Forty-five minutes had passed. From 10:15 P.M.—when it happened—until 11 P.M. nothing had been done. Official Washington was in a state of inert panic. The responsible men of government were much more concerned with preventing additional assassinations than they were with hunting and apprehending the perpetrators of the old ones. General Christopher C. Augur, in command of all the troops in the District, had sent mounted patrols out, but they were running helter-skelter. No one had sealed off the bridges and roads leading out of Washington. No one, in spite of the fact that John Wilkes Booth had been identified by dozens of persons in the theater as the murderer, sent a policeman to his room at the National Hotel.
Augur was willing to move, but he was afraid to do anything without instructions from Secretary Stanton. And the Secretary of War, for the moment, was frozen with fright. In his mind, he had the fixed notion that the South was making a last desperate bid for victory by instituting terror in the capital of the North. He saw this thing, not as the product of a pathetic band of four men, but as a broad Confederate plot which had only begun to unfold. In the light of his experience, Stanton was eminently justified. His department had contended, throughout the war, with real plots—high-level Confederate plots, if you please—and these included the Sons of Liberty in the Midwest, the attempt to burn New York City, the raid on St. Albans, Vermont. The mind of the Secretary of War had been conditioned to accept the fantastic in plots.
The man who moved first was Major A. C. Richards, Superintendent of the metropolitan Washington police. He had been in the audience at Ford’s Theatre, an austere cop of military bearing, and he had seen and identified Booth as the man who had jumped from the President’s Box. The major had left the theater, tried to locate the guard John F. Parker (who could not have been assigned to the White House without Richards’s assent) and, not finding him, hurried back to police headquarters. He assembled the night detective squad, told them what had happened, and ordered them out at once to locate and bring in witnesses to the assassination. He reminded them that the Federal authorities would also be out on the same mission and, as the Federals took precedence over the locals, not to interfere with Augur’s men. His next step was to send a message to Augur, explaining what his men were doing, and assuring the general that any witnesses at police headquarters who had any pertinent information would be sent on, at once, to Augur himself. There is nothing to show that Richards told Augur that he recognized the actor, Booth, as the assassin, but, on the other hand, it is not possible that Richards would have withheld the identity of the self-advertised killer of the century. Then too, the name of Booth could hardly have been news to Augur, because that was the only name being bandied on the streets.
At Rullman’s Hotel, 456 Pennsylvania Avenue, the gaiety at the bar was silenced. Bartender John R. Giles had just announced the news. Most of the drinkers left at once. Over in a corner, at a table, Mike O’Laughlin and his three companions from Baltimore shook their heads in a drunken daze. Three of them could not believe the news. Mike could. And he could even guess the name of the assassin.
Surgeon General Joseph K. Barnes examined the injured at the Seward home. He bound the secretary’s wounds and said that there was “severe loss of blood, and shock. If the patient recovers from the shock, he will probably live.” He examined Frederick Seward and found a “double fracture of the cranium, profuse bleeding, no pulse, inability to speak.” Frederick, he thought, might die.
At Ford’s Theatre, William T. Kent talked his way back into the President’s Box. He told the officer in charge that he was the one who had given a penknife to Surgeon Leale and, when he got home, he found that he had lost his house key. He was searching the box when his foot kicked against something loose and he picked it up.
“I have found the pistol!” said Kent.
A man came into the box, introduced himself as Mr. Gobright of the Associated Press, and said that he would give it to the police. Mr. Kent gave him the gun.
A few minutes before this, the police had been clearing the theater of curiosity seekers, yelling “All out! All out!” when Isaac Jaquette hurried out of Box 7 and, in the corridor, tripped over the wooden bar which had been used to hold the white door closed. Jaquette got out of the theater with it, took it home to his boardinghouse, and pointed to the drying blood on the bar. A Union officer asked for a piece of the bar as a souvenir, and Jaquette got a saw and cut it off. The officer studied the piece of wood, looked at the blood, and said that he did not want it.
The blood was not Lincoln’s. It was Major Rathbone’s.
The major, who sat in the Petersen parlor with Mrs. Lincoln and Robert, and the Misses Harris and Laura Keene, suddenly fell unconscious from loss of blood and was taken home. For the rest of the night, Robert either sat with his mother, or stood behind the head of the bed looking down at his father’s face. The narrow hall was heavy with the tramp of boots, inbound and out, and from out in the street the roars of the crowds could be heard and the cursing of cavalry officers who rode through the people trying to clear the street.
In the dimness of the parlor, Mrs. Lincoln sat staring at the ruddy coals in the grate across the room. She said little. Now and then, she looked for assurance to the two women who flanked her. But, when the assurance had been given and received, men walked in and gravely offered their condolences, as though the President was already dead. This led to wild outbursts of grief, and repeated requests to “take me inside to my husband.” When she got in the small bedroom, she looked, screamed, and fainted. The Rev. Dr. Phineas Gurley, with muttonchop whiskers quivering, uttered words of encouragement which he did not feel. Each time that Mrs. Lincoln made the trip to the sickroom, the doctors were warned ahead of time and placed fresh napkins under the President’s head. Once, she stood looking down at him, supported on both sides, and the tears had made dry furrows in her face powder.
“Live!” she cried. “You must live!” She turned to the doctors. “Bring Tad. He will speak to Tad. He loves him so.”
Back in the parlor, she sat looking at the coals, and she spoke aloud to herself: “Why did he not shoot me instead of my husband? I have tried to be so careful of him, fearing something would happen, and his life seemed to be more precious now than ever.” Her tone changed and she spoke imperiously: “I must go with him!” Then silence and a loud demand: “How can it be so!” Robert crouched before her, rubbing her hand in his and murmuring: “Mother, please put your trust in God and all will be well.”
Dr. Robert King Stone, the Lincoln family physician, arrived. He was a tall man in a stovepipe hat and he removed his gloves and coat while looking at the President and listening to the doctors tell of their findings. He asked for a basin of warm water and washed his hands. Then, sitting on the bed facing Lincoln, he lifted the head with his left hand around the neck and stuck the small finger of his right hand into the bullet hole. He probed a moment, withdrew the finger, studied the eyes now bloodshot, and pinched the cheek lightly.
“This case,” he said, “is hopeless. The President will die. There is no positive limit to the duration of his life; he is tenacious and he will resist.” He arose and walked back to the basin. “But death will close the scene,” he said.
Technically, Leale was still in charge of the case and, when Dr. Charles Sabin Taft returned to the bedroom and asked permission to give a mixture of brandy and water to the patient, Leale said no. It might induce strangulation. Doctors Stone and Barnes were in the back parlor, and Taft went to them to get an opinion. He came back and said that it was their opinion that it might help the patient.
“I will grant the request,” said Leale, “if you will please at first try by pouring only a very small quantity into the President’s mouth.”
Taft measured off about a third of a teaspoonful and parted the patient’s lips and watched the liquid run into the mouth. The President did not swallow. At once there was a laryngeal obstruction and partial suffocation. Leale pushed Dr. Taft aside, opened the mouth and pushed his hand down as far as it would go and pulled at the base of the tongue. In thirty seconds, breathing resumed.
The doctors held a conference in the bedroom and they agreed that Surgeon General Barnes should take charge of the case. All decisions would be in his hands. Young Doctor Leale, dark, handsome, still youthful enough to have more heart than head, decided to sit with Mr. Lincoln until the end, and to render whatever help he might. As the doctors talked, Leale wrote a note: “Left side of patient’s face begins to twitch. The mouth is pulled sharply to left in a jeer. After 15 minutes, it stops.” Another young and bright man, Corporal Tanner, reached home to find that his room, and his tiny balcony, situated next door to the Petersen house, were jammed with boarders. He had no privacy in his quarters, and no one seemed disposed to leave. So he accepted the situation with grace, and fought his way out on his balcony to look at the roaring black mass of humanity below.
He had just achieved a front-row view when the crowd hushed. Next door, General Augur had come out on the brownstone stoop and was waving his hands for quiet.
“Is there someone,” the general hollered, “who knows shorthand?”
Albert Daggett, a postal card contractor, was standing beside Tanner and he cupped his hands and yelled down: “There is. He lives here.”
The general looked up, and said: “Well, then. Send him down.”
Tanner fought his way off the porch and shouldered his way through his room. He picked up two pencils and a fat pad, put on his uniform cap, and squeezed through the mob outdoors with the help of soldiers. At the Petersen home, he was conducted to the rear parlor, passing the patient en route. He recognized Mr. Stanton and Chief Justice Cartter, both sitting at a small library table. General Augur said that this soldier could take shorthand, and Stanton nodded and Tanner took a seat at a small round marble-topped table. Augur told Tanner that the other people in the room were witnesses, and that more were in the hall, but that the taking of their testimony in longhand had proved impossible.
The man they wanted was riding his mare up Good Hope Hill on the Maryland shore. At the top of the hill, Mr. Polk Gardner, coming into Washington City and not at all sure that he would be permitted to cross the bridge, stopped his horse. In the clear, low moonlight, Gardner saw a rider coming uphill. What interested him was that the rider was trying to prod the horse into running up the grade, and the horse would race a hundred feet, and lapse into a walk. The rider spurred the animal again. And again.
When he came abreast of Mr. Gardner, he stopped and said: “Good evening. Can you tell me if a horseman passed ahead of me?”
Gardner said no, that he had been on the road an hour, and had seen no one riding away from Washington City.
“Does not the road to Marlboro turn to the right a ways down here?”
“No,” said Gardner. “You keep to the straight road.”
“Thank you.” Booth pounded off into the darkness. He now knew that neither Paine, nor Atzerodt, nor Herold had got out of Washington before him. He also knew that, if he was being pursued, any information Mr. Gardner might give would send the Federal patrols running off in the direction of Marlboro, instead of toward Surrattsville.
Polk Gardner barely got down Good Hope Hill when he saw a second rider. A teamster with a load of vegetables for Washington drove a little ahead of Gardner and the second rider stopped and spoke to this man. Gardner did not hear the words but, in a moment, the second rider was off, less than half a mile behind the first.
Booth pressed on until he heard hoofbeats behind him. He moved the mare into a stand of trees and waited. The rider went by and Booth came out yelling “Halt!” It was David Herold, and for the rest of the ride into Surrattsville the two had a lot to tell each other. The actor was certain that he had killed Lincoln instantaneously, with the laughter of hundreds ringing in his ears.
He was not so certain about his leg—it was either a bad sprain or a break. He hoped that it was a sprain. Herold said that he was sure that Paine had killed the Secretary of State because he was waiting below when a colored boy came running out yelling murder, and, with Augur’s men only a few doors away, Herold couldn’t afford to wait any longer. If the conspirators had lost any men, they would be Paine and Atzerodt.
The chief conspirator was now in bad and steady pain and he asked Herold to switch mounts with him. The mare had a bouncy walk and a rocking-horse trot. They switched, and continued on their way. The road was straight now and it fell away into a small valley. At the bottom, it was chill enough to see the horses’ breaths. They talked of the guns and whiskey and Surrattsville and they talked of using a ferry north of Port Tobacco in case Atzerodt did not escape alive. But most of all, they talked of how they had crippled the North, when all was almost lost. Booth regarded himself as a modest hero, one who would never be boastful but one who, at the same time, expected that every loyal Southerner would be eternally grateful to him. In this, too, he was sincere.
For the next eight hours, the United States was run by a dictator. In the back parlor of Petersen House, and, at times, in the sitting room behind the front parlor, Edwin McMasters Stanton sat with the country under his thumb. And he had the dictator’s gift for quick, and sometimes erroneous, decisions. In all, he did as well as anyone could have—perhaps better.
He convened a special court of inquiry, with Justice Cartter administering the oath to witnesses, and Stanton doing the questioning and Corporal James Tanner taking the testimony. Generals and senior officers were his messengers. The Cabinet members either took orders or remained silent. The steady stream of witnesses to the crime almost matched the steady stream of soldiers coming and going. When Stanton moved, he moved fast.
He ordered guards placed around the homes of all Cabinet members and ranking officials. He ordered the confiscation of Ford’s Theatre and the arrest of “every human being” in its service. He sent an officer to William Dixon, Chief Engineer of the Washington Fire Brigade, ordering that all engines and apparatus be kept in a state of readiness because Stanton expected mass arson after mass killing.
Mr. Stanton announced to General Augur that this plot had a broad base—that the actual assassins were hirelings of the Confederacy—and that hundreds of terrorists were in Washington City this night. He wanted 150 policemen, 500 military policemen, the United States Secret Service, the spies of the Bureau of Military Justice, and the 8,000 soldiers in encampments in and around Washington to be ordered out at once to seek out and arrest these terrorists. It did not occur to Stanton or Augur that these soldiers, at large with visions of rapid promotion and high cash rewards, could open a reign of terror in the city.
The Secretary of War, his vest open, peering over the tops of his glasses, sat in a corner of the room farthest from the door. When he used the sitting room near the front of the house, the folding doors between it and the front parlor were pulled together, but the angry voices of Stanton and Cartter could be heard by Mrs. Lincoln and by Robert. Two soldiers stood outside the door with bayoneted rifles.
The witnesses were terrified and many who had come into the dark hall sure of the facts answered whisperingly that they did not remember. Top-hatted statesmen brushed by the witnesses en route to the little bedroom, or en route home. Generals and admirals joined the shuffling queue. Stanton was busy and Stanton was impatient. He fired questions, listened to stammering answers, asked more questions, wrote telegrams, denied requests, ordered arrests, paced the floor, stroked his perfumed beard and brusquely ordered citizens to leave at once.
Some, in good faith, gave poor answers. Lieutenant Crawford, who had sat on the aisle in Row D with Captain Theodore McGowan, said that a man passed them twenty minutes before “this” occurred. McGowan said: “Sir, I remember that a man passed me and inquired of one sitting near who the President’s messenger was, and learning, exhibited to him an envelope, apparently official, having a printed heading and superinscribed in a bold hand. I could not read the address and did not try. I think now it was meant for Lieutenant General Grant. The man went away.”
And Clara Harris, weeping, said: “Nearly one hour before the commission of the deed the assassin came to the door of the box and looked in to take a survey of the position of its occupants. It was supposed at the time that it was either a mistake or the exercise of an impertinent curiosity. The circumstances attracted no particular attention at the time. Upon his entering the box again, Major Rathbone arose and asked the intruder his business. He rushed past the major without making a reply, and fired. . . .”
Like scores of others, Harry Hawk said: “I believe to the best of my knowledge that it was John Wilkes Booth.” Then, like many others, he was shaken by the enormity of the crime and he said: “Still, I am not positive that it was him. I only had one glance at him as he was rushing towards me with a dagger and I turned and ran and after I ran up a flight of stairs, I turned and exclaimed: ‘My God! That’s John Booth!’ In my own mind, I do not have any doubt but that it was Booth.”
Harry Phillips, who was to have sung “Honor to Our Soldiers” in the late intermission, was outside his dressing room when he heard the shot. He told Mr. Stanton and Justice Cartter that he ran downstairs in his shirtsleeves, heard actors and stagehands saying that Mr. Lincoln had been shot and that it was John Wilkes Booth who had shot him. “Are you certain it was Wilkes Booth?” he had asked Harry Hawk. And Hawk had said to him: “I could say it if I was on my deathbed.”
The parade of witnesses all said “Booth.” Ferguson, who took the little girl home, stopped at the D Street precinct to tell the police that he saw Booth go into the box, heard the shot, and saw Booth leap out of the box. Then he took his place in line to tell Stanton and Cartter and Augur the same thing.
“In fifteen minutes,” said Corporal Tanner, “I had testimony enough to hang Wilkes Booth higher than ever Haman hung.”
At police headquarters, Superintendent Richards interrogated seventeen witnesses. The blotter noted:
At this hour the melancholy intelligence of the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, President of the United States, at Ford’s Theatre was brought to this office, and the information obtained from the following persons goes to show that the assassin is a man named John Wilkes Booth:
E. D. Wray, Surgeon General’s Office
J. S. Knox, 25 Indiana Avenue
Joseph B. Stewart, 349 K Street
Capt. G. S. Shaw, General Augur’s Staff
C. W. Gilbert, 92 and 94 Louisiana Avenue
James B. Cutler, New Jersey Avenue
Jacob G. Larner, 441 F Street
James Maddox, Ford’s Theatre
Anthony Lully, 406 K St. between 9 and 10
W. S. Burch, 333 F Street
John Deveny (an ex-Army officer)
Harry Hawk (the actor who was on the stage when the assassination occurred)
John Fletcher, 299 E. St. (Naylor’s stables)
Andrew C. Mainwaring, Soldier’s Home
William Brown—
John Gratton, Record Hospital
J. L. Deboney—Ford’s Theatre—boards next door to
Callan’s Drug Store
No word went out from Petersen House to apprehend Booth. Many fine literary minds have read into this an assent to the assassination on the part of War Secretary Stanton. There is no evidence in any record to support this. The opposite is true. Stanton felt stronger than the President and felt protective toward his person. He had seen Lincoln grow from a despised, unwanted figure to that of an almost sanctified statesman. Now, when his fears had been realized, when he saw the results of withholding the services of a man like Eckert through a lie, when he stood beside two beds and looked down at Seward and at Lincoln, his mind refused to accept the fact that the majesty of the United States Government had been affronted by one man, an actor. To him, Booth was small game. Stanton’s function, as he saw it, was to stop the pending assassinations rather than to apprehend the perpetrators of the Lincoln shooting.
In support of his stand of a widespread plot, the commercial telegraph system went dead at 10:30 P.M. that night. Major Eckert and his chief visualized this as isolating Washington City from the rest of the North. To achieve it, both agreed that a large band of men must be working together because many wires would have to be cut simultaneously. At the same time, Eckert decided that his U.S. Army wires must have been tapped, and so, when Stanton wanted to send a message to a garrison in the District of Columbia, Eckert dispatched it all the way to Old Point, Virginia, with a request that it be relayed back to the proper garrison in Washington. In effect, Mr. Stanton was at pains to outwit men who did not exist.
At 11:45 P.M. the first order to apprehend went out from Augur. This was ninety minutes after the shooting, and Booth’s name was not mentioned.
Colonel Nichols:
I have sent to arrest all persons attempting to leave the city by all approaches. Have telegraphed to troops on the upper Potomac to arrest all suspicious persons—also to Gnl. Slough at Alexandria and Gnl. Morris at Baltimore—All our own police and detectives are out. No clew has yet been found by which I can judge what further steps to take. Can you suggest any?
Respectfully
C. C. Augur.
Colonel Thompson, at Darnestown, was ordered by Stanton to have his men patrol the area north of Washington City. THE ASSASSINS ARE SUPPOSED TO HAVE ESCAPED TOWARD MARYLAND, he wired. The secretary meant Montgomery and Anne Arundel counties to the north and east. Although Augur was beside him most of the night, Stanton sent a message to him too, ordering that no person suspicious or unknown be permitted to leave Washington City this night.
Just before midnight, Mr. Stanton further dissipated the Federal efforts when he sent another message to General Slough in Alexandria: IT IS NOT KNOWN IN WHICH DIRECTION THE ASSASSIN HAS ESCAPED.
At Fairfax Courthouse, General Gamble had eight hundred men on the roads between his headquarters and Leesburg. A message, directed to him via Major Waite, said: ORDER GENERAL GAMBLE TO ALLOW NO ONE TO PASS HIS LINES. TO ARREST EVERYONE WHO ATTEMPTS. STANTON.
Alarms went out to Winchester, Harper’s Ferry, Cumberland, Baltimore, Annapolis, Acquia Creek, Relay House, almost everywhere except on the fat foot of Maryland which lies between the Potomac and the Patuxent. And that’s where Booth was.
The hysteria was contagious and the generals and colonels were apprehending and arresting without reason. General Morris wired Stanton from Baltimore: THE MOST VIGOROUS MEASURES WILL BE TAKEN. EVERY AVENUE IS GUARDED. NO TRAINS OR BOATS WILL BE PERMITTED TO LEAVE THIS DEPARTMENT FOR THE PRESENT. In reply, Stanton had to order the general to permit three trains, laden with food for Washington City, to proceed out of Baltimore.
Perhaps the first official word regarding Booth was contained in a message written in longhand by General Augur and sent to Colonel Gile, Commander, Reserve Corps, Washington:
The Major-General commanding directs that you detail a commissioned officer and ten enlisted men to accompany train which leaves this city for Baltimore April 15. Shortly after leaving the city, the officer in charge will search every car in the train and arrest, if found, J. Wilkes Booth and other parties whom you may deem it for the interest of the service to apprehend. At each stopping place or station this search will be made. The party will in each case return to Washington by the train leaving Baltimore first after its arrival there, and carry out the same instructions on the return trip.
Mr. Stanton persuaded Mr. Welles to issue like instructions to the navy. Steamers were ordered to patrol up and down the Potomac, looking for fugitives close to shore. Down at the mouth of the river, Commander Parker at Saint Inigoes was ordered to bottle up the river. Point Lookout was ordered to stop any and all vessels proceeding south on the Potomac and to hold all persons aboard until further orders.
Every avenue of escape out of Washington was closed except the Navy Yard Bridge leading to southern Maryland, and no orders were issued about that one because, for a long time past, it had been closed every night at 9, and the attacks did not occur until 10:15. No one could have left the city that way.
At 11:55 P.M. Sergeant Silas Cobb, in charge of the bridge detail, was surprised to find that his night relief man was early. They swapped news and the relief sergeant said that he had nothing to tell because, until a few minutes ago, he had been sleeping in barracks. Cobb said that matters were quiet on the bridge. A few Marylanders, after a night of fun in Washington City, had been permitted to cross. That was all.
Sergeant Cobb went to bed.
At the commercial telegraph office, Mr. Dwight Hess, manager of Grover’s Theatre, left a telegram to be sent to Mr. Grover in New York when service was resumed:
PRESIDENT LINCOLN SHOT TONIGHT IN FORD’S
THEATRE. THANK GOD IT WASN’T OURS.