CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE

DAY THIRTY-EIGHT – ELECTION DAY

There were long queues at most marginal seat polling booths prior to them opening, with some booths reporting voters turning up an hour before the 8 am start – a good sign for a strong anti-government vote. It was hot early in most regions along the east coast and a jovial holiday mood flooded over constituents as they waited. Community groups stationed themselves at exit doors with cake stalls and enterprising groups fired up gas barbeques for a sausage sizzle, raising funds for the community.

Wolff remained confident of a positive result, especially in the seat of Melbourne, and had insisted his election-day instructions were meticulously followed. Colourful bunting was installed where instructed to provide final messages to voters as they strolled up to the booth. Booth workers delivered well-rehearsed lines when offering how-to-vote cards as voters filed into the school hall to register. Booth captains distributed drinks to their team and fed hungry volunteers throughout the day to ensure they remained enthusiastic and provided an anti-government message. Good-natured banter from conservative volunteers washed over voters as they were steered through the throng of helpers trying their best to get voting cards into hands. There was a sense of excitement toward the inevitable.

Perfect.

Time zones across the nation made it difficult to manage election day from a central point, but the conservatives had never been as organised as they were this election. It had the precision of a military campaign. Every vote was important, but in marginal seats they were more important as they could make a bigger difference to the overall result. Win enough marginal seats and a party wins government. Elections and governments are only ever about the numbers and Wolff ensured his marginal seat booth captains were his very best.

Polling booths closed at six in the evening and on the east coast, television broadcasts commenced at seven after normal news commitments. The only broadcaster worthy of watching was the Hancock Channel 5 because of their access to candidates and the quality of its panel of political experts. Anita set herself up in her hotel room in Melbourne to watch the broadcast, taking notes about results in various electorates for the several stories she’d file during the evening. She was keen to stay in touch with politicians, especially marginal seat members, and was on a telephone rotation to all the key political players. Everyone except Barton Messenger, who she hadn’t spoken to for the past week, peeved as she was by the big lie.

Anita remained conflicted with the stories she had been writing about the Mercantiles. Exposing the group might limit her opportunities for promotion to the Hancock television network. None of her submitted opinion pieces on the Mercantiles had been published anyway, disappointing her greatly. She had a suspicion Tony Hancock was blocking them from publication. If Hancock was quashing them, perhaps she was compromising her ethics and values by continuing to work for him, no matter the promotion opportunities before her. She was a little perplexed by what to do and wondered if her integrity was being compromised.

Maybe she could convince her editor to publish some of the less provocative stories after the election when a clear result was known. If Gerrard was elected, they could be used as attack pieces toward the opposition to ameliorate the relationship with Hancock. The media coverage of the prime minister must have driven a wedge between them, so perhaps she could recast them as pro-government. Maybe she should just take Cleaver’s advice and minimise all references to Hancock – but if she did, what was the point of running the stories?

Hancock’s connection to the Mercantiles bothered her. She fretted over whether to keep writing the stories about them. She was convinced the shadowy group needed exposing as a covert lobby group influencing government policy – she thought democracy and government should not be left in the hands of a few to manipulate their interests ahead of the community. Perhaps she was naïve to think so, but she believed they should be exposed as a danger to the Australian democracy.

The election coverage commenced with Cassandra Rogers, a senior journalist and longtime political commentator mediating the panel. She opened by announcing that the count was underway at the national tally centre and early results were indicating that the Gerrard government would be returned, although it was too close to call at this stage of the evening. She then introduced the panel.

‘Meredith Bruce is the Minister for Education and Manager of Government Business in the Gerrard government. We also welcome Barton Messenger, the Deputy Opposition Leader. Also joining us is respected political commentator with the Hancock Network, Maurie Weideman. Another government minister to join us is Western Australian Senator Denis Smythe, the Minister for Social Security. Last, but certainly not least, James Harper joins us, who up until a few weeks ago was the leader of the opposition. A week’s a long time in politics, James?’

‘You could say that, Cassandra. I’m happy to be here again,’ Harper responded.

‘I welcome you all. So, to get a clear picture of the current trend, can I ask: what are your early predictions of the result, Maurie?’

Weideman was an untidy overly large man although a highly respected pundit by the political community for his incisive analysis. ‘It seems the very early trends on the east coast are to the government. They need to hold their current seats and they will probably increase their margin if they win their targeted seats in Queensland. The opposition needs to win at least six seats to win a majority, but they will need to win more than that to put a clear stamp on the parliament as a new government.’

‘So unless the opposition claim eight to ten seats it will be considered a loss?’ queried Rogers.

‘Yes, I think so,’ said Weideman.

‘That’s a ridiculous assessment,’ interrupted Harper. ‘And can I just say this is a normal start to these events. Maurie just can’t help himself when it comes to espousing his affection for the prime minister. He has a history of exclusives leaked from Gerrard so no doubt these types of statements are payback for the prime minister. Let’s be very clear, the government has to increase its margin. Anything less will mean the people have rejected the prime minister’s strategy for the future and provide no mandate.’

‘Actually, it does matter how many seats you win, Cass,’ interrupted a smiling Bruce. ‘Politics is all about the numbers and if you have more numbers than your opponents, you win government and have a mandate.’

‘Barton Messenger, what is your view?’ asked Cassandra.

‘I’m expecting the result to be very close. I will go so far as to say we may not even have a result tonight. Our exit polling is indicating that there may be a one- or two-seat margin for any party and that means it is too close to call,’ Barton spoke with authenticity and Anita admired his confidence, perhaps chipping away at her soured view of him. He could after all be deputy prime minister in a few hours and his ethical blemish with the big immigration lie during the campaign would be quickly forgotten. Why couldn’t she let it go? ‘It’s far too early to say.’

‘Senator Smythe?’

‘I agree with Barton, we are jumping at shadows at this early stage of the count, but I think the battleground will be the marginal seats in Queensland and Western Australia, and the polls don’t close on the west coast for another two hours.’

Anita agreed so ordered room service and began writing paragraphs of opinion in preparation for various stories to be added to her wrap-up editorial column she had been asked by Cleaver to write.

As Jaya entered the function room the crowd erupted in to spontaneous cheering and clapping. Her workers and supporters were crammed into an overly large function room and her progress to the microphone to speak was slow – they wanted to congratulate, touch her and speak with her.

A large screen on the wall behind the lectern was broadcasting scenes from the national tally room. Individual results were scrolling through, but the news for those hoping for a change of government was not good – the opposition was not winning enough seats from the government and it seemed the government would be returned.

Jaya’s supporters didn’t really care who won the election. They were there to recognise the work she had done to change the narrative and tone of the immigration debate that threatened the community, but the celebratory atmosphere in the room only increased her anxiety.

When she eventually stepped up on to the small stage at the front, another round of cheering erupted. With her name raucously chanted, she self-consciously waved to her friends. When Jaya finally stood at the microphone, the room hushed and she began.

‘Friends, this campaign first started as a university project for my students studying politics at Melbourne University.’ A small cheer erupted from her students in the corner by the bar and Jaya waved to them. ‘We wanted to research real-world campaign experiences, so we decided to stand against the prime minister of Australia – and what an experience that was.

‘We naïvely thought we could produce a documentary about our campaign experiences and from our research and experiences, write and design an applied political campaign unit we would teach to assist students and others seeking a career in politics. Little did we know what would happen during the campaign and the results of our efforts – it has been a wild, fabulous ride.

‘It’s too early to provide you an outcome, but I can announce this—’ Jaya paused for a moment with a broad and excited grin. ‘For the first time since Andrew Gerrard has held the seat of Melbourne, the voting to determine the local member has been required to go to preferences and will eventually be decided by the second votes of those who voted for the Greens.’

A cheer erupted, louder than before, prompting Jaya to raise her hands outstretched to calm and quieten the crowd. ‘During the campaign, we have seen significant disruption in the community, a lot of hate spoken – too much, really. There has been a lot of violence threatened and metered out by strangers who have trashed our community, and yet, we as a community have voted for change.

‘A change from the politics of the old, a change to the politics of the new. I stand before you as a proud Australian citizen, a woman – a proud black woman – who wants to fight for her country and end this racial divide within the community. It’s okay to talk about the things we must change in our country, especially immigration policy without being labelled a racist, and for the sake of our country we must.’

Another cheer erupted and Jaya smiled broadly, looking about the room and waving to more friends she spotted. ‘Our scrutineers are currently wading through the votes, but I can tell you – on advice from my loyal colleague Robert Wong, who has done such a fabulous job – that there are just a few votes in it.’

The crowd erupted and Jaya had to speak loudly over the din. ‘So tonight, my friends, the government may be returned, but we may also have a new prime minister.’

‘Miles,’ barked Gerrard from the lounge at his Sydney residence. ‘Do you have any results from Western Australia yet, for fuck’s sake?’

Fisher ignored him. He was working his phone getting results directly from the scrutineers in the key marginal seats.

After a few moments, Gerrard – now more interested in the television broadcast as the panel began talking about Western Australia – held up his glass. ‘Is there any more champagne?’

‘I have good news and bad news for you,’ said Fisher, now standing beside the lounge. ‘We’ve lost Petrie, Leichhardt, Blair and Rankin.’

‘Fuck, the speaker has lost her seat?’

‘Yes, but we have picked up Morton and Griffith.’

‘Western Australia?’

‘Still early, but we are behind in Cowan and strong in Stirling. Victoria is okay and remains neutral, so is Tasmania. We have a few close ones in New South Wales.’

‘What’s your best estimate?’

‘You have a three-seat majority.’

‘Champagne,’ cheered Gerrard. ‘You fucking beauty! Another victory to me.’

Fisher anxiously studied his figures. ‘Prime Minister, the bad news is a little more worrying.’

‘What is it lad, come on, speak up.’

‘Your seat has gone to preferences.’

‘Maurie, it’s just gone ten o’clock. Can you please give us a current state of the election?’ Cassandra Rogers asked. The panel seemed preoccupied with their smartphones, trying to receive accurate up-to-date information from local electorate operatives.

Weideman stood before a screen with a scrolling result of key seats slowly rotating. ‘Cassandra, this election is the closest result we’ve had for many years. To win government, a clear majority needs to be attained of seventy-eight seats, which allows a one-seat working majority in the one hundred and fifty-five seat parliament,’ explained Weideman.

‘After my analysis of preference voting trends from the past two elections, I would like to go early and predict the Gerrard government will win the election with a five-seat majority. The final numbers in my estimate will be, eighty for the government, with seventy-five for the Stanley opposition.’

‘So the Gerrard government wins government again. Your reaction, Meredith Bruce?’

‘If Maurie’s sources are correct about results in the key seats, and I must say they usually are, then this is a great victory for the government and justifies the policy program of jobs and growth we want to continue to implement.

‘It also means this election has been a complete waste of taxpayers’ money. The parliament had no reason to prorogue in the first place and the presiding officers should not have acted to force the government to an election,’ Bruce said, then smiled and looked to Messenger. ‘The government has a solid history of achievement and the program we took to the election means we will have five more years of growth with good parliamentary stability. We will have time to transition the leadership before the next election.’

‘Whoa,’ interrupted Messenger. ‘Are you saying we will have a new prime minister during this next term of government?’

‘What I’m saying is that Prime Minister Gerrard has clearly and publicly indicated that this may be his last term and he will consider retiring before the next election. I would support his view.’

Anita couldn’t believe what she just heard and began to furiously take notes for another column. Meredith Bruce was declaring Gerrard would be gone in a few years.

‘Will you be a candidate for leadership?’ asked Messenger.

Anita smiled at the incisive question, quietly thanking him.

‘If my colleagues would like to have a competent woman lead them, I would proudly put forward my ministerial credentials and parliamentary experience as being suitable for the job,’ said Bruce. ‘We haven’t had the privilege of having a woman as leader for either party for a significant period, yet women hold fifty-one-per cent of the national vote. I think it might be time to bring the government into the modern world, don’t you? Or do you still prefer your male privilege?’

Messenger bristled at the comment. ‘I actually find that remark offensive, Meredith, and I ask you for an apology.’

‘Toughen up, snowflake,’ smiled Bruce as she turned to Rogers cold-shouldering Messenger’s request. She then returned to look at Messenger as she remembered to say something with a curled lip of disdain. ‘Your sensitivities did not extend to the offensive lies you declared about the so-called open borders policy. You knew it to be a lie and you and your colleagues have been pushing it hard for the last week of the campaign. We have had anarchy in the streets of Melbourne because of your lies. Where were your sensitivities to businesses being ruined?’

‘Can I just interrupt for a moment by saying we have had a couple of results confirmed in Western Australia,’ interjected Weideman. ‘Cowan has been retained by the government and Stirling has been won by the government, which is a great result and was not expected as the sitting member has been a credible advocate for her local community. So, this could possibly mean a two-seat swing to my calculations and the government’s majority could be even greater than five.

‘Wolff, what the fuck happened in WA?’

‘It’s way too early to know anything. Calm down.’ Wolff had been taking ranting calls from Jameson since nine o’clock; this one was no different. ‘My people tell me it will be close but there will definitely be a change of government. Just be patient.’

‘You promised me Gerrard would not be prime minister.’

‘As I said,’ Wolff lowered his tone. ‘If the results don’t go the way I expect, then I will deal with him before the morning. I have a plane on standby.’

Cassandra Rogers looked down the barrel of the camera when the coverage returned from a commercial break. ‘If you are joining us for the first time, I can report the national election results remain too close to call, although experts are predicting a government re-election. To get a clearer picture in those seats still to be declared, what can you tell us, Maurie?’

‘Well, it seems my prediction an hour earlier of an easy victory by the Gerrard government may have been slightly premature. The results now seem much closer than predicted and could come down to just one seat. Scrutineers in the seat of Griffith, as you know a former prime minister’s seat, indicates a late surge in preferences from an outer suburban district and it’s now being predicted as a likely retain for the opposition.

‘But what is even more baffling, we have been told the seat of Melbourne, the prime minister’s own seat, has surprisingly gone to preferences. This is the first time the prime minister has not had an absolute majority since he first won the seat. This result is highly unusual, but I’m still predicting he’ll win his seat. The prime minister has secured just under forty-five per cent of the primary vote and that should see him win on preferences, but I’m advised the preference trend is going away from the government.’

‘What does that mean?’ Cassandra asked.

‘It could mean if it continues to favour the independent, no matter the national result, we could have a new prime minister. We just don’t know from which party just yet.’

Rogers raised an eyebrow, smiled and turned to Bruce, ‘Would you put your hand up, Meredith Bruce?’

‘I would seek advice from my colleagues, but this is way too early to predict. I have heard from our scrutineers and I remain confident the prime minister will be returned.’ Bruce was troubled, quickly jumping on to her phone to seek clarification of the current position.

‘I think he’s gone,’ said Messenger. ‘There is a strong independent candidate in Melbourne—’

‘Who you sacked,’ interrupted Smythe.

‘—who we disendorsed over comments she made contrary to our policy. She ran a strong campaign and if she wins, she’ll be a very good member for the local community.’

‘She’s a racist,’ snapped Smythe.

‘She is an Indian immigrant with an African heritage – how can she be racist?’

‘She said students were ripping off the country. Her comments focused on Indian students,’ added Smythe. ‘She implied new immigrants from the sub-continent were ripping off government programs and by making these untrue allegations, tarnishes an entire race of people; therefore, she’s a racist.’

‘Can you actually hear yourself?’ Messenger shook his head. ‘Jaya Rukhmani is a university professor and said students signing up for her classes were not attending. How does that make her racist?’ asked Messenger. ‘This is typical of any social debate within Australia, those with a different view are shouted down with this ridiculous political correctness using terms such as racist.’

‘What is your view, James Harper?’ Cassandra wanted to move the discussion on.

‘I think Australians will have a new prime minister in the morning, either Peter Stanley or an empty chair from the current government.’

Midnight came and went. The electoral commission announced they would stop counting at one, advising a clearer result may be determined by then. Anita chose to ring Robert Wong for an update of the count in Melbourne, but when he connected, she had trouble hearing him from the noise in the background. ‘Tell me again, I couldn’t hear you. What was the final result?’

‘Rukhmani fifty-one per cent two-party preferred. She did it. The professor won!’

Wolff struck a lonely figure as he walked from his hotel in Collins Street looking for a late-night cafe. He knew Pellegrini’s in Bourke Street would still be open and there was always the casino, but his preference was for pasta and he didn’t want to push and shove among drunks on Southbank. Grossi’s was closed but a few diners could be seen in a celebratory mood as he passed the dining room. Before he entered the cafe, he took a call from Jameson. ‘What did I tell you? I said we would win.’

‘That move to cut off Gerrard was brilliant, but I preferred Stanley as prime minister. Now, at this stage at least, we don’t have anyone.’

‘You can still get him, but you also told me that under no circumstances did you want Gerrard as prime minister. I delivered you what you wanted, yet again,’ said a chuffed Wolff chuckling silently, walking to the kerb and looking out on the traffic moving slowly past. ‘What deal you do now with the new prime minister is entirely up to you, but I would encourage you not to support Bruce to stand. She’s not ready and could be problematic for you.’

‘We will have to think about it. This is not what I wanted.’

‘You said you didn’t want Gerrard as prime minister.’

‘Yes, but I also wanted a clear result, not this rubbish we are likely to have now. A hung parliament is not what I asked for.’

Wolff sharply turned and focused on the discussion, changing the tone. ‘I delivered what I promised so I expect my money will be transferred overnight.’

‘I will wait until I see who forms government.’

‘That is not our agreement, and you know I’m a stickler for doing what is promised.’

‘You promised a change of government.’

‘No, Mr Jameson, I promised a change of prime minister.’

‘We will wait.’

‘Mr Jameson, I’m sorry to have to tell you this, but as you know I have certain capabilities that you have used to your benefit over the years.’

‘And you have been adequately rewarded.’

‘I also have other attributes that can be used effectively to get what I want, as you well know. So, if I say I want my money transferred tonight, that means do not delay. Otherwise, sir, I can absolutely assure you I will be on the first flight in the morning and I will meet with you face to face. I promise you, it will not be a pleasant breakfast.’

‘I only want to know who wins before I pay.’

‘That is not my problem. I got the result you wanted and now unless I have my money, you will not benefit from my win.’ Wolff tightened his lips and lowered his voice, adding a shroud of dark menace. ‘Are we clear?’

Jameson didn’t respond and Wolff checked his phone to see if he was still connected.

‘Are we fucking clear, old man?’ Wolff yelled into the phone.

‘I will transfer it within five minutes.’

Wolff quickly relaxed and said gently, ‘Thank you, Mr Jameson. It’s a pleasure doing business with you.’

Tony Hancock took the call at his desk as he was setting out the front-page layout, unsure whether to claim a Stanley victory or a huge election stuff-up. ‘Hello, it’s Tony.’

‘It’s Jameson. We have ended our arrangement with Wolff. I have transferred the contract amount and the agreed bonus to him. Get the invoices out to the others.’

‘I’m onto it, anything else?’

‘Run the Wolff piece your girl wrote.’

‘Are you sure? Gerrard is gone, why would we want to upset the apple cart? We have what we want, why expose him now?’

‘Run it.’ Jameson snapped as he finished the call.

Hancock dropped the phone onto his desk and pondered what to do. He looked out into the design room and saw editor Peter Cleaver in an animated discussion with his sub-editors. ‘Hey, Pete?’ yelled Hancock. Cleaver stopped his discussion and slowly walked to Hancock. ‘Run the Stanley campaign operative story in the next edition as a feature linking it to the win, and let’s go with a Stanley victory headline.’