FOREWORD

Our South Sudanese brothers and sisters spent decades fighting for freedom. In South Africa, we joined hands with them. Our apartheid was not very different from theirs. They were exploited, subjected to slavery, abuse and discrimination, not only on racial, but also on religious grounds. Their oppression was systematic and institutionalized. Their struggle lasted almost 50 years. Indeed, for the South Sudanese – as for us in South Africa – the biblical stories of Moses, who spent 40 years in the wilderness before reaching the promised land, gave hope.

And in 2005, with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, peace was achieved; the promised land was in sight. God had heard the suffering of his people. Chairman John Garang was their Moses; Salva Kiir their Joshua, taking over after his brother and leader was killed in a helicopter crash in July the same year.

The next six years were difficult, but in the end – the referendum took place, and almost every South Sudanese voted for independence. They wanted liberation, running their own country themselves. With independence in July 2011, it was time for delivery. All South Sudanese thought they would finally enjoy the fruits of freedom. Expectations were sky high.

We expected a lot, too. I went to Juba myself to see what could be done to support the world’s youngest nation, born out of freedom from oppression. Already at this time, we were concerned about the way the country’s affairs were managed, the lack of delivery of services to the people, and the high levels of corruption. I reminded the leadership of what was expected of them.

Indeed, our own Nelson Mandela once said: ‘For to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.’ Instead, we watched with horror how the political crisis escalated, leading to violence which spun out of control and took an ethnic turn, ending up in an atrocious and senseless civil war. The atrocities that were committed were beyond comprehension, this time not by their oppressors, but committed by South Sudanese against their own people. All of us wondered how this could happen?

In this book Hilde F. Johnson provides many of the answers. She had long-standing relations with the SPLM and the Southern Sudanese struggle. With her leading role in South Sudan as the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Representative, she also had first-hand knowledge of the developments in the country during the period 2011–14. This book provides her inside account of what happened, with unique insights – both into some of the root causes of the conflict, the dynamics in the leadership and the implosion of key South Sudanese institutions. She also makes it clear that the international community could have done more to prevent the latter.

As Hilde points out, South Sudan now needs to be saved, not only from fighting, but also from failing. While structural factors are important, leadership will remain most critical. The South Sudanese leaders finally signed a peace agreement and agreed on a way forward. They also agreed to create a Commission for Truth, Reconciliation and Healing. It is vital that a genuine reconciliation process now is taken forward, both between victims and perpetrators, collectively and individually, and even more importantly, within the South Sudanese leadership itself. This book confirms what I always have been advocating: without confronting the truth about the past, openly and honestly, without reconciliation, healing and accountability, it will not be possible to build a new future. This is more true for the South Sudanese leadership than almost anywhere else. They now have to change their ways.

A new beginning is what the world’s youngest country really needs. For all South Sudanese finally to taste the fruits of freedom, this is imperative. In the midst of all the darkness, believing in this change is now our hope.

God Bless You.

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu

Cape Town, South Africa