THE MAKING OF THE EMPEROR
INTRODUCTION
It has often been observed that the primary weakness of the system established by Augustus was the absence of a clear formula for succession. It is certainly the case that after Julius Caesar every one of the Julio-Claudian emperors seemed at some early stage of his life to have been among the least likely candidates to become emperor. Augustus was an obscure student with a relatively modest family background when he learned that he had been adopted posthumously by Julius Caesar and made his subsequent bid for power. Tiberius enters the historical record as an infant when his parents were fleeing for their lives from Naples during the clashes between Antony and Octavian, and he almost betrayed their presence by crying. Even after his mother had married the future emperor, he spent a period of humiliating self-exile on the island of Rhodes, convinced that he was perpetually sidelined in the competition to succeed. Caligula might not even have escaped with his life had he been older. His two brothers were both put to death as a consequence of the bitter dynastic rivalries instigated largely by Sejanus. Caligula’s successor, Claudius, who was neither a natural nor an adopted descendant of Augustus, had spent his youth hidden from public view and was so far from being a serious contender for the principate that he was considered an embarrassment to his family. By the end of Claudius’s reign, Nero’s father, a man noted for his mediocrity and laziness, was dead, and Nero’s mother was in disgraced exile. Even after the succession of Claudius and the recall of Agrippina, Nero would spend his early youth in relative obscurity until the intrusion of his mother into the political scene in Rome.
Like Tiberius, Nero became emperor because of the single-minded and focused ambition of his mother (and, like Tiberius, he resented the idea that he owed his elevation to that agency). After her return from exile, Agrippina acquired a new husband, and presumably also acquired much of his considerable fortune upon his death. We cannot tell if she played any role in the downfall of Claudius’s wife Messalina (whose behavior was so reckless that she in all likelihood brought about her own ruin, without any assistance from outside). But it is certainly the case that Agrippina saw the opportunity that the demise of Messalina offered, and exploited it relentlessly. She could provide Claudius with a much needed link to Augustus, since she was his granddaughter in a direct bloodline, and, with her son Nero, she enabled Claudius to take the wind out of the sails of any violent opposition to his reign by holding out the prospect of ultimately being succeeded by a direct Augustan descendant. Claudius was first and foremost a political animal, and if his political survival meant that his own natural son would be forced into a subordinate position, then that was a price he was willing to pay. Hence, after his marriage, which was technically illegal and required a special measure of the Senate because Agrippina was his brother’s daughter, he agreed to adopt Nero. The adoption also necessitated a technical dispensation from the law, because Claudius already had a son. Claudius then agreed to his new son’s marriage to his daughter Octavia, who was of course technically his sister and in yet another piece of legal legerdemain was adopted by another family to make the marriage legitimate. Claudius was prepared to overcome all of these formidable obstacles for his own self-preservation. Apparently, he did not stop to consider that these survival measures had the fatal flaw that while they made him more secure against external rivals, they generated a new rival in the form of the very individual meant to protect him, his adopted son Nero, and that once Claudius had, in the eyes of his wife, fulfilled his necessary role, she might be inclined, and the ancient sources generally agree that she was inclined, to play out her own role, that of a dynastic black widow spider.
Agrippina had in fact prepared the ground very skillfully. She removed the key supporters of Britannicus from his household staff, leaving him without close advisers and allies in any potential struggle for the succession that might ensue. Most importantly, she had, many years before the issue came to a head, ensured that her own man, Sextus Afranius Burrus, took command of the praetorian guard. Then, in an even more striking display of her capacity for carefully preparing the ground, over time she replaced the officers of the guard, the tribunes and centurions, with her own candidates, not by dismissing or demoting those not in her camp but more skillfully by bribing them with promotions to positions in the legions well away from Rome in the frontier regions. This meant that in December 54 the loyalty of the guard in Rome was a done deal. One can only speculate on how many of these same dislodged officers would still be serving, by then in senior positions, in AD 68, in legions that needed little urging to abandon Nero.
Suetonius provides information about Nero’s general nature and appearance.
Suet. Ner. 51. Nero was of about average height, with a body that was blotchy and malodorous, hair that was almost blond, a face more agreeable than attractive, grey eyes that were rather weak, a thick neck, protruding stomach, spindly legs, and health that was robust. Indeed, despite his life of most decadent luxury, he was ill only three times during his fourteen-year reign, and even then not seriously enough to give up drinking or his other habits.1 In his personal grooming and dress, he was so outrageous as to have his hair always layered, and on his Achaean travels even let it grow long behind his head. He also frequently went out into the streets in dining attire, with a napkin tied around his neck and wearing no waistband or shoes.2
52. When he was a boy, he engaged in practically all the liberal arts.3 His mother, however, turned him away from philosophy by warning him that it was not in a future emperor’s interests,4 while his teacher Seneca, in order to prolong his student’s admiration for him, steered him away from studying the orators of old.5
Suetonius begins the Life of Nero with an account of the emperor’s family background. Romans made much of the notion of inherited family traits and, by putting his focus on the shortcomings of Nero’s ancestors, Suetonius seeks to suggest that his character failings were inherited. His narrative takes him down to the time of Nero’s grandfather, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul in 16 BC, whose marriage to Antonia the Elder, daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, sister of Augustus, was a sure sign of the eminence that the family had acquired by the end of the Republic.
Suet. 5.1. By the elder Antonia, Domitius had as a son Nero’s father, who was in every aspect of his life thoroughly detestable.6 Indeed, while a member of the staff of a young Gaius Caesar in the East, he murdered a freedman of his because the man had refused to drink as much as he was ordered to, and when he was dismissed from the staff, his life was no more disciplined.7 In a village on the Appian Way, he suddenly brought his team of horses to a gallop and deliberately trampled down a boy, and then in the middle of the Forum in Rome he gouged out the eye of a Roman eques for reprimanding him too freely. 2. Moreover, such was his lack of integrity that he not only swindled some bankers out of their payment for items bought for him but also in his praetorship cheated a number of charioteers out of their prize money. When he was the butt of his sister’s joking over this, and managers of the racing factions lodged a complaint, he issued a decree that—in the future!—prize money must be paid immediately. A little before Tiberius’s death, he was arraigned on charges of treason, adultery, and incest with his sister Lepida.8 He evaded them through the change of regime and died of dropsy at Pyrgi, having formally recognized Nero, his son by Germanicus’s daughter Agrippina.9
Plin. HN 7.8.45. It is unnatural for a child to be born feet first, and for that reason people have called such cases “Agrippas,” the birth being “difficult.”10 Such they say was the manner of Marcus Agrippa’s birth, he being almost the only example of success among all those born in this way.11 And yet he, too, is reckoned to have expiated the omen of his inverted birth with his youth made wretched by lameness, with his life spent in warfare and so close to death’s door, and with all his progeny bringing misfortune to the earth, especially the two Agrippinas, who bore respectively the emperors Gaius and Domitius Nero, a pair of firebrands to scorch the human race. 46. There was, in addition, his short life span: he was taken off in his fifty-first year, suffering the torments of his wife’s adulterous affairs and enduring truly oppressive subservience to his father-in-law.
Nero, too, who was emperor a little while ago and who in his entire principate was the enemy of the human race, was also born feet first, so his mother Agrippina records. It is nature’s way for a human to be born head first and taken out for burial feet first.12
Nero’s parents are divided by deep antipathy.
Dio 61.2.1. The following were omens of Nero’s coming rule. When he was born, rays of light surrounded him just before dawn although they came from no observable sunlight.13 On the basis of this, and from the movement of the stars at that time and their position relative to each other, an astrologer made two prophecies about him: he would rule and he would kill his mother. 2. When she heard this, Agrippina was momentarily so deranged as to cry out the very words “Let him kill me, only let him rule,” though she would later have bitter regrets about the prayer.14 Some people reach such a pitch of folly that, if they anticipate gaining something good that is mixed with something bad, they, in their desire for the better thing, give no thought to the bad, but when the time for that comes, they are distressed and would have preferred not to have accepted even the very best of things. 3. However, with regard to Nero’s amorality and lechery, his father Domitius saw them coming, and not from prophecy but from his own character and that of Agrippina. “It is impossible,” he said, “for any good man to be born from me and this woman.” 4. Time went by, and a snakeskin was found around the neck of Nero while he was a child.15 This allowed the seers to say that he would acquire great strength from the old, since snakes are believed to throw off old age by discarding it.
Suet. Ner. 6.1. Nero was born at Antium nine months after Tiberius’s death, on December 15, just as the sun was rising, so that he was touched by its rays almost before he was touched by the earth.16 With regard to his horoscope, there were many fearful predictions made by many people, added to which was the ominous remark of his father, Domitius, uttered amid the congratulations of his friends, that nothing could have been born from him and Agrippina that was not odious and a scourge on the state. 2. Another clear pointer to the man’s unpromising future came on his purification day.17 When Gaius Caesar’s sister asked him to give the baby any name he liked, he fixed his eyes on his uncle Claudius (who soon became emperor, and by whom Nero was adopted) and said he was giving the child his name. However, he did not do this in earnest but as a joke, and Agrippina rejected the name because at that time Claudius was one of the objects of ridicule in the court.18
3. Nero was three when he lost his father.19 His legacy was one-third of the property, but he did not receive even that intact, as the entire estate was appropriated by his co-heir Gaius. And soon afterward, when his mother was also banished,20 leaving him almost without means and impoverished, he was brought up in the home of his aunt Lepida under two pedagogues, one a dancer and the other a barber.21 But when Claudius came to power, Nero not only recovered his father’s property but also was even further enriched by a legacy from his stepfather, Passienus Crispus.22 4. After his mother was recalled and restored to her position, he thrived thanks to her influence and power, so much so that word got out to the general public that men had been sent by Claudius’s wife Messalina to strangle him during his siesta because she thought him a rival to Britannicus. A detail added to the story is that those same men were frightened off and took to their heels when a snake emerged from under his pillow. This story arose from the fact that the cast-off skin of a snake was discovered in his bed close to his pillow; nevertheless, following his mother’s wishes, he wore the skin on his right arm for some considerable time, set in a golden bracelet.23 When he finally found the memory of his mother disagreeable, he threw it away and then, when his situation became dire, he looked for it again, without success.
In AD 47, Nero is successfully introduced to the Roman public.
Tac. Ann. 11.11.1. It was during this same consulship that the Secular Games were put on, in the eight hundredth year after Rome’s founding and the sixty-fourth after their staging by Augustus. …24
2. When Claudius was seated at the games in the circus, boys from noble families put on the Game of Troy on horseback.25 Among them were Britannicus, son of the emperor, and Lucius Domitius, who would soon be taken by adoption into the ruling family, with the cognomen Nero.26 The support of the crowd, which was more enthusiastic for Domitius, was taken as an omen. It was also put about that snakes had looked after the boy like guardians during his infancy, a tall tale made up to match the wondrous stories of foreign nations. In fact, Nero, no man to downplay himself, used to recount that no more than one serpent was seen in his bedroom.27
12.1. In reality, the support of the people arose from the memory of Germanicus, whose sole male descendant Nero was.28 And sympathy for his mother, Agrippina, was heightened by the savagery of Messalina. She had always hated Agrippina but at that time was particularly exasperated, being deterred from fabricating charges against her, and finding people to lay them, only by her new infatuation, which bordered on insanity. 2. For she had developed a passion for Gaius Silius, the best-looking of Rome’s young men,29 and so much so that she chased Junia Silana, a woman of noble descent, from her marriage and then assumed possession of her now unattached lover.30
After her marriage to Claudius, Agrippina completely dominates her husband and ensures the bethrothal, and later marriage, of Nero and Claudius’s daughter, Octavia, and Nero’s adoption as Claudius’s son.
Dio 60.32.1. Once Agrippina was in the palace, she completely dominated Claudius. She was extremely clever at exploiting situations, and by a combination of instilling fear and granting favors, she won over all those who were on good terms with him. Eventually, she saw to it that his son Britannicus was brought up like any of the ordinary citizenry. (His other son, who had been engaged to Sejanus’s daughter, was dead.31)
She then made Domitius Claudius’s son-in-law, and later engineered his adoption, too. She succeeded in achieving all this partly by using his freedmen to persuade him and partly by taking steps to have the Senate, the people, and the military shout out in unison what suited her on any particular occasion.
Tac. Ann. 12.25.1. In the consulship of Gaius Antistius and Marcus Suillius, the adoption of Domitius was swiftly pushed ahead,32 through Pallas’s influence.33 Pallas felt bound to Agrippina as the arranger of her marriage, and later because of a sexual relationship, and he now kept urging Claudius to take thought for the good of the state and provide protection for Britannicus in his early years. He cited the parallel of the deified Augustus in whose family, though he had grandsons to rely on, stepsons had a prominent role, and the case of Tiberius, who had children of his own but also adopted Germanicus.34 Claudius, too, he said, should equip himself with a young man who would assume some of his responsibilities.
2. Convinced by this, Claudius set Domitius, who was three years older, ahead of his own son, making a speech in the Senate along the lines of what he had heard from the freedman.35 Experts observed that there had been before this no case of adoption among the patricians of the Claudian family and that they had survived without interruption from Attus Clausus on.36
26.1. The emperor was thanked, and the flattery of Domitius was particularly well constructed; and a law was passed that provided for his adoption into the Claudian family with the name “Nero.”37 2. Agrippina, too, received elevation with the cognomen Augusta.38 When this was done, there was nobody so heartless as not to be touched by sadness for Britannicus’s lot. The boy was gradually deprived even of the service of his slaves, and he treated with derision the poorly timed solicitude of his stepmother, aware of its hypocrisy, for they do say that he was not slow-witted by nature. That may be true, or perhaps sympathy for his danger allowed him to keep that reputation without it being put to the test.
Suet. Ner. 7.1. While still young, not yet in the later stages of boyhood, he took part in the Troy Game during the circus performances, with self-confidence and a successful result. During his eleventh year, he was adopted by Claudius and entrusted to Annaeus Seneca (who at the time was already a senator) for his education.39 They claim that the following night Seneca dreamed that it was actually Gaius Caesar that he was teaching, and Nero soon gave some authority to the dream by his brutal nature, of which he gave evidence as soon as he could. Because his brother Britannicus had, after Nero’s adoption, called him “Ahenobarbus,” as he normally did, he tried to persuade the father that Britannicus was not really his child.40 Furthermore, when Lepida, his aunt, was indicted, he gave crushing testimony against her in her presence, to please his mother, who was trying to secure the defendant’s conviction.41
Dio 60.32.5. Nero grew in power, but Britannicus received no respect and no attention. In fact, Agrippina drove out or even killed those who treated him well, and in particular she murdered Sosibius, who had been put in charge of Britannicus’s upbringing and education, alleging that he was plotting against Nero.42 Following that, she handed Britannicus over to people of her own choosing and maltreated him as much as she could. She would not allow him to associate with his father or go out into the streets but kept him in a sort of prison without chains.
Tac. Ann.12.41.1. In the consulship of Tiberius Claudius (Claudius’s fifth) and Servius Cornelius, Nero was granted the toga virilis before his time so that he would appear ready for a political career.43 And Claudius happily acceded to the sycophantic request of the Senate that Nero enter the consulship in his twentieth year44 and that in the meantime he hold consular power outside the city as consul designate45 and be given the title “Prince of the Youth.”46 2. There was, in addition, largesse for the soldiers along with gifts for the people, all made in Nero’s name. Moreover, at the games in the Circus—put on to win over the favor of the masses—Britannicus rode past in the procession wearing the boy’s toga while Nero did so in triumphal dress.47 The people were supposed to see one in the insignia of a commander and the other in the clothes of a boy, and to anticipate on that basis the future prospects of each. At the same time, any centurions and tribunes commiserating with Britannicus’s lot were removed on spurious grounds, and some with the pretense of promotion.48 In the case of freedmen, too, anyone whose loyalty remained untainted was ejected when opportunities like the following arose. 3. When the two met, Nero greeted Britannicus by name, but Britannicus called Nero “Domitius.”49 Agrippina brought this to her husband’s notice with bitter complaints, saying it was the start of internal dissension: the adoption was being disregarded, the vote of the senators and the command of the people repudiated within their home. Unless the evil influence of those inculcating such hostility were checked, she added, it would erupt with disastrous consequences for the state. Disturbed by these veiled charges, Claudius punished all the finest tutors of his son with exile or execution, putting the stepmother’s appointees in charge of the boy.
FIGURE 1. RIC2 Claudius 75, Silver Denarius. Obverse: AGRIPPINAE AVGVSTAE, “To Agrippina Augusta.” Reverse: NERO CLAVD(ius) CAES(ar) DRVSVS GERM(anicus) PRINC(eps) IVVENT(utis), “Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus, Prince of the Youth.” From the collection of Andreas Pangerl ∕ romancoins.info.
Sometime after AD 50, Rome witnessed a remarkable numismatic innovation when gold and silver issues from the Roman mint bore portraits with the traditional image of the emperor on the obverse and, for the very first time, his wife on the reverse, identified with the title she had just received, Agrippina Augusta (RIC2 Claudius 80–81).
Beginning in AD 51, there was a further numismatic innovation: gold and silver issues now carried images of either Claudius or Agrippina (with her title of Augusta) on the obverse, and of Nero on the reverse, with his title of “Prince of the Youth” (see Figure 1), alluded to also by Tacitus in the preceding passage. No parallel coin issue honored Britannicus.
This special issue of Claudius is valuable in providing information that does not appear in the literary sources. The obverse shows a young head of Nero and records his status as “Prince of the Youth.” But the reverse provides the additional information that he was co-opted into the priestly colleges. There were four important ones: (1) the pontiffs, the most important college, since it included the senior priesthood, that of Pontifex Maximus, as well as the flamens, who were responsible for individual gods; (2) the augurs, who read the divine signs before any major undertaking; (3) the quindecemviri sacris faciundis, a board of fifteen, charged mainly with interpreting the Sibylline books; and (4) the septemviri epulonum, a board of seven who had charge of sacrificial banquets. Nero’s appointment was supernumerary, in addition to the usual complement on each board. The reverse legend (see Figure 2) encircles two priestly implements, a simpulum, on a tripod, and a lituus, on a dish (patera). The simpulum was a ladle used for libations at sacrifices and was associated with the college of pontiffs. The lituus was the curved staff used by the augurs to mark out parts of the sky. The pairing is common on Roman coins. The appearance of Nero, rather than the emperor, on the obverse was a striking public declaration of how securely the succession had been determined.
FIGURE 2. RIC2 Claudius 76, Gold Aureus. Obverse: NERO CLAVD(ius) CAES(ar) DRVSVS GERM(anicus) PRINC(eps) IVVENT(utis), “Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus, Prince of the Youth.” Reverse: SACERD(otum) COOPT(atus) IN OMN(ia) CONL(egia) SUPRA NUM(erum), “Co-opted as a supernumerary into all colleges of the priests.” From the collection of Andreas Pangerl ∕ romancoins.info.
Agrippina fears that Claudius might be regretting his decision to promote Nero and hastens plans to eliminate him.
Tac. Ann.12.64.2. But Agrippina was especially frightened. She was alarmed at a remark of Claudius’s—which he had let drop when he was drunk—that it was his fate to suffer, and then to punish, the sexual misconduct of his wives. She decided to take action and take it quickly, though first she destroyed Domitia Lepida, and for typically female motives. Lepida was a daughter of the younger Antonia; Augustus had been her uncle; she was first cousin once removed to Agrippina; and she was the sister of Agrippina’s former husband Gnaeus—and so she thought herself on Agrippina’s level of distinction.50 3. Nor was there a great difference in beauty, age, and wealth; and both were immoral, disreputable, and violent, rivals no less in vices than in the blessings granted them by fortune. But the bitterest rivalry between them was over whether aunt or mother would have the greater influence on Nero, for Lepida was trying to win over the young man’s mind by cajoling and liberality; Agrippina, by contrast, was grim and threatening—able to give her son an empire, unable to stand him as emperor.
65.1. The charges brought against Lepida, however, were those of having made the emperor’s wife the object of magical spells and causing disturbance of the peace in Italy by not keeping her troops of slaves in Calabria sufficiently under control. On these grounds, she was condemned to death, despite Narcissus’s vigorous opposition,51 for Narcissus was becoming ever more suspicious of Agrippina, and he was said to have remarked among his cronies that, whether it was Britannicus or Nero who acceded to power, his death was certain, but that Claudius had done so well by him that he would lay down his life in his service. 2. Messalina and Silius had been condemned, he said, and there were similar grounds for another accusation should Nero become emperor. If Britannicus were the successor, as emperor he would have nothing to fear.52 But now the whole royal house was being rent asunder by his stepmother’s intrigues, which would be a greater crime than if he had said nothing about the sexual impropriety of the earlier wife. Not that there was even a lack of sexual impropriety now, he added, since she had Pallas as her lover—just so no one could doubt that honor, morals, and her body all meant less to her than supreme power! 3. Uttering these and similar comments, he would embrace Britannicus and pray for him to acquire the strength of age as quickly as possible.53 Let him grow up, he would say, stretching out his hands at one moment to the gods, at another to the boy himself; let him drive off his father’s enemies and even take revenge on his mother’s killers.
Tac. Ann. 12.69.1. Then, in the middle of the day, on October 13, the doors of the palace suddenly opened.54 With Burrus accompanying him, Nero came out to the cohort that, following regular military routine, was on guard duty. There, at the prompting of the commanding officer, he was cheered and placed in a litter. They say that some had hesitated, looking around and asking where Britannicus was, but presently, as no one suggested an alternative, they went along with the choice that was on offer. 2. Nero was carried into the camp, and after a few preliminary words appropriate to the occasion, he promised largesse on the scale of his father’s generous distributions55 and was hailed as emperor.
Nero’s Birthdate
The reconstruction of Nero’s life and reign depends on the correlation of the data provided by the sources, particularly Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio. This process is complicated greatly by the fact that these sources regularly date events by reference to Nero’s age, and while they thus enable us to place those events in a sequence, there is unfortunately no consensus on when Nero was born. This is a very specific problem, and in some ways a minor one, but it does have an impact on many of the questions that arise in Nero’s reign. Also, the evidence for Nero’s birth does manifest many of the characteristics of source problems that typify Nero’s reign in general, and it provides a useful case study for students of the reign.
Accordingly, it will be helpful to set out the evidence provided by each author:
Tacitus
Tac. Ann. 12.41.1 (AD 51). In the consulship of Tiberius Claudius (Claudius’s fifth) and Servius Cornelius, Nero was granted the toga virilis before his time.
Tac. Ann. 12.25.2. Claudius set Domitius [i.e., Nero], who was three years older, ahead of his own son [i.e., Britannicus].
Tac. Ann. 12.58.1. In the consulship of Decimus Junius and Quintus Haterius [=AD 53], Nero, now aged sixteen, married Claudius’s daughter Octavia.
Tac. Ann. 13.6.1–2 (end of AD 54). At the year’s end, there were disturbing rumors of another incursion of the Parthians. … How could an emperor scarcely past seventeen shoulder this burden or stave off the crisis?
Suetonius
Suet. Ner. 6.1. Nero was born at Antium, nine months after Tiberius’s death, on December 15, just as the sun was rising, so that he was touched by its rays almost before he was touched by the earth.
Suet. Ner. 6.2. When Gaius Caesar’s sister asked him [Nero’s father] to give the baby any name he liked, he fixed his eyes on his uncle Claudius (who soon became emperor and by whom Nero was adopted) and said he was giving the child his name [i.e., Claudius].
Suet. Ner. 8.1. He was seventeen when the information about Claudius [i.e., his death] was made public.
Suet. Ner. 57.1. He died in his thirty-second year, on the same date that he had murdered Octavia.
Dio
Dio 61.2.1. When he [i.e., Nero] was born, rays surrounded him just before dawn although they came from no observable sunlight.
Dio 61.3.1. Nero was seventeen when he took power.
Dio 63.29.3 (June 68). Nero had lived thirty years and nine months, and of this had ruled for thirteen years and eight months.
Historia Augusta
SHA: Verus 1.8. Lucius [Verus] was born in Rome during the praetorship of his father on December 15, on the same day as the Nero who became emperor.
It should be noted that, ironically, we at times know the precise day and month of the birth of a member of the imperial family without being certain of the year. This happens because the anniversaries of their birthdays were regularly celebrated and to this end recorded in inscriptions, whereas it was not felt necessary to indicate the individual’s age. In the case of Nero, we are even given the point in the day when the birth occurred. Nero’s birth was a remarkable one, of course, not only for its historical significance but because it was a breech birth that his mother survived (Plin. HN 7.8). The most explicit statement on when it occurred is provided by Suetonius (Ner. 6.1), who informs us that it happened at Antium, just before dawn, nine months after the death of Tiberius (which occurred on March 16, 37), on the eighteenth day prior to the Kalends of January; hence, in our terms, at about 7 AM, December 15, 37. Dio (61.2.1) also records the information that the birth occurred just before dawn. The day is confirmed by the Arval record (Smallwood 16.8, 21.30) and is consistent with the statement in SHA, Verus 1.8, that Lucius Verus was born on December 15, on the same day as Nero. The epigraphic confirmation of the day perhaps adds some credence to Suetonius’s information on the year. Suetonius is indeed supported by Tacitus (Ann. 13.6.2), where concerns are recorded at the end of the first year when Nero came to power (AD 54) that the governing of the state was under the control of a young man hardly past his seventeenth birthday. Moreover, Dio (63.29.3) notes that Nero lived for thirty years and a certain number of months and days. The precise number varies with each epitimator, but all are in harmony with a birth in 37 AD. It is generally believed that Nero died on June 9, on the testimony of Jerome (Chron. p.36) that Nero ruled for thirteen years, seven months, and twenty-eight days.
The preceding information is explicit and generally not inconsistent with what is known of Nero’s birth and later life. But it is contradicted by other references in the very same authors. Suetonius (Ner. 8.1) and Dio (61.3.1) both claim that at the time of Claudius’s death (October 13, 54), Nero was seventeen years old. This would require a birthday in December 36. It is possible that both authors at this point are relying on a source that got the year wrong, being misled by the fact that Claudius’s death happened late in the year. It is also possible that there is a confusion, often found in ancient references to age, between inclusive and exclusive counting, and that the source meant that Nero was in his seventeenth year (but had not reached his seventeenth birthday) in October 54. The year 36 receives some support from the claim in Suetonius (Ner. 57.1) that Nero died in 68 (June) in his thirty-second year (tricensimo et secundo aetatis anno). In other words, he had passed his thirty-first birthday in December 67. Also, Tacitus (Ann. 12.58.1) records the marriage of Nero and Octavia as the earliest event of AD 53 and gives his age as sixteen (sedecim annos natus). It is possible, of course, that Tacitus placed the marriage at the beginning of the year for dramatic effect rather than in its proper chronological sequence. A major objection to the year 36 is that Suetonius (Ner. 6.2) clearly places the birth in the reign of Caligula, which did not begin until 37. Also, Tacitus (Ann. 12.41.1) says that in 51 the toga virilis was conferred on Nero before the normal time. If Nero had been born in 36, he would have reached his fourteenth birthday, the traditional age of manhood, in December of the previous year, AD 50.
There is even some evidence for a birthday in 39. Suetonius (Ner. 7.1) claims that Nero was adopted by Claudius in his eleventh year (undecimo aetatis anno). The adoption is dated to the year 50 by Tacitus (Ann. 12.25.1), and the month and day, February 25, are provided by the Arval record (Smallwood 21.53). Nero would need to have been born in December 39 to be in his eleventh year on February 25, 50. But by December 39, Caligula was out of Rome on his northern campaign, and Nero’s mother, Agrippina, had been sent into exile because of her adulterous and possibly conspiratorial conduct.
A final piece of evidence is the claim by Tacitus (Ann. 12.25.3) that Nero had three years’ seniority over Britannicus. The latter was probably born on February 12, 41, twenty days after Claudius assumed office (Suet. Claud. 27.2), which would accord well with a birth date for Nero in December 37. That date is likely since in early 55 Britannicus is said to be close to completing his fourteenth year. But caution must be applied, since Suetonius says in the same passage that Britannicus was born in Claudius’s second consulship, which fell in 42.
All in all, the year 37 for Nero’s birth seems to have the greatest authority, and that year is assumed tentatively throughout this book. It is to be noted, however, that at times what is relevant is not the true date of birth but the date that the source in question believed was the true date of birth.
1 Tacitus (Ann. 14.22.4) reports under AD 60 that Nero fell seriously ill after bathing in one of the aqueducts, the Aqua Marcia. Later (Ann. 14.47.1), he reports that Nero was seriously ill at the time of the death of the distinguished Publius Memmius Regulus in AD 61; this may or may not be a separate occasion from the Aqua Marcia episode.
2 Dio (63.9.1) refers to Nero having long hair at the time he went on his Greek tour. The Apocolocyntosis (4.1) speaks of Nero’s radiant countenance framed by the flowing locks that encircled his shoulders.
3 We have little information on Nero’s early education. The names of two of his tutors, Anicetus and Beryllus, are known, mainly because they reached high station later (Joseph. Ant. 20.183; Tac. Ann. 14.3.3). They were probably charged with imparting rudimentary skills to the young Nero.
4 Tacitus (Agr. 4.3) reports that Agricola was similarly discouraged by his mother from an excessive interest in philosophy.
5 Tacitus (Ann. 13.2.1) indicates that rhetoric was the main element in Seneca’s curriculum. Suetonius suggests that Nero was directed away from the “early” orators, presumably Cicero and his predecessors and contemporaries, in favor of the more forceful and aggressive style practiced under the principate.
6 Nero’s grandfather, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus (consul 16 BC), married Antonia the Elder, daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, who was the sister of Augustus. His son, Gnaeus Domitius, father of Nero, was born on December 11 (the month and day are attested in the Arval record of AD 57: Smallwood 19.22); Suetonius’s characterization of Gnaeus as “in every aspect of his life thoroughly detestable” serves his agenda of putting Nero’s character faults in an ancestral context. Elsewhere we get an impression of Gnaeus’s lazy insouciance. Seneca the Elder reports that Domitius’s own mother was troubled by his lack of ambition, since his priorities seem to have been to build a baths annex to his house and then start to seek out the company of rhetoricians and spend his time declaiming (Sen. Contr. 9.4.18).
7 Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus married Agrippina in AD 28 and was consul in 32 (unusually, for the whole year, as noted by Dio 58.20.1). The date of the consulship indicates that he would have been too young for service in 1 BC, and Suetonius may have confused Gaius Caesar’s mission with the later one of Germanicus to the East, in AD 17.
8 Gnaeus’s last recorded public service was in AD 36, during Tiberius’s reign, when he served as commissioner to assess fire damage in Rome (Tac. Ann. 6.45.2). Tacitus (Ann. 6.47.2) suggests that in AD 37 he was one of the lovers and collaborators of Albucilla and was accused of maiestas (treason), largely through the machinations of Macro, commander of the praetorian guard. Only Suetonius mentions the charge of incest.
9 The date of his death is uncertain; it probably occurred in late 40 or early 41 AD.
10 In claiming that people born by breech birth were called “Agrippas,” Pliny derives that word from the phrase aegre partus (“born with difficulty”), a fanciful etymology found also in Aulus Gellius (NA. 16.16.1).
11 Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa was a longtime companion of Augustus. They were raised together in Rome, and Agrippa accompanied the future emperor to Apollonia, returning with him to Rome upon the death of Caesar. A number of important commands followed, most notably at Actium. Although there were tensions when Agrippa was passed over in the succession in favor of Augustus’s nephew Marcellus, upon the death of the latter, Agrippa married Augustus’s headstrong daughter Julia. Their children included Gaius and Lucius Caesar, and Agrippina the Elder, the mother of Caligula and grandmother of Nero. Agrippa died in March of 12 BC and was buried in the mausoleum of Augustus (Dio 54.28.5).
12 Pliny refers here to the memoirs of Agrippina the Younger (see Introduction). These memoirs are cited only once more; Tacitus found in them the report that Agrippina the Elder unsuccessfully petitioned Tiberius to allow her to remarry (Tac. Ann. 4.53.2).
13 See the appendix to this chapter, on Nero’s birthdate.
14 On the prophecy, see Tac. Ann. 14.9.3 (Chapter III).
15 The association between Nero and the snakes appears in different versions in Suetonius and Tacitus.
16 Antium (Anzio) was a colony of some antiquity on the coast south of Rome. It was a popular resort for well-to-do Romans, and a particular favorite of the Julio-Claudians. Augustus liked to stay there, and it was almost certainly the birthplace of Caligula, despite Tacitus’s assertion that Caligula was born in a legionary camp (Tac. Ann. 1.41.2; Suet. Cal. 8). Also, Nero’s daughter Claudia Augusta was born there (Tac. Ann. 15.23.1). There are traces of an imperial villa with terraces, known as the “Villa Neroniana,” which underwent major construction by emperors from Augustus to Septimius Severus, including Nero (Blake [1959], 40; Coarelli [1984], 295–96).
On the date of Nero’s birth, see the appendix to this chapter.
17 Nine days after the birth of a boy, a ritual purification was conducted (on the dies lustricus), after which he would be given a name.
18 Suetonius is the only source to recount Caligula’s supposed role in the naming. It must have been Claudius’s cognomen “Nero” that was adopted, since the child was given the paternal family praenomen Lucius. If Caligula did intervene, his suggestion need not have been insulting. Claudius did suffer humiliations in the latter part of Caligula’s reign, but he was treated respectfully at the outset, even holding the consulship in July and August of AD 37.
19 Caligula was co-heir with Nero under Domitius’s will, and hence Domitius must have died before Caligula’s death at the end of January 41. For Nero to have been three at the time of Domitius’s demise, in the most natural meaning of the expression, the death would have to have occurred after December 15, 40 (assuming that Nero was born in 37). This would provide a very narrow range for the death: late December 40–late January 41. It is just possible, however, that when Suetonius called Nero trimulus, it might have meant “in his third year,” which would mean sometime after December 15, 39. The last mention of Domitius is in the attendance lists of the Arvals, of which Domitius was a member, in October 39; he does not appear in the record in 40 (Smallwood 40).
20 Agrippina was banished to the Pontian Islands for her adultery and for her association with a poorly understood conspiracy, or one of two separate conspiracies, involving the commander of the Rhine legions, Gnaeus Lentulus Gaetulicus, and the widower of Agrippina’s sister (and supposedly lover of Agrippina), Marcus Aemilius Lepidus.
The events of 39–40, and particularly the conspiracy or conspiracies in that period, are very confused, but the general narrative of events suggests that Agrippina was banished at some point in the latter part of 39. We do have a fixed chronological point in the Arval record for October 27, 39, where the exposure of the complicity of Gaetulicus (Smallwood 9.19) is noted. For Suetonius’s sequence here to be correct, we must assume that Domitius died in late December 39 and that Agrippina’s banishment followed very quickly (“soon afterward”).
21 After his mother’s banishment, Nero went to the home of his paternal aunt Domitia Lepida (Tac. Ann. 12.64.4). He would have spent less than two years there, since Agrippina was recalled upon Claudius’s accession, presumably early in his reign. Despite Suetonius’s claim of “impoverishment,” Nero could hardly have lived in penury. Domitia Lepida was a well-to-do woman: she had estates in Calabria (see Tac. Ann. 12.65.1) and in the Puteoli area, where she had a warehouse, the horrea Barbatiana (Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum 42.2, 46.5, 79).
22 Agrippina lost her property when she was banished. It was restored upon her recall (Dio 60.4.1), and she also made a very advantageous marriage. Gaius Sallustius Passienus Crispus, a native of Visellium, was a man of considerable learning and wit, and of great wealth, which he acquired from his adoptive father, the great-nephew of the historian Sallust. Passienus held the consulship in 27 and 44 AD and was governor of Asia in 42/43. He was Agrippina’s brother-in-law, first married to Nero’s elder aunt Domitia, whom he divorced to marry Agrippina. He died at some point in the 40s.
23 For a slightly different version of the snake story, see Tac. Ann. 11.11.3.
24 The reference belongs to the year AD 47. The Secular Games, based on a saeculum (probably the idea of the oldest possible life span, fixed conventionally by the Romans at 100), were first celebrated as the Ludi Terentini/ Tarentini in the year 249 BC, in the Tarentum, a religious precinct in the Campus Martius, and a notional hundred years later, in actuality probably 146 BC, to mark Rome’s supposed founding 600 years earlier. The next cycle was neglected, probably because of political turmoil, but Augustus held a celebration in 17 BC, using an Etruscan cycle of 110 years. The ritual program was enhanced by stage competitions and circus games. Applying a cycle of 100 years, Claudius celebrated the games in AD 47, using the Varronian founding date of 753 BC as his starting point. Suetonius (Claud. 21.2) claims that Claudius deviously recalculated the date, even though he believed that the Augustan calculation had been correct.
25 The “Game of Troy” was a complex parade game on horseback for young men of important families, often performed on major occasions from the time of its revival by Sulla, though suspended for a time after Augustus as being dangerous. Its origin is uncertain. Vergil (Aen. 5.548–603) links it to the celebration of the funeral games for the Trojan Anchises, the father of Aeneas, but his account and etymology are not historically based.
26 This is the first mention in the extant Annals of Nero, who had presumably been reunited with Agrippina soon after the accession of Claudius, when she was recalled from the exile imposed by Caligula. Their activities between Agrippina’s recall and the Secular Games in AD 47 are uncertain. This is also the first mention of Claudius’s son Britannicus, but his birth was probably mentioned in the missing portion of the Annals.
27 The story about the protecting snakes might well have been circulated by Agrippina, and the degree to which it could be embellished is illustrated by the report of Suetonius (Nero 6.4) that the snake’s skin was worn by Nero in a golden bracelet.
28 The potency of Germanicus’s name had been largely instrumental in securing the accession of his son Caligula, and to some degree of his brother Claudius, and it was still apparently strong then.
29 Gaius Silius was consul designate for the year 49. After putting aside his wife, Junia Silana, he began a notorious affair with Messalina that supposedly led to their marriage, and certainly to the death of both of them.
30 Junia Silana was the sister-in-law of Caligula (through his first wife, Junia Claudilla). As the enemy of Messalina, she was initially a close friend of Agrippina, but Junia later plotted against Agrippina and was subsequently banished. Junia’s death is recorded by Tacitus (Ann. 14.12.4).
31 Suetonius (Claud. 17) relates the story that Drusus, Claudius’s son by Plautia Urgulanilla, threw a pear in the air and caught it in his mouth, and thereupon choked on it, a few days after he had been betrothed to the daughter of Sejanus and shortly before receiving the toga of manhood.
32 The year is AD 50. The Arval record (Smallwood 21.58) places the adoption on February 25. After the adoption, the formal legal status of Nero would be exactly the same as that of Britannicus, and since he was older, he would naturally have precedence.
33 Pallas was originally a slave of Antonia, supposedly used by her to carry evidence against Sejanus to Tiberius in Capri (Joseph. AJ 18.182). As a freedman, he became influential under Claudius as a rationibus (“in charge of accounts,” Suet. Claud. 28). Here we find him as the promoter of Agrippina’s marriage to Claudius and of the adoption of Nero by the emperor. He was honored by the Senate with a major financial award and the ornamenta praetoria (Plin. Ep. 7.29.2; Tac. Ann. 12.53.2). He was killed in AD 62 because of his wealth (Tac. Ann. 14.65.1).
34 Augustus had used Tiberius and his brother Drusus as lieutenants while his grandsons (and adopted sons) Gaius and Lucius Caesar were young. Before his own adoption by Augustus in AD 4, Tiberius adopted his nephew Germanicus, even though he had a grown natural son, Drusus. Of course, Tiberius probably had little choice in the matter.
35 On the relative ages of Nero and Britannicus, see the appendix to this chapter.
36 A distinction is made with the plebeian Claudii Marcelli. Attus Clausus (Appius Claudius Sabinus Inregillensis) was in 500 BC the founder of the gens Claudia in Rome (Livy 2.16.4). See Chapter II, n.57.
37 Domitius’s father was dead, and Domitius was consequently sui iuris (not subject to the jurisdiction of a third party); hence a formal law was needed for the adoption (arrogatio). An investigation would be carried out by the pontiffs, and upon completion the adoption would be confirmed in the presence of the pontiffs by a lex curiata (a law enacted in the appropriate assembly, the comitia curiata).
38 The conferring of this title was a conspicuous honor. Agrippina was the first woman so distinguished while her husband was still alive. Livia, and possibly Antonia, had received the title during their own lifetimes. Interestingly, Claudius refused the same title for Messalina.
39 Little is known of the early life and career of Annaeus Seneca before he became the tutor of Nero in 49. He was born in Cordoba, the capital of the province of Hispania Baetica, the son of Seneca the Elder, about the beginning of the century. A somewhat sickly child, for much of his early life he lived in Rome, where he was raised by an aunt. In the early 30s, he visited Egypt when his aunt’s husband was appointed prefect, and, with her help, he was able to achieve a quaestorship, probably under Tiberius, and was launched into a legal career. He had an ambivalent relationship with Caligula, and there were suggestions of literary rivalry between the two (Suet. Cal. 53.2; Dio 59.19.7–8). Early in Claudius’s reign, he was caught up in the machinations of Messalina and exiled to Corsica on the grounds of adultery with Julia Livilla, Agrippina’s sister, spending over seven years there (Sen. Helv. 19.2.4–7; Dio 60.8.5, 61.10.1). He was restored from his exile through the pressures of Agrippina (Tac. Ann. 12.8.3) and was appointed Nero’s tutor. He became deeply involved in politics after this point, initially as an ally of Agrippina and later as a rival. He had a close relationship with Nero, but the bond weakened after the death of Burrus, and he eventually became estranged from the emperor and died as a consequence of the Pisonian conspiracy (see Chapter VIII). He was a celebrated literary figure, very fashionable in his own day, known for his philosophical and scientific essays, his letters, and his tragedies (perhaps recited rather than performed).
40 Suetonius seeks to exonerate Britannicus by suggesting that the form of greeting came from force of habit. But Nero was adopted in 50, and the incident of the name is placed by Tacitus in 51 (Tac. Ann. 12.41.3), so there had been ample time for Britannicus to familiarize himself with the correct appellation. The point of the insult is that by addressing Nero by his old family name, which would have been legally given up when he entered the Claudian family, Britannicus ignored his adoption.
41 Only Suetonius claims that Nero actually testified against Lepida.
42 Sosibius was instrumental in bringing down the powerful Valerius Asiaticus, and was rewarded, on the instigation of Vitellius, with one million sestertii (Tac. Ann. 11.1.1, 4.3). He would presumably have had a role in bringing up Titus, who was raised in court alongside Britannicus (Suet. Tit. 2).
43 At around the age of fourteen (the precise age could vary considerably), the Roman boy underwent the formal ceremony of manhood, exchanging his purple-edged toga (toga praetexta) for the plain white one, the “toga of manhood” (toga virilis). The year is AD 51. Nero had passed his thirteenth birthday. His relatively early ceremony was paralleled later in the cases of Domitian and Commodus.
44 Gaius and Lucius Caesar had received a similar privilege of advanced designation for the consulship. Private citizens could hold the consulship at thirty-two if they were nobiles, but children of the imperial family did so at an earlier age. Germanicus held the consulship at twenty-seven.
45 Proconsular imperium had been exercised outside the city and was now exercised by the princeps within the city, too. Thus, Nero was given this privilege, but it did not of course equate him with the princeps.
46 During the republic, the expression principes iuventutis (“Princes of the Youth”) was used in the patrician cavalry, in which members served only when they were young. By the late republic, the term was found also in the singular. With the establishment of the principate, “princeps” became exclusively associated with Augustus, who took over the phrase princeps iuventutis essentially to designate his successors. After they assumed the toga virilis, Gaius and Lucius Caesar were both acclaimed principes iuventutis (Augustus RG 14.4–5).
47 During the republic, the vesta triumphalis was the accoutrement not only of those awarded a triumph but also of senior magistrates on important occasions; it was later worn also by the emperor. Caesar was entitled to it at public events, and it was used by Caligula at the dedication of a temple and by Nero in receiving Tiridates (Dio 44.4.2, 6.1; 59.7.1; 63.3.3). In Nero’s case, the privilege derived presumably from his proconsular imperium.
48 It was possible for Roman soldiers to move back and forth between service in the legions and in the praetorian guard. Service in the latter would provide an excellent base from which to move into a higher legionary rank. Agrippina had already secured the praetorian command for her loyal supporter Burrus, and replacement of the middle ranks proved to be a shrewd maneuver, since the guard would remain loyal to her and later refuse to take part in her murder (see Chapter III).
49 See Suetonius for an account of the same incident.
50 The year is AD 53. Domitia Lepida was the cousin of Agrippina (Nero’s mother) and the daughter of Antonia, herself the daughter of Mark Antony and Augustus’s sister Octavia. Lepida was thus the great-niece of Augustus, although Tacitus makes a slight error in that she was in fact the daughter of the elder, not the younger, Antonia. She was the sister of Nero’s father, Domitius. Her first husband was Valerius Messala Barbatus, and by him she bore Messalina, the wife of Claudius; her second husband was Faustus Cornelius Sulla, and her third, Gaius Appius Junius Silanus, was executed in AD 42, probably at the instigation of her daughter Messalina. Lepida had taken in Nero at the age of three, after the death of his father and the exile of Agrippina (see Suetonius).
51 Narcissus was probably the most powerful of the freedmen (former slaves who had attained their freedom) of Claudius, under whom he held the office of ab epistulis (in charge of correspondence). He was entrusted with important tasks, such as when he was dispatched to Boulogne to quell an incipient mutiny in AD 43 on the eve of an invasion of Britain (Dio 60.19.2–3). He played a key role in the death of Messalina when it was discovered that she had gone through a form of marriage with Gaius Silius, and he supposedly held a brief command over the praetorian guard during the crisis. He was despised by Agrippina (he had supported a rival as Claudius’s next wife after Messalina’s fall). Narcissus was in Sinuessa seeking a cure for his gout when Claudius died. He was imprisoned shortly afterward and then executed.
52 The meaning of this passage is far from clear, and the translation is based on the following interpretation of Woodman (2004), 243, n.91: If Nero came to power, Narcissus would have the same grounds for accusing Agrippina as he had for accusing Messalina, namely, ambition for power, and would accordingly have to be silenced by Agrippina. If Britannicus succeeded, he, as the new emperor, would owe nothing to Narcissus and might put him to death as the man who brought about his mother Messalina’s death.
53 In Suetonius (Claud. 43), it is Claudius who makes the belated display of affection to Britannicus. Tacitus might have preferred a version that showed a freedman, rather than Claudius, playing the active role.
54 Suetonius (Ner. 8) gives the exact time, between the sixth and the seventh hour. The attendance of the praetorian cohort, along with the commander Burrus, would be a clear sign that Nero was the new princeps. Any lingering support for Britannicus was clearly muted.
55 Claudius had promised each praetorian 15,000 sestertii.
