I did not wish that much publicity and went home.


The British Press Association released the story of what it called Pat-ton’s first public address in Great Britain to an estimated crowd of 200.

The news had little impact in Britain but created a sensation in the United States. The original report had Patton saying that only the British and Americans would be the ultimate rulers of the world, but most newspapers also carried a correction furnished by U.S. Army headquarters in London, which included the Russians.

Colonel Blatherwick distinctly remembered hearing Patton say: “Undoubtedly it is our destiny to rule the world – the Americans, the British – and then a pause – and of course the Russians.”

The story appeared on the front pages of newspapers throughout the United States and provoked immediate reaction from members of Congress who sought chiefly to embarrass the Roosevelt administration. Senator Harlan J. Bushfield of South Dakota was particularly indignant. Patton, he said, had “stepped out of bounds.” His job was to carry out his military duties “without discussing civilian arrangements” for the postwar world. Furthermore, because his permanent promotion was still pending, held up by the Senate Military Affairs Sub-Committee since the slapping incident in Sicily, his statement was “unwise.” It placed another barrier to his advancement.

Who was to “rule the world” was the crux of the matter. Sol Bloom of New York, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, was unconcerned. “Let God rule the world,” he said, “and we’ll be all right.”

Others took Patton’s statement more seriously or tried to use it to their advantage. Senator Ellison D. Smith of South Carolina said, “I think it’s best for us to rule ourselves and treat the rest of the world as our friends.” Senator Edwin C. Johnson of Colorado, a member of the Military Affairs Committee, thought that Patton’s remark “is not only nonsensical but is mischievous.” Representative Jesse Sumner of Illinois found Patton’s comment “as balmy as Hitler’s.”

Senator Allen J. Ellender of Louisiana saw Patton’s words as out of place for “one so actively engaged in the war theater . . . because it is bound to cause dissatisfaction among our Allies.” Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio called it an “irresponsible” statement. Representative Hamilton Fish of New York said that the American people had no desire to rule the world and that Patton was hardly reflecting the opinion of “even a small percentage of Americans when he says so.”

Others used the word “unfortunate” to describe the speech and its possible effect on Allied unity.

Marshall informed Eisenhower that newspapers were carrying lurid accounts to Patton’s talk. He was sorry, for the War Department was just about to get confirmation of the permanent Regular Army promotions, among them Patton’s. Marshall feared that the reported remarks had killed the possibility.

It was a tempest in a teapot, but everyone remembered the slapping incident. “If General Patton deliberately tried,” one editorial writer pontificated with his tongue in his cheek, “he could hardly have produced . . . a bigger batch of propaganda for the Nazis, the Japanese, and the [anti-Roosevelt] Chicago Tribune.” After all, the efforts of the United Nations to win the war and organize the peace could hardly be dislocated by an assertion that the Allies were destined to “rule the world.” In Indian language, Patton was simply “Chief Foot-in-Mouth.” Patton fought well and “his superiors should keep him at it.”

By then, Patton knew that he was in deep trouble. Since Eisenhower was away from London observing amphibious landing rehearsals, Patton wrote to Everett Hughes and explained what had happened.

There seems to be considerable excitement over a few remarks which I made yesterday ...

I was perfectly unaware that any reporters were present, because the meeting was so small that I had no idea that anybody would even mention it. There was a British official photographer on the outside who took a picture of me and whom I warned that he could mention my name but not my job ...

I had no idea that anybody was going to quote anything I said.

Trusting that this information may be of service to you in seeing that I am not misrepresented.

To the letter, Patton attached the original invitation, the typed program, and affidavits from Mrs. Smith, Colonel Blatherwick, Campanole, and Midshipman Bower, all of whom corroborated Patton’s explanation of the event.

Diary, April 27

So far as I am concerned, every effort is made to show lack of confidence in my judgment and at the same time, in every case of stress, great confidence in my fighting. None of those at Ike’s headquarters ever go to bat for juniors, and in any argument between the British and the Americans, invariably favor the British. Benedict Arnold is a piker compared with them, and that includes Lee as well as Ike and Beedle.

Beedle called up at 1030 and said that he was giving me a verbal order from Ike that I am never to talk in public without first submitting what I am going to say to Ike and himself for censorship, thereby displaying great confidence in an Army commander – if I have not been relieved.

Beedle also said that due to my “unfortunate remarks,” the permanent promotion of himself and me might never come off. How sad.

In consonance with this order, I am unable to talk with either the 79th, 80th, 83d, or 7th Armored Divisions, a restriction that will surely cost lives. Yet if I break it, I will get relieved, and that would mean defeat and a still larger loss.

“God show the right” and damn all reporters and gutless men.

Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, April 27, 1944

This has been a pretty horrid day ...

Willie and I are going out for a long quiet walk and see what that does for our self esteem. If this sort of thing keeps up, I will be a perfect misanthrope or perhaps it would be better if I emulated the owl and just sat and thought. I love you.

Ruth Ellen Totten, Patton’s daughter, wrote to her Aunt Nita:


I got the most pitiful letter from Daddy about his latest faux pas, which I will... quote:

“Apparently I am again an incident due to a three minute talk I made at a gathering of some 50 people at which, by the way, the chairman (she was a woman) said I was unofficial. I really feel pretty bad today as anything may happen, but at least I still have the When and If [his boat]. I may be using it soon.

“It is a horrid thought that one may be deprived of doing the only job one is good at due to the exercise of free speech, but that thought is always with me – it is a wonderful morale builder!?!?!

“I guess my trouble is that I can never realize that anyone should be interested in what I say ...

“I have caught nothing but hell for nearly a year now. All I want to do is win the war and everyone seems to think that all I want is notoriety which I despise.

“When one knows one is good, it is not necessary to have people say so. I know I am. I have never asked a favor or shunned a detail or spared my neck, the soldiers think I am wonderful, but the Press??? Bah! Jesus only suffered one night but I have had months and months of it, and the cross is not yet in sight, though probably just around the corner.

“Of course, if and I say IF I get into this next show, all will be well as long as there is fighting to do. I will have to take bigger chances than usual but either you do get it or you don’t, so what the hell. A nice clean grave would be better than surviving another victory, so far as I am concerned, but frankly I don’t think I will be killed. I have yet a job to do and I am going to do it. I still believe in fate if not in destiny.”

I think that is just awful... Gosh, I wish they would invade before something worse happens to him.

As soon as Eisenhower returned to London, he cabled Marshall. He was upset, he said, “that Patton had broken out again.” Patton was apparently “unable to use reasonably good sense in all those matters where senior commanders must appreciate the effect of their own actions upon public opinion.” This raised doubts as to “the wisdom of retaining him in high command despite his demonstrated capacity in battle leadership.”

Although Patton’s exact remarks might have been incorrectly reported and somewhat misinterpreted, “I have grown so weary of the trouble he constantly causes you and the War Department, to say nothing of myself, that I am seriously contemplating the most drastic action.” But he was deferring his decision until he heard again from Marshall. Specifically, “do you consider that his retention in high command will tend to destroy or diminish public and governmental confidence in the War Department?” If so, “stern disciplinary action must be taken.”

Before receiving word from Marshall, Eisenhower cabled him again. Although he was “exceedingly weary,” he said, of Patton’s “habit of getting everybody into hot water through the immature character of his public actions,” investigation revealed that the offense was less serious than the newspapers made out. Even so, “the fact remains that he simply does not keep his mouth shut.” He repeated that he was waiting to hear from Marshall before taking final action.

In indirect extenuation of Patton, Eisenhower remarked that censorship was “quite difficult to handle.” He had done much inspecting recently, and everywhere he went he normally talked for two or three minutes to officers and men. He repeatedly issued “flat orders” that nothing he said was to be quoted. Yet on several occasions he found his exact words in the papers. “This rather shakes a man.”

“Like you,” Marshall replied, “I have been considering the matter on a purely business basis.” Patton’s experience and ability could hardly be ignored and should not be wasted. But whether his capacity for combat leadership had to be dispensed with, Marshall left to Eisenhower, who had the responsibility for Overlord. If Eisenhower felt that Hodges could command the Third Army and carry out operations with the same assurance of success, Patton could be sacrificed. But if Eisenhower doubted that Hodges could do what Patton could, “then between us we can bear the burden of the present unfortunate reaction.” The harm already done had been fatal for confirmation of the permanent promotion list.

Eisenhower wrote Patton that the expression of “an opinion as to the future political position of the United States, Great Britain, and Russia” had created “unfortunate repercussions both in Congress and in the public press.” Eisenhower had examined all the available reports and thoroughly understood that Patton thought he was talking privately. Nevertheless, the incident was of “the utmost seriousness” and “still filled with drastic potentialities regarding yourself.”

What concerned Eisenhower mainly, he said, was “that you simply will not guard your tongue” despite “the most drastic instructions and orders,” and despite repeated warnings “against your impulsiveness.” Reminding Patton that Eisenhower had insisted on having him as part of his command because he believed “in your fighting qualities and your ability to lead troops in battle,” Eisenhower deplored Patton’s “habit of dramatizing yourself” and of “committing indiscretions for no other purpose than of calling attention to yourself.”

Eisenhower was beginning to doubt “your all-around judgment,” and his decision would be final as soon as he heard from the War Department. Until then, any further indiscretion leading to embarrassment for the government or Eisenhower’s headquarters would result in Patton’s instant relief from command.

Diary, April 29

A company of our Military Police battalion, and a band, and a group of nurses took part in the Alder ley Edge “Salute the Soldier Week.” I had been asked to receive the salute there but felt that I had better keep out of the limelight, so General Gay took it. I looked on from a private automobile on a side street.

His discomfort was hardly lessened when he learned what had befallen another general officer several days earlier. Alleged to have violated military security, this officer was immediately relieved of his command and placed under arrest by Eisenhower. If the allegation was substantiated, Eisenhower made clear, further disciplinary action would follow.

It was evident that as the time of invasion approached, Eisenhower was becoming increasingly tough and hard.

When the editor of the Coast Artillery Journal in Washington asked Patton to do an article on the future military policy of the United States, Patton replied:

I am highly complimented . . . However, owing to the unfortunate fact that I always attract too much notoriety, I have made it a definite rule for the future that I will not appear in print. I regret this.


Diary, April 30

Beedle called up and told me to report to Ike, at Ike’s office, at either 1100 or 1500 tomorrow. It can be anything from a reprimand to a reduction [in grade], or a new plan of campaign. These constant pickings are a little hard on the nerves, but great training. I feel that if I get reduced and sent home, it might be quite important, as I would get into politics as an honest and straight spoken man and would either be a great success or a dismal failure.

Gaffey was told by Hughes that, on the 28th, when Hughes went to see Ike, he was just writing a cable to General Marshall saying that he, Ike, had no further need of protecting me and would not resist my being recalled. When Hughes showed him my statements on the Knutsford speeches, he said, “Oh, hell,” and tore the cable up ...

Hughes is still worried about me – so am I.


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, April 30, 1944

Just had a phone from Beedle to see him in the morning. I always get things like that on Sundays or New Years etc, so I am used to it.

Apparently much umbrage has been taken to my last, wholy casual remarks, and I may be able to go sailing sooner than I had thought, but the Chesapeake in the spring is said to be lovley.

If I have caused you added worry, I am sorry.


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Hughes, April 30,

You probably are damn fed up with me, but certainly my last alledged escapade smells strongly of having been a frame-up in view of the fact that I was told that nothing would be said, and that the thing was under the auspices of the Ministry of Information who was present.

However . . . people are not interested in why’s but in what’s, and the what of this is that I raised a stink.

I have no military ambitions after the war; therefore, except from the question of a pension, my promotion to a permanent major general is not of paramount importance to me; and I hereby authorize you, if in your judgment you consider it wise, to state to the Com-mander-in-Chief that I am perfectly willing to have my name removed from the list of permanent generals in order to no longer defer the promotion of other officers.

Of course, you know what my ambition is – and that is to kill Germans and Japanese in the command of an Army. I cannot believe that anything I have done has in any way reduced my efficiency in this particular line of action.

With best thanks for your many services to me, and hoping to God that I do not have to call on you soon again, I am as ever, Devotedly yours,

To Marshall, Eisenhower said that he had sent for Patton to give him the opportunity “to present his case personally to me.” He would probably relieve Patton from command and send him home. He had “every faith” in Hodges and was convinced that Hodges could do a “fine job” with the Third Army. “The big difference is that Patton has proved his ability to conduct a ruthless drive whereas Hodges has not.”

In anticipation of sending Patton home, Eisenhower asked whether to reduce him to his regular grade of colonel or to keep him at his temporary grade of lieutenant general. Retaining him at the higher grade would give Marshall the problem of absorbing him into the training system, but it was conceivable that some situation might develop during the invasion “where this admittedly unbalanced but nevertheless aggressive fighting man should be rushed into the breach.”

After working closely with Patton for a year and a half, Eisenhower despaired that he would “ever completely overcome his lifelong habit of posing,” which caused him to “break out in these extraordinary ways.” Although Eisenhower had been told that Patton had “completely isolated himself from any chance of contact with the press and the public,” he believed that the effect of his “latest outbreak” in the United States required “disciplinary action.” It was a pity but that was how Eisenhower felt. This would be his decision, “except in the unlikely circumstance that Patton can produce additional mitigating evidence.”

Marshall, in reply, gave Eisenhower complete latitude to handle the case. “Do not consider War Department position in the matter. Consider only Overlord and your own heavy burden of responsibility for its success. Everything else is of minor importance.” Eisenhower could do as he wished, send Patton home, in grade or reduced, relieve him from command and hold him in the theater as a surplus lieutenant general, or keep him in command “if that promises best for Overlord.”


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, May 1, 1944

Remember the Albetross I shot on the way home from Hawaii. Well my affinity for birds seems to haunt me and I may again break out in feathers.

Any how I fear that Destiny fears so and that Katharine’s husband [Marshall] is primarily to blame ...

Should we have a chance to put the boat in commission, remember that even if I am sea sick I hate sympathy except from you.


Diary, May 1

In spite of possible execution this morning, I slept well and trust my destiny. God has never let me, or the country, down yet.

Reported to Ike at 1100. He was most cordial and asked me to sit down, so I felt a little reassured.

He said, “George, you have gotten yourself into a very serious fix.”

I said, “Before you go any farther, I want to say that your job is more important than mine, so if in trying to save me you are hurting yourself, throw me out.”

He said, “I have now got all that the army can give me. It is not a question of hurting me but of hurting you and depriving me of a fighting Army commander.”

He went on to say that General Marshall had wired him that my repeated mistakes have shaken the confidence of the country and the War Department. General Marshall even harked back to the Kent Lambert incident... certainly a forgiving s.o.b.

Ike said he had recommended that, if I were to be relieved and sent home, I be not reduced to a Colonel, as the relief would be sufficient punishment, and that he felt that situations might well arise where it would be necessary to put me in command of an Army.

I told Ike that I was perfectly willing to fall out on a permanent promotion so as not to hold the others back.

Ike said General Marshall had told him that my crime had destroyed all chance of my permanent promotion, as the opposition said that even if I was the best tactician and strategist in the army, my demonstrated lack of judgment made me unfit to command.

He said that he had wired General Marshall on Sunday washing his hands of me. (He did not use these words but that is what he meant.)

I told him that if I was reduced to a Colonel, I demanded the right to command one of the assault regiments; that this was not a favor but a right.

He said no, because he felt he would surely need me to command an Army.

I said, “I am not threatening, but I want to tell you that this attack is badly planned and on too narrow a front and may well result in anfother] Anzio, especially if I am not there.”

He replied, “Don’t I know it, but what can I do?”

That is a hell of a remark for a supreme commander. The fact is that the plan which he has approved was drawn by a group of British in 1943. Monty changed it only by getting 5 instead of 3 divisions into the [initial] assault, but the front is too short. There should be three separate attacks on at least a 90 mile front. I have said this for nearly a year.

Ike said he had written me a “savage” letter but wanted me to know that his hand is being forced in the United States. He talked to the Prime Minister about me, and Churchill told him that he could see nothing to it, that “Patton had simply told the truth.” Ike then went on to excuse General Marshall on the grounds that it was an election year, etc.

It is sad and shocking to think that victory and the lives of thousands of men are pawns to the “fear of They” and [to] the writings of a group of unprincipled reporters and weak-kneed congressmen, but so it is.

When I came out [of Ike’s office], I don’t think ahybne could tell that I had just been killed. I have lost lots of competitions in the sporting way, but I never did better [in dissembling his hurt over the probable loss of the Third Army]. I feel like death, but I am not out yet. If they will let me fight, I will; but if not, I will resign [from the army] so as to be able to talk, and then I will tell the truth and possibly do my country more good.

All the way home, 5 hours, I recited poetry to myself ...

My final thought on the matter is that I am destined to achieve some great thing – what, I don’t know, but this last incident was so trivial in its nature, but so terrible in its effect, that it is not the result of an accident but the work of God. His Will be done.


Diary, May 2

Felt very much like a Thanks giving turkey all day, waiting for the axe to fall, but no news. I did not feel like working but luckily had little to do.


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, May 2, 1944

This last incident was the “most unkindest cut of all.” What I said was at a private party and I had been assured that no reporters were there, but it may be the end. At least as others see it. For me it is only a new beginning.

I have been so upset that my digestion went, but is coming back.

Even I can be pushed just so far ...

If I survive the next couple of days, it will be O.K. and things look brighter. But still I get in a cold sweat when the phone rings . . .

Well we ain’t dead yet. I love you and need you.


On the morning of May 3, returned from having his teeth cleaned, Patton found a telegram from Eisenhower. As Patton later recalled when he was writing in his diary, Eisenhower said: “Since the War Department has placed the decision of relieving you on me, I have decided to keep you . . . Go ahead and train your Army.”

Eisenhower had reached this decision, he told Patton,

solely because of my faith in you as an able battle leader and from no other motives . . . I expect you to . . . exercise extreme care to see that while you are developing the morale and fighting spirit, you will not be guilty of another indiscretion which can cause any further embarrassment to your superiors or to yourself.

To Marshall, Eisenhower explained that relieving Patton would “lose to us” his experience and his “demonstrated ability of getting the utmost out of soldiers in offensive operations.” He was therefore retaining Patton in command “solely upon my convictions as to the effect upon Overlord.”

By admitting that Patton was indispensable for the success of Overlord, Eisenhower could have extended no finer compliment.


Diary, May 3

I felt much better and wrote Ike, thanking him. He called up in person and was very nice. Sometimes I am very fond of him, and this is one of the times ...

Gaffey, Gay, Codman, Stiller, and I all took a drink to celebrate.


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, May 3, 1944

Every thing is again O.K. because Divine Destiny came through in a big way.

I am sorry that in some of my recent letters I sounded whiney. I don’t often indulge.

I guess my trouble is that I don’t realize that I am always news, but you can bet I know it now.

The whole thing was so silly and started in a perfectly harmless informal talk to a group of local ladies who . . . thought I had said such a nice thing, from their purely local point of view of course, that they quoted me.

Well the Lord came through again but I was realy badly frightened as you could gather by the letter about the feathers. I actually had a nut in my pocket [for good luck]...

I have youthed thirty years since my last letter.


Diary, May 4

I felt all tense, so took pills with a bromide, with no effect so far.


Letter, GSP, Jr., to Beatrice, May 5, 1944

I certainly will not say another word [in public] . . . What a stink over nothing. Poor Harry [Stimson] has a time about me. I hate to bother him so, but God knows I was inoscent that time ...

We all feel the overriding influence of politics even here. It is rather amusing to note how many people are interested in it even more than war. I wish we could have a morotorium on it, but I suppose that is impossible . . . Well, since I have never been elected to any thing and never could be, I don’t worry. After this war I am going to retire and call my self Mister Patton and cruise and fox hunt. For a few days I thought I was going to have to do it sooner than I wanted to, but now all is rosy. Nock on wood.


Later he would tell Beatrice that Stimson wrote “a, for him, quite a strong letter and gave the credit of saving my scalp to Destiny. Everett thinks so too.”

“In the midst of all these great problems [of the invasion]” Eisenhower wrote Marshall, “some of my most intense irritations are caused by things that need never have arisen. For example, the Patton case . . . Such things take hours of earnest study and anxious thought.”


Diary, May 5

Wrote a paper on the use of armored divisions . . . I have completely gotten back in the swing of things, thank God.


The invasion was exactly a month away.