REDHEAD TAOIST (Hung-t’ou Tao-shih or Fa-shih). Refers to a group of spiritual practitioners, perhaps not truly Taoist, but often considered as such, although they are more like popular ritualists. They are active in Taiwan today, but probably originated in the Province of Fukien. They seem to be the modern heirs of the ancient shamans, at least in some of their shamanistic practices. Another group of practitioners with roots in shamanism are the contemporary trance mediums, both male and female, of which there still are thousands active in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, etc.
To gain more respectability for themselves, it seems that the Redhead Taoists love to imitate the rituals of their more “orthodox” colleagues, the Blackhead Taoists. They also occasionally dress in ritual garments resembling those of Blackheads. A. Cohen, who had frequent dealings with a Fa-shih (Master of Rites, another name for Redhead) in the Taiwan city of Tainan, reported that Mr. Lin “appears to be a Blackhead Taoist”:
It seems that he wants to convey the appearance of being a Blackhead Taoist—or at least a Taoist of higher status than the ordinary Redhead—either because of his unfulfilled aspiration to achieve such status, or because it would attract a broader clientele and higher fees, or both. (Cohen, 1992: 194–5)
From his personal contacts and observations, A. Cohen states that the Redhead Taoists perform rites of the yang-world related to the living, and some rites of the yin-world related to the dead. The former include rites of exorcism, curing of disease, dissipation of calamities (hsiao-tsai), consecration of images (k’ai-kuang), rites to improve good luck, and rites related to blessing of new homes (Cohen: 198). But the rite most often performed is “crossing over to salvation” (ch’ao-tu) the souls of those who died prematurely, often through a violent death. This ritual is most often performed in the Temple of the Eastern Peak (Tung-yueh chien) in Tainan city by a Redhead Taoist and a trance medium. The climax of the ritual is when the master breaks open the (paper replica of the) Citadel of Wrongful Death to release the soul from its suffering.
The ritual instruments used by a Redhead Taoist are somewhat different from those of Blackheads: sword, bell (hand-bell), horn, and whip. Blackhead Taoists also use a ritual sword for exorcism and various small handbells, but horn and whip are more properly used by the Redheads. As Cohen explains:
The Redhead tradition asserts that their teachings and rituals originated on mythical Mount Lü (Lü-shan) where True Man Hsü Chia . . . [a young disciple of Lao-tzu and Founding Patriarch of the Lü-shan sect] taught the rituals to Three Matrons named Ch’en, Lin, and Li . . . who then propagated the teachings and rituals . . .
The formal name of the Redhead tradition is Shen-hsiao (Divine Empyrean) sect; it also is commonly called the Lü-shan or San-nai [Three Matrons] sect. (Cohen: 188)
(See also Blackhead Taoist; for further information see Schipper, 1985; Saso, 1970 and 1974; McCreery, 1973.)
RESURRECTION. It may seem strange to include this entry in a Taoist work, but recent research into Han religion has brought up the issue. A. Seidel published an article, “Post-Mortem Immortality, or the Taoist Resurrection of the Body” (Seidel, 1987). A more recent article by Donald Harper is titled “Resurrection in Warring States Popular Religion” (Harper, 1994). It may come as a surprise that the idea of resurrection is not a uniquely Christian prerogative.
What is resurrection, though? Webster’s defines it as follows: “a) a rising from the dead, or coming back to life; b) the state of having risen from the dead.” But there is an additional sentence: “the Resurrection: 1. the rising of Jesus from the dead after his death and burial; 2. the rising of all the dead at the Last Judgment.”
In the Western context, resurrection usually applies to Jesus alone (but is equally applicable to his mother, Mary, who soon after her death was revived and “assumed” or taken up into heaven). What is essential for a correct understanding is that a person has really died. Regaining consciousness after a period of being in a coma, or after a “near-death” experience, does not qualify. Moreover, implied in the Christian concept is a transformation of the physical body: It becomes light and subtle, can move at will, pass through walls, cannot suffer pain anymore, and is eternally alive. It is a spiritualized body. (It is difficult to know whether such a concept is meaningful or self-contradictory and merely mythical.) In any case, persons who returned to life just in their “old” bodies (like Lazarus in the gospel of John) do not fully qualify for the state of resurrection, only for B-class resurrection.
In Taoism, some of the immortals whose stories are described in legendary accounts (and hence probably purely mythical!), qualify for the strict category of resurrection. They are the “earthly immortals,” whose bodies were not yet perfectly purified at the moment of death. But after their burial, the transformation continues and soon their bodies are reawakened and rejoin their spirit to live eternally in some earthly abode of the blessed. When their coffin is reopened, it is found empty, except for a few objects of personal use: a sandal, a sword, or a piece of clothing. (See also Body Liberation.)
These immortals may sometimes appear among humans and are reported to be compassionate, but mostly they are invisible, out of reach of mere humans. The extraordinary qualities of their transformed bodies are described in the scriptures (see, for instance, I. Robinet, 1979/1993: 42–48). In general, they are comparable to the glorified state of the post-resurrection Christ.
The interesting case of “resurrection” discussed by D. Harper is, after the fashion of Lazarus, only a B-class resurrection. A man named Tan had stabbed someone and thereupon killed himself. He was buried according to custom, but after three years, he was restored to life. No sage called him to exit from the grave. It was purely a bureaucratic decision communicated between the authorities of this world and the netherworld. But this man’s body had not been transformed and glorified; to the contrary, he had a scar on his throat (mark of his suicide by sword) and “his four limbs were useless” (Harper, 1994: 14). This is an interesting case, different from later stories about the revival of near-dead persons, who had died because of a bureaucratic error and eventually were returned to life. But these persons had not been completely dead yet, so resurrection is not involved here. (See also Hsien.)
REVERSAL (fan) and RETURN (fu). The character fan, meaning “to turn over, to rebel, to turn back,” is often confused with fu, which means “to return, to repeat.” Both characters occur in the TTC in connection with some action of Tao. Example:
Reversion (fan) is the action of Tao.
Weakness (jo) is the function of Tao.
(Chapter 40: 1–2, Chan, 1963: 160)
This is the only instance in the TTC where fan is used; there are four other passages where the character fu occurs. Example:
And I see thereby their return (fu).
All things flourish,
But each one returns (fu kui) to its root.
(Chapter 16: 2–3, Chan: 147)
Comparing the two characters fan and fu, one sees their similarity, which is rather superficial. In a deeper sense, they express very different realities. Fu (or fu-kui) is a return to one’s origin, a return from where one came, as in the biblical saying: You are dust and you will return to dust. It expresses the ephemeral nature of all beings. Created by the power of Tao, beings appear on the stage for a while, then disappear again to make room for new beings.
The term fan, on the other hand, expresses the idea of reversal. Things change into their opposites, winter turns into summer, day into night. This is a constant process, a characteristic of all that exists. or it is similar to the yin-yang processes: Yin becomes yang, yang again becomes yin. It is the cyclical motion of history and natural processes, with the implication that things and situations eventually change into their opposites.
Although fan and fu are different concepts, both are characteristics of the operations of Tao.
RITUAL (or Taoist Liturgy). Although there is a theoretical difference between the terms ritual and liturgy, in practice they often are used interchangeably in the context of the Taoist religion. Taoist liturgy is perhaps a more general term, encompassing the whole ritual spectrum, whereas ritual seems to signify individual rites more than the whole series. However, there is much overlap. Here the focus will be on rituals, in the sense of individual rites that do not necessarily have mutual connections. Some do not exist anymore, such as rituals of early Heavenly Masters Taoism, but have been recorded in historical reports; others are still well and alive today. This essay is not meant to be comprehensive but to give a general overview of some of the major ritual activities of the Taoists. Among ancient rituals will be discussed some rites of T’ai-p’ing Taoism and Heavenly Masters Taoism, both flourishing during the latter part of the second century CE. Among modern rituals (still performed today) are several kinds that are proper to the modern Heavenly Masters (Blackhead Taoists), and others, of which the Redhead Taoists are the specialists. Some rituals are performed by both groups. But rather than focusing on the spiritual practitioners who perform the rituals, a more useful distinction is between rituals for the living and rituals for the dead.
Rituals for the Living (Yang rites). Performed by Taoist practitioners (Blackhead or Redhead Taoists) to pray for various blessings, to ensure good luck and peace (ch ‘iu p’ing-an), which include good health, wealth or prosperity, numerous offspring, success in career or business, longevity. Other rituals are intended to ask for forgiveness from the deities, or to avert various kinds of evil that may threaten the living. Some rituals are for the benefit of individuals or families and may take place at the Taoist’s home “office” or shrine (t’an) or at the house of the individual(s) involved. Community-oriented (or public) rituals take place at the temple, but in ancient times also in the open, on specially erected platforms. Among the public rituals for the living, the following will be briefly described: the “fast of mud and soot,” the rituals of the chiao (Community Renewal or Great Offering), and the consecration of images. (For the ritual called hoch’i, see Union of Energies.) Among the private rituals, curing disease, exorcism, blessing of homes, and various rites to improve one’s luck or to attain long life are among the main types (but the list is not exhaustive and does not include wedding ceremonies, which are usually a family affair, only rarely performed by Taoist priests).
• Fast of mud and soot (T’u-t’an chai). The origin of this ritual is ancient, one of the many held by T’aip’ing Taoism and by the Heavenly Masters. It is like “most of these festivals, and particularly the penitence rituals . . . attributed” to the three Chang Brothers, chiefs of the Yellow Turbans (Maspero 1971/1981: 291). It was not a ritual celebrated at set times in the year, but organized occasionally. Its purpose was confession and purification from moral misbehavior, forgiveness to ward off disease and ensure a long and happy life. After days of preparation through study, prayer, and fasting, the group of individuals who signed up for the rite assembled in the sacred space set up for it, and (as described by Maspero: 385–6), with disheveled hair and face smeared with soot,
They enter the Sacred Space . . . When all are ready, suddenly the drum resounds; the Instructor [ritual leader] chants a prayer announcing the start of the ceremony . . . twenty-four drum rolls bear the news of the festival to the highest heavens . . .
. . . the preliminaries accomplished, there comes the chief moment of the festival, that of public repentance. The Instructor, and with him all those taking part, chants the lists of sins and the formulae of penitence, while the band gives rhythm to the recitation, first slow and calm, then more and more lively and noisy. The incense vapors make the air heavy while all, officiating elders and participants, recollect their sins as the prayers roll on and become excited, gripped by repentance and also by the terror of all the maladies that are going to pounce upon them, certain consequence of past faults. Little by little, some of the sinners become agitated, excited by the noise, the perfumes, the emotion; exaltation seizes them, and suddenly one of them, gripped by religious enthusiasm, throws himself on the ground and starts rolling about in all directions, covering his face with dirt and lamenting. Soon those next to him imitate him, seized by the contagion; the madness grows by degrees, and soon all are sprawling on the ground in a more and more deafening uproar. The throng outside the enclosure also begins to be affected and some of them, who had come simply to watch, cast away their hats, snatch out their haircombs, let their hair fall in disorder, and they too roll on the ground. But the Instructor does not leave them in this condition for a long time, He was chosen from among the educated people, he must know his business and know that, since the ceremony is lengthy, the faithful must not be exhausted on the first day . . . After renewed prostrations, conventional gestures well known to all, a second appeal to the divinities manages to restore order after the paroxysm just preceding . . .
. . . The first session is finished. But there must be more of them at noon, and then again in the evening. The crises will recur more and more violently, as time passes and as the general exaltation, fatigue, lack of food, noise, and the demonstrations of the crowd which presses outside the enclosure stretch the nerves of all. It will begin again the following day if the participants are pious and rich, for the Fasts last two, three, seven, or even nine consecutive days, according to the wish of the devout. And all this time the participants have but a single meal per day, at noon, according to the strict Taoist rule.
This ancient ritual of confession did not survive, probably due to ritual reforms during the Southern dynasties. It is, however, a very interesting phenomenon to see the proverbially “sober and reserved” Chinese people being involved in something like a very strong revival event!
• The Rituals of the Chiao Festival are the contemporary remainder of another ancient liturgy, probably based on Han and pre-Han customs, but codified by T’ao Hung-ching and Tu Kuang-t’ing. Some of the important rituals have been described (see Cosmic Renewal Festival) and need no repetition. To witness such rituals, usually lasting three, five, or seven days, one is overwhelmed by the splendor of these colorful events, which must make a deep impression on the people and (hopefully!) on the gods themselves.
• Consecration of Images (k’ai-kuang). After an image of a deity has been made (mostly out of wood, but also out of stone, clay, metal, and, nowadays, synthetic materials), it still is a dead piece of material. It must be specially consecrated by a spiritual practitioner, either a Taoist priest, Buddhist monk or nun, a spirit-medium or a layperson (fa-shih). There are differences in detail, but the overall rite is very much alike in all cases.
The essential part consists of dotting the eyes, ears, nose, mouth, heart, and body of the image with red ink by using a brush. This act (similar to dotting the ancestral tablet in the Popular religion) makes the image the seat of the deity, which means that the deity is believed to be present in it, or, in other words, the image is truly alive, replenished with the god’s ling, not just a symbol of a deity.
In Taoist rituals, if the image was carved from wood, the Taoist priests would complete the ritual with a formula of apology to the “spirit” of the tree that had been cut down for image making. This is reminiscent of hsieh-t’u (apology to earth) rituals when the local soil has been disturbed for temple building or digging a grave.
The k’ai-kuang rituals can be public or private, but mostly public, when the statues ordered for a temple are inaugurated.
• Curing Illness. In late Han times, the Heavenly Masters and T’ai-p’ing Taoism both performed rituals to cure disease. But because illness was seen as being caused by moral transgression, acts of repentance were a necessary condition for regaining physical health. In the process, the use of talismans (fu) and talismanic water (fu-shui) was of great importance.
In modern times, faith healing is still practiced in Taoism, but very often the emphasis is on the use of written talismans. Taoist priests have their own register of talismans, inherited from their master, copied by hand before ordination. This register includes a great variety of fu, many of them for healing purposes. The patient wears them or burns them to mix the ashes in a cup of water, or uses the ashes while bathing. This is a “supernatural” way to cure illness, since the talisman is basically an order issued to certain deities to expel the evil spirit who caused the disease.
• Exorcism is usually a private ritual, but can also involve the community. Like illness, possession is believed to be caused by external evil agents (see Exorcism for details).
• Blessing of Home is a ritual performed for individual families. The emphasis is more on exorcism (cast out evil influences) than on positive blessing, which would ideally include the invitation of good spirits or deities to descend and dwell in this particular house. It is possible that the consecration of images (see above) is some kind of home blessing.
• Luck Improving Rites. Chinese people in general strongly believe in the power of fate (ming) as shaper of one’s destiny. Yet, they are not resigned to accept fate blindly. If there is a way to get around it, to “soften the blow” of merciless fate, they will certainly try it out. Taoist priests have been willing to assist them in their efforts. There are certain dangers in every person’s life, which can be ritually averted. Today, at least in Taiwan, various practitioners offer their services to help people overcome dangers of a spiritual nature. Taoist priests are only one of their possible resources.
• A ritual called hsiao-tsai/xiaozai is now universally practiced in Taiwan. It means “cancellation of evil” and takes place around the time of the New Year (Spring Festival). Temples announce every year which persons are subject to “evil influences” (clashes with the year spirit T’ai-sui), usually those born in a particular year of the 12-year animal cycle. To counteract and ritually neutralize the lurking danger, special rituals are organized in temples, mostly for large crowds of people. The ritualists are Taoist priests, Buddhists, laymen or women, or mediums. Sometimes the rite is performed for individuals (see J. Pas in Tsao, 1989: 28–35).
• A related ritual, sometimes even identified with hsiao-tsai, but named differently, kai-yün/gaiyun, is performed to “improve one’s luck.” That may happen around the New Year, or at other times through the year, and is also performed by a variety of practitioners, usually in the temple. People who are running into a series of bad luck are most anxious to have their luck changed: it can be ritually arranged.
• A ritual named shou-ching/shoujing is different from the above two. The literal meaning is “to receive a fright,” and is performed upon request by individuals if a person, mostly a young child, is losing his/her energy. This is explained as an attack on the child’s vital spirits and if nothing is done about it, the child’s health will deteriorate and may result in death. The cause is that the spirits have been “frightened” so that there is loss of appetite, loss of sleep, crying at night, etc. To counteract the evil attack, the “fright” is taken away, or “received.” The ritual is performed by Taoists and other practitioners in Taiwan, most often by older women, who specialize in this technique.
• Prayers for Longevity. A special minor ritual performed privately for one elder person at a time by a Taoist priest (or other practitioners). As in most rituals, the substance of the rite consists of chanting a text, in this case usually the Wonderful Scripture for the Prolongation of Life by the Northern Dipper (Pei-tou yen-shou miaoching). (There are different versions in the Taoist Canon: CT 45, TT 29; CT 622, TT 341.)
Rituals for the Dead (Yin rites). The rituals concerning “disposal of the corpse” are very complex. They involve particular rites surrounding a person’s actual disease, a set of rites before, during, and after a funeral, and also memorial and mourning rites (see J. de Groot I-VI). Here only a few rituals will be discussed, rather as samples (even de Groot needed six volumes to discuss the topic in detail!).
• The Yellow Register Fast (huang-lu chai) is an early ritual performed—posthumously—to liberate the deceased from their suffering in the netherworld. Through penance on their behalf and sacrifices to the netherworld spirits, it was believed that past ancestors up to the seventh generation could be saved and gain access to heaven (see R. Malek, 1985: 200–204).
• Funeral Rites. To appease the deceased’s spirit, weekly prayer meetings are often organized by families on the seventh, 14th, 21st, etc., day after death until the 49th day. Some families have it done after the third, fifth, and seventh week. Most often, Buddhist nuns, monks, or laypeople are invited: They chant and recite appropriate texts, such as the Pure Land scriptures. During the funeral itself, monks and nuns are usually invited to accompany the coffin to the graveyard. This is, however, also done by Taoist priests today.
The Taoists also have special rites (of exorcism?) in a case when a person died a violent death.
• Rites of Salvation. There is a variety of salvational rituals, depending on the time and on the circumstances of death. People who died an “unnatural” (early, violent) death are believed to be imprisoned in the netherworld and are stuck. Their souls cannot be reincarnated unless “liberation” takes place. This can be done ritually by “breaking” the gates of hell and setting the soul free (see, for example, J. Boltz, 1983). This ritual is often seen performed by Redhead Taoists in the Eastern Peak temple (Tung-yueh chien) in Tainan (Southern Taiwan). The ritual is for the benefit of individuals (it is called ch’ao-tu: ritual of “crossing over”).
A very important community event is the P’u-tu/pudu ritual, either a yearly event on the 15th of the seventh (lunar) month, which is the Ghost Festival, or on the last day of a chiao (Cosmic Renewal) celebration. All families bring their offerings (food and drink) to a designated area near the temple on specially brought tables, usually in the hundreds: on the side there are sometimes hundreds of sacrificial pigs and goats, equally being offered to the main target of the rite: the souls of the “lonely dead,” the hungry ghosts.
The performers of this ritual are usually Taoist priests or Buddhist monks dressed in grand robes. They number mostly seven. By chanting ritual texts of salvation and by blessing the offerings, it is believed that the ghosts can be redeemed—set free, in other words—leave the dark hells, and be reincarnated (see D. Pang, 1977; J. Lagerwey, 1987; S. Teiser, 1988).
Within the sphere of Taoist rituals of salvation, one more interesting rite should be mentioned: “ghost marriage.” If a person dies young, even as a child, several years later it would have reached marriageable age. Because a normal wedding is hereby excluded, “spirit” or “ghost marriages” are sometimes arranged for the repose of their soul. A living human partner is found (for a fee), and a marriage ceremony is contracted through the services of a Redhead Taoist (very often in the above mentioned Tainan temple). The living party remains free to marry in the normal fashion.
To conclude: Taoist ritual has proven to be very complex. This essay is far from complete (a monograph on Taoist ritual would be welcome!). Some aspects of the Taoist liturgy have not been discussed, but can be found elsewhere: See Dance, Music, Ritual Garments, Ritual Instruments, Blackhead and Redhead Taoists. More information can be found in the numerous publications by K. Schipper. For rituals performed by Complete Realization Taoists in Hong Kong, see B. Tsui, 1991.
RITUAL GARMENTS. If the essence of religion consists in ritual expressions of worship, one may expect that ritual, in any religious system, is carefully designed and well executed. Ritual texts, music, and dance are all planned out. Ritual garments and instruments are an important component of the ritual function. Knowledge of this aspect of religion can be gained only by fieldwork experience. As far as the Taoist religion is concerned, there is apparently no monograph dealing with ritual garments (and instruments). Some field workers have briefly reported on it: de Groot (a century ago), K. Schipper (1982/1993) and J. Lagerwey (1987) in recent years, and in many recent publications we can study a number of photographs. Just two examples of Chinese journals that often include photographs of Taoist rituals are Chung-kuo Tao-chiao/Zhongquo Daojiao (Chinese Taoism) (Beijing) and Journal of Taoist Culture (Taiwan).
Over a hundred years ago, de Groot described some of the ritual garments worn by Taoist priests during their liturgy. He calls it the “religious dress of the Wu-ist priests” (VI: 1264–1268). It must be recalled that his research took place in the south of China, in Fukien, the place of origin of most immigrants to Taiwan. Three types of garments are described by de Groot (they correspond with the recent descriptions by Schipper and Lagerwey).
• Chiang-yi, “garment of descent,” also called “red garment,” or “square garment.” It is indeed “a square sheet of silk, which has in the center a round hole for the neck . . . Its form represents that of Earth . . .” (VI: 1264). This garment is only worn by a Taoist high-priest (tao-chang) on the most solemn occasions. Today garments are usually made of heavy brocade and decorated with heavy embroidery, which “represents the three levels of the natural universe” (Lagerwey: 291): heaven, earth, and water.
• Tao-p’ao, “gown of the Tao,” is the standard garment worn by high priests and sometimes by his assistants in first-class rituals. Its basic color is red (sometimes yellow-orange), it is made of silk, has wide sleeves, and has decorations on the back and front of the “eight diagrams” (pa-kua), or just of the character t’ai-chi (“Supreme Ultimate”).
• Hai-ch’ing, “sea-blue,” is now a black or yellowish orange silk vestment (in older times it used to be plain blue) worn during “negative” rituals, such as chanting the scriptures of penance (Lagerwey: 291). It is often worn by the high priest’s assistants while the master himself wears the tao-p’ao.
The above descriptions of three garments are based on experience in Fukien and Taiwan. Garments worn today by Taoists in China reveal two different styles: the Lung-men Taoists (as in the White Cloud Monastery of Beijing) and the Cheng-yi Taoists wear ritual robes that are different from those used in Taiwan. But if one studies photographs published recently in China (Lo-t’ien ta-chiao, 1993, a small volume on the chiao celebration), one sees a basic similarity with the above descriptions: The three types of garments are all represented, although the colors and the embroidery motifs are different. It is possible that other areas in China have their own regional differences.
One final remark on the symbolism of Taoist garments: de Groot (1887/1977 1: 62–63) pointed out that Taoist priests imitated the practices of ancient rulers. When offering sacrifices to Heaven, the king or emperor wore robes with symbols of heaven embroidered on them: sun, moon, stars. Only the ruler was entitled to wear such robes, as he was the sole official representative of heaven. When Taoists wear robes with symbols of the Three Worlds or of the Eight Diagrams, this also has a deep cosmic meaning, implying that Taoists represent the ultimate power of the universe.
Another aspect of Taoist ritual outfit is their headdress, shoes, and apron.
• The head is covered with a black skullcap under which their long, knotted hair is hidden. On the skullcap is a metal crown, called “crown of gold,” and on the very top a flame-shaped pin, received at ordination.
The flame, Flower or Gold or Flaming Pearl, illustrates the One energy, the original vital breath (ch’i) emanating from the disciple’s body. (K. Schipper: 71; see also de Groot, VI: 1267–8)
• The footwear of the high priest are boat-like “court shoes” with thick soles. They are decorated with “cloudpatterns symbolizing his capacity to ‘pace the void’ and carry messages to heaven” (Lagerwey: 292).
• The apron, a square piece of silk, is wrapped around the priest’s waist: It is “embroidered with the emblem of the Cinnabar Field” (Schipper: 70). It is worn out of respect for the gods.
(See also Ritual Instruments. For the dress of a Redhead Taoist, see A. Cohen, 1992.)
RITUAL INSTRUMENTS. Besides a set of liturgical texts and talismans, which a Taoist candidate inherits from his master (he actually copies by hand his master’s collection), he also receives during ordination a number of ritual garments and sacred objects that will be his professional instruments during his career as a priest (for all these instruments and garments, as well as for his ordination, the candidate must pay an appropriate fee).
The major ritual instruments of a Taoist priest (at least of the Heavenly Masters School) are a sword, a bowl, an audience tablet, and a seal of office.
• Ritual sword, also called “seven stars precious sword” (ch’i-hsing pao-tao), is a fairly long steel sword, not usually sharp, with symbolic images of the Big Dipper engraved on both sides of the blade. It is often used during exorcism (as during the Cosmic Renewal Festival) to purify the temple premises, but can also be used in private ceremonies of exorcism or blessing. (Mediums also use such a sword, but wound themselves with it during solemn trances.) The Taoist master often uses the sword to write “space” talismans in the five directions, as part of the purification ritual.
• Bowl. A small copper bowl to hold “holy water” (“lustral” water). The Taoist sips from it during purification rituals and then blows it in fine spray into the five directions.
• Audience tablet. A long rectangular and curved piece of material (made from ivory in the past, more recently from wood or plastic) that a Taoist holds in both hands in front of him during certain rituals, probably copied from court officials. During imperial times, whenever an official attended an imperial audience, he had to hold a similar tablet.
• Seal of office. Heavenly Masters priests receive a copy of a heavy stone seal (a cube about 8 cm3), one side of which is engraved with the emblem attributed to Chang Tao-ling. The archaic characters are Tao-ching shih-pao (“Treasure of the Master of the Tao-te ching”). The seal is used to certify important religious documents. Each Taoist priest has several other seals, often used to validate paper talismans.
• Ordination certificate. This is not a ritual instrument, but a document and proof of ordination. Today it is issued by the Heavenly Master (at present, the 64th successor of Chang Tao-ling, who lives in Taiwan), but in past centuries, “monk certificates” (for Buddhists as well as Taoists) were often issued by the state.
RIVER CHART (or “Yellow River Map”) (ho-t’u/hetu). A cosmological diagram, according to mythology revealed to culture hero Fu Hsi/Fu Xi when a dragon-like horse emerged from the Meng River, a tributary of the Yellow River. From this diagram, Fu Hsi derived the Eight Trigrams (pa-kua), which became the base of the Yi ching in its “Former Heaven” or “Primal” arrangement, which means in their pre-creation, life-bearing order. Later on, King Wen rearranged the pa-kua in the order of “Later Heaven” (after creation), which is the arrangement actually found in the Yi ching. While the “Former Heaven” order symbolizes the powers of the universe in a rather static manifestation, the “Later Heaven” arrangement stresses change, which is a manifestation of continuous motion and life processes seen in the cosmos.
The ho-t’u has been a very important symbol in Chinese history: it was a token of legitimation of power for the ruling class, a symbol of life-giving and protection for the people and for the Taoist priests of the Cheng-yi (Heavenly Masters) tradition, an instrument of religious power, that has been outlined in various scriptures. M. Saso describes it as symbolizing and effectively causing control of seas and rivers and of the spirits of the cosmos, in order to protect life and avert disasters. In ritual use it can effect immortality and bring about union with the Tao. It is thus evident
that the ho-t’u cannot be confined to a single definition but is rather a genre of religious or mystical symbols for expressing the unchanging state of the Tao of Transcendence, and the permanent state of beatitude in the heavens. (M. Saso, 1978: 414)
(For a more complete discussion of the ho-t’u, see the article by M. Saso, 1978: 399–416.)