WASHINGTON, D.C. —19 SEPTEMBER

The group took off from Washington Dulles on Friday afternoon.

They did not fly commercial but rather on a Learjet leased through the political action committee. Joining the senator were his chief of staff, his press secretary, Annie Stewart, Pete Hwang, Marcus, and four former Secret Service members whom Marcus had personally recruited and retained on behalf of the PAC to provide security. Two additional former agents were already on the ground in Kiev, arranging hotel rooms and transportation.

Marcus knew full well that he and the other former agents would hardly be able to guarantee the thorough and airtight protection package they all used to provide heads of state. But no American leader as outspoken as the senator on the grave threat posed by Russia could afford not to take at least basic precautions.

Pete had also convinced Dayton to switch out his bow ties for a good old-fashioned Windsor knot, another small but noteworthy sign to Marcus that Dayton wasn’t simply “exploring” a run for president. He was already flat-out running.

They arrived in Kiev just after 9 a.m. Saturday, local time.

The senator and his team were picked up in two armored Chevy Suburbans, driven by the former agents Marcus had sent on ahead, and taken to the Hilton on Tarasa Shevchenka Boulevard. After checking in, showering, and changing, the team drove past several lovely parks along the Dnieper River before passing through security gates, continuing up a hill, and arriving at the enormous and historic Mariyinsky Palace. There, they were taken immediately to the green reception room, as elegant as it was ornate, where they were received by Ukrainian president Dmitri Dovzhenko under a large crystal chandelier.

“Senator Dayton, thank you for coming to Kiev —you are most welcome,” Dovzhenko began as a small group of Ukrainian and American reporters and photographers recorded the moment.

“It’s an honor to be here, Mr. President, especially now,” Dayton said as the cameras clicked away.

“Your support for us in the U.S. Senate means a great deal to us, as does your willingness to come all this way to meet with me. The situation on our eastern border is growing critical, and we need faithful friends like yourself.”

“In such times as these, we need good leaders with great courage, do we not?” asked the senator.

“We do indeed.”

“The words of Sir Winston Churchill come to mind,” Dayton said, playing for the cameras. “‘The belief that security can be obtained by throwing a small state to the wolves is a fatal delusion.’”

“Hear, hear.”

“Mr. President,” Dayton continued, “I cannot account for why the White House isn’t doing more to stand with you, but I vow to do my best to push our president and my colleagues in the Senate to do as much as possible. This is why I’ve come.”

Dovzhenko bade the members of the press corps farewell, then led the senator and his aides through a side door to a book-lined study, where they were served tea. After some pleasantries, they quickly got to the heart of the matter.

“I’m hearing reports that some fifty thousand Russian troops are currently conducting exercises close to your territory,” Dayton said. “Is this accurate?”

“Unfortunately, no —the number is considerably higher,” Dovzhenko replied. “As of this morning, Luganov has amassed more than a hundred thousand men and more than a thousand battle tanks on our borders. Squadrons of bombers and fighter jets have been redeployed from the Asian theater to the military district immediately adjacent to us. And the number of Russian intrusions into our sovereign airspace has quadrupled in the past two weeks.”

“Have you talked directly to President Clarke about all this?”

“We spoke briefly when I congratulated him on his election,” Dovzhenko replied uncomfortably. “We spoke again last week for a bit longer. The president assured me he considers Ukrainian freedom a ‘major priority.’”

“Has he invited you to the White House?”

“Not yet.”

“But he’s promised to send more aid?”

“Yes, well, a bit —but ‘nonlethal assistance’ only, I’m afraid.”

“What about the heavy arms and ammunition you’ve been asking for?”

“Let’s just say the president was noncommittal,” said the Ukrainian leader. “I will tell you what I told him. We are not asking for American or NATO troops to shed a single drop of blood for us. We are ready to fight the Russians alone. But give us the means to defend ourselves with honor.” Dovzhenko leaned forward in his seat and lowered his voice. “Senator, I know you are familiar with the Budapest Memorandum, but how many other Americans are?”

“Very few, I’m afraid.”

“Then I ask you to educate them,” Dovzhenko said. “They need to understand that when the Soviet Union collapsed in December of 1991, we in Ukraine possessed almost two thousand nuclear warheads. At that time your president, along with the British prime minister, insisted that we turn these warheads over to Russia to be dismantled and destroyed. As you can understand, we were highly reluctant. Those weapons provided us a guarantee —perhaps our only guarantee —that we would never be reinvaded and reoccupied by the Russians. But Washington and London pushed us hard to give them up in return for so-called ‘security assurances’ —including assurances that Moscow would respect our sovereignty and borders. On December 5, 1994, my predecessor signed the agreement in Budapest.”

Dovzhenko paused for effect.

“Senator, Ukraine kept its part of the deal. We gave up our nuclear weapons. All of them. But Moscow has broken its word. They have annexed Crimea. They have seized parts of our eastern territory. And they are preparing to come for the rest of us. They would never have done so if we were a nuclear-armed power. We are not, because your country and the British persuaded us to give up those weapons with the promise that you would never let us be threatened, much less invaded, by the Russians. Yet here we sit. Forgive my bluntness, but your president does nothing.”

“President Dovzhenko, this is a significant reason I am actively considering running for president myself,” said the senator. “I see what Luganov is up to. I want to strengthen NATO, and I want to help you —with arms, with intelligence, with whatever you need so you can defend yourselves, by yourselves.”

“This is all very well and good, Senator, and believe me, I and my people are grateful for your wisdom and your courage. But let us be frank. I will not get involved in your presidential campaign. I cannot afford to play partisan politics. Time is of the essence. I agreed to meet with you in hopes that you will take a personal message back to the president, back to Congress, and back to the American people. The Russian bear is awake, and he is hungry. He is on the prowl. Our very lives and freedoms are at risk. You made us promises. You must keep them. I implore you, sir —keep them now.”