High Times magazine, August 2001 issue, Vol. No. 313 - Headline; “The Ghost of Danny Casolaro,” by Cheri Seymour. (Copyright, High Times, 2001). Reprinted below in its entirety [with updates]:
Danny Casolaro, a Washington D.C. investigative journalist, dubbed his probe of organized crime, drug trafficking, money laundering, pirated software and other nefarious activities “The Octopus.” Just prior to his death on August 10, 1991, Casolaro ecstatically told friends he would be traveling to Martinsburg, Va. to bring back the head of the Octopus. Instead, his body was found in a blood filled bathtub at a Martinsburg hotel, his wrists slashed deeply ten or twelve times. No papers were found in his hotel room or in his car, though he was known to cart an accordian file folder everywhere he went. The room was cleaned and his body was embalmed before relatives were notified; authorities had assumed it was a suicide.
Danny’s brother, Dr. Anthony Casolaro, publicly stated his disbelief that his high spirited, gregarious brother could have committed suicide. Danny was so afraid of blood, he said, that he refused to allow samples to be drawn for medical purposes, and would never have chosen to slash his veins a dozen times. Moreover, Danny had a life filled with friends and a close-knit Italian Catholic family. He was known in private circles as an upbeat, golden-haired, Gatsby-esque romantic who loved to quote poetry, raised Arabian horses, and was adored by women.
Friends later told investigators, and Casolaro’s notes at home confirmed that he had traced the tentacles of his Octopus back to a CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] ‘Old Boy’ network that had begun working together in the 1950’s around the Albania covert operations. Reportedly these men had gotten into the arms and drug trade back then and had continued in that business ever since.
Ten years later, Casolaro’s Octopus is a visible reality. He was the first investigator to put the pieces of the puzzle together, but others followed in his wake. Most recently, Sean McDade, a national security investigator from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police [RCMP] secretly entered the U.S. in February 2000 to investigate evidence that the Canadian government was using a computer software program called PROMIS which allowed the U.S. to eavesdrop on Canadian intelligence secrets through a modified “back-door.”
The software in question was a revolutionary case management system developed in the early 1980’s by Inslaw Corporation for use by the U.S. Department of Justice. According to Bill and Nancy Hamilton, owners of Inslaw, a version of the PROMIS software was pirated and sold to Canada. Canadian authorities denied this, but never actually investigated the Hamiltons’ claim --- until last year when RCMP found an invoice for the purchase of PROMIS from Strategic Software Planning in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
RCMP investigator Sean McDade, 33, soon arrived in the U.S. to conduct a classified investigation code-named Project Abbreviation. The RCMP probe resembled a James Bond novel; McDade’s e-mail handle was simorp, that’s PROMIS spelled backwards. In his briefcase was a bound printout of this writer’s manuscript taken off the Internet entitled, The Last Circle, which basically outlined Casolaro’s findings, the people he interviewed, and the investigators who wrestled with the many tentacles of the Octopus.
In Southern California on February 19th, 2000, at this author’s home, the stalwart, soft-spoken Mountie explained that high-ranking Canadian officials may have unlawfully purchased the PROMIS software from officials in the Reagan-Bush administration. RCMP had reportedly traced some banking transactions that supported this claim. If his investigation was successful, he said, “it could cause the entire U.S. Republican Party to be dismantled and more than one presidential administration would be exposed for their knowledge of the [PROMIS] software transaction.”
Sue Todd, an attractive, petite Police Detective from Hercules, California, had accompanied McDade to the meeting. Their demeanor was serious and both were armed with 9mm police guns bulging under their jackets. Todd explained they had hooked up in early January when they discovered they shared the same “source.” Todd had been investigating a three-year-old double homicide, which coincidentally had occurred on February 19, 1997, and had reason to believe her case was connected to the PROMIS case. Also present at the meeting was an impartial observer invited by this writer.
With full British decorum, in the straight-forward manner that became characteristic of the big Mountie, McDade made it clear his investigation was authorized at the highest level of RCMP, and well funded. He was deeply committed to ascertaining whether the Canadian government’s computer system had been compromised, and if indeed it contained a “back door.”
He said a meeting had been held in December 1999 at the Los Alamos facility in New Mexico which was attended by the heads of the intelligence divisions of the U.S. [CIA], Britain [MI6], Israel [Mossad], and CSIS [Canadian Security Intelligence Service] relative to questions about upcoming Y2K computer problems. The topic of discussion was labeled “Unique Elements.” The meeting had been called after a glitch was found in the British computer system which caused the loss of six months of “historical case data.”
A source who attended the Los Alamos meeting had suggested to McDade that it appeared all four allied countries shared the same computer system, possibly PROMIS, presumably because PROMIS was the only system developed years ago which could be mutually integrated by these allies. McDade had been told by another source that the Israeli Mossad may have modified the PROMIS software so it became a “two way” backdoor, thus allowing the Israelis access to top U.S. weapons secrets at Los Alamos and other installations. He hinted that the Israelis may now possess all the nuclear secrets of the United States. This was four months before Associated Press reported in June that hard drives and discs containing nuclear secrets were discovered missing at Los Alamos.
For three days McDade xeroxed thousands of supporting documents to The Last Circle, then returned to RCMP headquarters in Ottawa to set up a “war room.” It was here that the RCMP probe morphed into an eight-month saga of interviews with former investigators, witnesses, undercover-informants and law enforcement people across the U.S.
With the assistance of Detective Sue Todd and others, McDade learned that his U.S. predecessors had found themselves on a collision course with the Justice Department when their investigation of PROMIS inevitably led to drugs and money laundering. Some investigators were fired, some suspended, others quit their jobs when they were directed by the DOJ to shut down.
The proportions of the cover-up are astounding by today’s standards. Investigators from the FBI, U.S. Customs, Judiciary Committee, police, and even the Royal Canadian Mounted Police [RCMP] still fear punitive action if they come forward, despite the fact that many of them are now employed in the private sector.
Nevertheless, they all left an investigative trail, whether by design or accident. Danny Casolaro’s tragic death essentially opened a Pandora’s Box which the DOJ was never able to close. During the last week of his life, Danny had discovered a connection between Mike Abbell, a former director of international affairs for the Justice Department, the Cali Drug Cartel, and Robert Booth Nichols, an international intelligence operative whom he had been interviewing extensively for months. Danny’s last phone bills indicated he’d spent hundreds of hours on the phone with Nichols, most of the calls averaged one to two hours. This in effect, was one tentacle of the Octopus.
Danny had confronted Nichols about Mike Abbell and the Cali Cartel while staying in Martinsburg. It was the last conversation Danny ever had with Nichols, and with Bob Bickel, a friend whom Danny confided in. Bickel subsequently confirmed the conversation, but for reasons unknown, the Abbell - Cali Cartel connection was never published in any of the official investigative reports on Danny’s death. These included the DOJ report of September 27, 1994.
In fact, a note handwritten by Danny four days before his death, found by relatives, read as follows: “Bill Hamilton - August 6. MR … also brought up ‘Gilberto.’” Unknown to anyone outside the DOJ at that time, a FBI investigation of Mike Abbell was underway at the time of Danny’s death. Years later, an indictment unsealed in Miami on June 6, 1995 charged Abbell with laundering money for the Cali Cartel. Surveillance reports indicated he’d made frequent visits to the home of Gilberto Rodriguez, leader of the Cali Cartel in Bogota, Colombia. Abbell was prosecuted and served a prison term.
Robert Booth Nichols was reportedly in Vietnam, working for a wealthy U.S. businessman in the private sector. During a recent Valentine’s Day interview at the home of Nichols’ close friend and former business partner, it was revealed that Nichols worked as a contract operative for the NSC [National Security Council] at the time of Danny’s death. Nichols had been on the Board of Directors of First Intercontinental Development Corporation [FIDCO], reportedly a NSC cutout used in Lebanon to arrange the release of a prisoner.
Letters written in the summer of 1983 between FIDCO directors Michael McManus, then assistant to President Ronald Reagan at the White House, and George Pender, president of FIDCO, established that FIDCO had an important role to play in Lebanon. A follow-up letter, dated July 12, 1983, from Pender to Amin Gamayel, the president of Lebanon, indicated that all transactions should be telexed to “652483 RBN ASSOCS LSA,” Nichols’ telex address at his Marina Del Rey condo in Calif. The Arab Bank Limited in Amman, Jordan, responded that there would be no problem taking care of the “US$ three billion or more” financial transaction. The release of the prisoner was successful.
Others on the Board of FIDCO included Robert Maheu, former CEO for Howard Hughes operations in Las Vegas, and Clint Murchison, Jr., of the Dallas oil family, to name a few. According to Nichols’ friend, who does arms consulting for the British government and lives part of the year in London, these were all intelligence people working for the NSC. It is likely these powerful men headed one tentacle of Danny’s Octopus, and comprised the “CIA ‘Old Boy’ network” Danny referred to in his notes. Some of them served under General Douglas MacArthur during WWII and Clint Murchison, Sr. helped fund MacArthur’s presidential campaign. Senator Joseph McCarthy, Richard Nixon, and J. Edgar Hoover were often seen at Murchison’s Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California during the 1950’s. Murchison often picked up the tab.
At the time that FIDCO was arranging the release of the prisoner in Lebanon, Robert Booth Nichols was under investigation by the Los Angeles FBI as a suspected “international launderer of money derived from both narcotics and organized crime activities.” An FBI report obtained by Nichols through “special” contacts, and provided to his friend, indicated Nichols’ telex number was 652483, the same as that sent to the president of Lebanon.
Though Nichols has no known source of income in the U.S., the background check within the report stated Nichols resided nine months of the year at a 3.5 million dollar villa in Italy, and his name “was associated with the illegal transportation of narcotics through the Golden Triangle.” Once again this tied in with Danny Casolaro’s final inquiry of the Golden Triangle. The FBI report concluded that “Robert Booth Nichols should be considered armed and dangerous.”
FBI agent Thomas Gates in Los Angeles had frequent conversations with Danny Casolaro until three days before his death. Danny had told Gates that Nichols warned him to drop his investigation of the Octopus. Nichols had even flown to Martinsburg to convince Danny of the danger of his probe. Gates had conducted a wiretap of Music Corporation of America [MCA] under the supervision of U.S. Attorney Marvin Rudnick, who subsequently lost his job when he refused to drop the investigation. [Subsequent interviews in 2009 revealed that DOJ prosecutor Richard Stavin supervised the FBI wiretaps].
The wiretap had recorded Robert Booth Nichols communicating with Eugene Giaquinto, then president of MCA home entertainment division. Giaquinto was a board member on Nichols’ holding company, Meridian International Logistics [MIL], under investigation by the FBI as a “source of funding for the purchasing of narcotics/controlled substances and the allocation and use of the proceeds from its trafficking ,” according to the wiretap application.
MIL was reportedly a NSC cutout, used for the purpose of “funneling money to pay the board of directors,” according to Nichols’ friend who was once on the board. He explained that the NSC is a “profit-making entity; funding is unlimited and no accountability is required because of national security.”
He further explained that all business conducted covertly today relates to two things: “money and/or drugs.” Drugs are used as international currency, commonly called “gold.” Drugs are a business at the highest levels of corporations because there is a huge market and demand for drugs. Entire countries and banking institutions are now dependent on the drug trade for income, he said. Presumably these include Colombia, Mexico, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and other drug-dependent economies.
Another tentacle of the Octopus involved La Cosa Nostra. Wrote Gates in his affidavit in support of the wiretap of Giaquinto, Nichols, et al: “I have become familiar with how some union officials, alleged labor consultants and La Cosa Nostra (LCN) members and associates manipulate, extort, and corruptly influence companies and/or individuals associated with the production of films and television shows and how stockbrokers associated with the LCN, LCN members and associates use deceptive and fraudulent practices in the buying and selling of stocks.”
The LCN members specifically related to members of the Gambino and Bufalino crime families, many of which were reportedly picked-up in the FBI wiretaps. Marvin Rudnick, Thomas Gates, and Richard Stavin, a member of the Organized Crime Strike Force, all believed MCA had been penetrated by organized crime, based on the wiretaps.
It was reported that the MCA Board of Directors at that time included Howard Baker, a former U.S. Senator, Eugene Giaquinto, Lew Wasserman and others. Giaquinto and his partner in MIL, Robert Booth Nichols, both had a close working relationship with the Justice Department, according to the wiretaps. Nichols’ friend alluded to this as well.
MCA was being offered in a leveraged buyout to the Japanese, and a FBI investigation could effectively ruin the sale. The wiretaps were subsequently sealed by the DOJ and no prosecutions were forthcoming. The Los Angeles Organized Crime Strike Force was disbanned, Richard Stavin quit his job, Thomas Gates closed the FBI investigation, and the Japanese bought MCA, the largest reported corporate sale in U.S. history. [After the loss of his job, Marvin Rudnick ultimately got part of his story told in a 1993 book entitled, Stiffed: A True Story of MCA, The Music Business, and the Mafia by William Knoedelseder].
Robert Booth Nichols had undoubtedly told Danny Casolaro about this leveraged buyout, just as he had told this writer in a face-to-face interview on February 13, 1992, six months after Danny’s death. Nichols was aptly described in magazine articles as “Clark Gable without the ears.” He was tall with probing brown eyes, his demeanor simultaneously controlled and dramatic with an international flavor. He’d been the weapons technical advisor for Steven Seagal’s movie, Under Siege, and it was apparent why Seagal gave him a cameo appearance as a military colonel in the movie. On his application to carry a concealed weapon, Nichols wrote: “I am involved in the research and development of weapons systems, ranging from the basic blow-back automatic weapon to various advanced destructive devices ---” He listed residences in Italy, France, England, Australia, and the U.S.
Nichols believed Danny Casolaro had been murdered and wrote a manuscript entitled, “Danny Casolaro’s Octopus,” dated November 22, 1991, which he copyrighted at the Library of Congress. In the manuscript, Nichols relates a meeting in which Danny and a man who worked closely with the DIA met [with Nichols] at a restaurant in McLean, Virginia. Another scenario depicted Danny’s demise at the Martinsburg hotel in August 1991. The last paragraph in the manuscript describes a military man placing a medal at the location of Danny’s coffin. It is noted that the only agency that does this is the NSA [National Security Agency ].
But Nichols testified under oath in a Los Angeles courtroom in March 1993 that he worked quietly and selflessly for nearly two decades on behalf of shadowy CIA keepers in more than 30 nations from Central America to Southeast Asia. Nichols’ friend and former partner explained recently that Nichols adeptly provides “service for money” to any government agency that requires his services. He showed a photo of Nichols with Arab leaders during the Gulf War, noting that Nichols is considered a valuable asset and well respected in U.S. intelligence circles. “He gets the job done,” said the friend.
The FBI [Federal Bureau of Investigation] report which Nichols shared with his friend corroborates his ability to move large sums of money around the world, as follows: “RBN assisted Ignacio Paz, Deputy Chief of Staff, Intelligence, Philippine government, with removing large sums of money from the Philippines by investing with RBN who placed the money in Swiss bank accounts.”
Like a many tentacled octopus, this ties in with what John Cohen, a House Judiciary Committee investigator on Inslaw, said about the theft of the PROMIS software: “You see, I’ve had a side theory about why PROMIS was taken. It was that PROMIS could be modified to track money laundering. And it could be used as an active information gathering, or an active moving software program that can go into other data bases. And it could be modified to control hundreds of accounts and move money through the international banking system.”
Cohen added, “What a lot of people don’t realize is that there are two international banking systems. There’s CHIPS and SWIFT. And the word Swift Chips has been spread throughout this whole [Inslaw/PROMIS] investigation. CHIPS is a referral to the Clearing House Interbank Payment System and its European counterpart, SWIFT. And they do $2 billion dollars worth of banking transactions a day. And if one was able to move accounts through there, you could move money invisibly around the world ---”
Cohen felt there was a narcotics connection to this. As a former Los Angeles police officer, he had worked international narcotics conspiracies with the DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] and FBI and learned about Southeast Asian heroin and the rise of the Cartels in Latin America. “I ran into quite a few law enforcement professionals who were pretty irritated because of the intelligence agency, drug dealer connection,” he said.
Bill and Nancy Hamilton, owners of Inslaw, ultimately sued the DOJ for non-payment on a version of PROMIS called Modification 12, and for allegedly modifying the software for sale to foreign governments, including Israel and Canada. Michael Riconosciuto, 44, a West Coast computer scientist, had sent them an affidavit in March 1991 claiming he installed a “back door” in PROMIS so the U.S. could access intelligence data of foreign countries.
Danny Casolaro began interviewing Riconosciuto during this time. The patient, amenable wizard with the dark, weary eyes, opened a window for Danny into a netherworld of real life players in Dungeons & Dragons, where scientific genius is employed in nefarious activities, and spooks jump on and off the board at will.
Riconosciuto had been a child prodigy at the age of 10, when he wired his parents’ neighborhood with a working, private telephone system that undercut Ma Bell. As a teenager, he had won so many science fairs with exhibits of laser technology that he was invited to be a summer research assistant at Stanford’s [University] prestigious Cooper Vaper Laser Laboratory. Dr. Arthur Schalow, a Nobel laureate, remembered him: “You don’t forget a 16-year-old youngster who shows up with his own argon laser,” he told Casolaro.
Riconosciuto and Robert Booth Nichols joined forces in a 1981-83 Joint Venture between Wackenhut Corporation and the Cabazon Indian tribe in Indio, California. They were partners in Meridian Arms, a subsidiary of MIL [Meridian International Logistics], and provided technical assistance to Wackenhut in the proposed development of esoteric armaments at the reservation.
Riconosciuto was having difficulty getting security clearances, however a letter written by Patrick Cannan, Director of Relations for Wackenhut Corporation in Coral Gables, Florida, confirmed Riconosciuto’s scientific value to the Venture. In 1981, Riconosciuto and Robert Frye, Vice President of Wackenhut in Indio, had met with Dr. Harry Fair, chief of propulsion technology at the U.S. Army installation in Dover, New Jersey. Riconosciuto conducted a highly technical theoretical blackboard exercise on a railgun for Army personnel at the arsenal. Afterward, Dr. Fair commented that it would be a shame if Riconosciuto, whom he termed a “potential national resource,” couldn’t be used for military/research projects.
Danny’s interviews with Riconosciuto inevitably turned to Robert Booth Nichols. But Danny learned more than he bargained for. Seven days after providing Inslaw with the affidavit about the modifications to PROMIS, Riconosciuto was arrested for operating a methamphetamine lab in Tacoma, Washington. In an apparent attempt to trade information on Nichols’ alleged drug activities to authorities, Riconosciuto reached out to Bill Hamilton and Danny Casolaro in August 1991 to quietly research Mike Abbell’s connection to the Cali Cartel. Riconosciuto warned Hamilton that getting the information might be dangerous. Danny jumped on this, and within five days was found dead in Martinsburg. His handwritten note, “Bill Hamilton - August 6. MR … also brought up ‘Gilberto’,” corroborates this.
In January 1992 Riconosciuto disclosed to his wife, Bobby Riconosciuto, that he had been present when Nichols met with Abbell in Washington D.C. about “crow-barring” the extradition to the U.S. of Cali Cartel leaders Gilberto Rodriguez, Jose Londono and Miguel Rodriguez because they were “intelligence people.” At Riconosciuto’s request, the information was passed to an FBI agent who spoke directly with Riconosciuto about a possible trade into the Witness Protection Program. The trade never materialized, but Riconosciuto continued to send taped messages to the agent in an attempt to prove his veracity. One tape related to a drug/sting operation in Lebanon in which Riconosciuto claimed to have participated through Euramae Trading Company in Nicosia, Cyprus, yet another NSC cutout, according to Riconosciuto.
Also in early 1992, Judiciary investigator John Cohen began communicating closely with FBI agent Thomas Gates. As noted earlier, Gates had been speaking with Danny Casolaro until three days prior to his death; Danny had been desperate to communicate his findings to someone in authority, even a representative of FinCen [Financial Crimes Enforcement Network], to no avail. His elation at identifying the head of the Octopus must have become deeply depressing when he could find no one to believe him. At the time, Mike Abbell was a prestigious lawyer with offices in Washington D.C. and Miami. Who would have believed he was laundering money for the Cali Cartel? Or that Robert Booth Nichols was connected to the highest levels of government allegedly in collusion with organized crime?
In October 1992 John Cohen and Thomas Gates learned about Riconosciuto’s statement to the FBI. An excerpt from the transcript read as follows: “Bob Nichols runs Glenn Shockley. Glenn Shockley runs Jose Londono … and the bottom line here is Bob Nichols and Gilbert Rodriguez, and Michael Abbell, who’s now an attorney in D.C., but he was with the criminal section of the Justice Department … are all in bed together.”
Riconosciuto said before his arrest he had been handling gold transfers, money laundering, “virtual dead drops,” altered ACH daily reconciliations and other transactions for various underworld figures including Cali Cartel leaders Gilberto Rodriguez and Jose Londono - and Bob Nichols and Glenn Shockley, both board members on FIDCO and MIL together. Riconosciuto’s statement was made over three years before the Abbell indictment was unsealed.
After reading the statement, Cohen remarked, “Now that corroborates some information that I got in the past which talked about one of the reasons PROMIS was stolen.” Apparently it all boiled down to money laundering, possibly with the use of PROMIS, if in fact Riconosciuto had possessed the software.
In February 1993 Scott Lawrence, a U.S. Customs internal affairs investigator from Boston, obtained a copy of the statement on Abbell that had been provided to Cohen the year before. Lawrence was investigating Peter Videnieks, a U.S. Customs contract specialist detailed to the DOJ in the early 1980’s to develop the PROMIS software. However, within a short time, like the investigators before him, Lawrence was soon following the drug trail.
It was not until February 2000 that Lawrence’s investigation of corruption within U.S. Customs was described to this writer by Sean McDade, the RCMP national security investigator, who briefly outlined Lawrence’s deep-cover drug investigation code-named THE INDO-CHINA PROJECT on the Maine/Canadian border. It is unknown who or what McDade’s source was for this information. However, a former New York police officer who assisted with the case told Insight magazine [“PROMIS Spins Web of Intrigue” - 2/19/01] that Lawrence’s investigation was abruptly shut down after he and his supervisor, John (Tim) Kelly, requested to impanel grand juries in several states to depose officials from the CIA. The DOJ declined the request and Videnieks was never charged with any wrongdoing.
To date, no official report has ever been written on Danny Casolaro’s findings or how they related to his death. Robert Booth Nichols has no arrest record, according to a law enforcement officer who viewed his file. The National Security Agency [NSA] is now spying on Canadian citizens while Canada spies on American citizens, both using ECHELON technology and trading data back and forth. This according to Sean McDade, who found himself a target of ECHELON during his investigation in the U.S. and was forced to take extraordinary measures to communicate with Detective Sue Todd and this writer.
The Department of Justice has sealed all files on the MCA - organized crime investigation. The L.A. FBI agent, U.S. Customs agents, U.S. Attorney, L.A. Organized Crime Strike Force, Judiciary investigator, and RCMP investigator who directly or peripherally investigated the alleged theft of the PROMIS software, were all abruptly shut down when they plugged into high-level organized crime, drugs and money laundering. Only two remain in law enforcement today. Scott Lawrence is still in U.S. Customs, and though Sean McDade reportedly left RCMP following the exposure of his investigation in the Toronto Star in August 2000, Detective Sue Todd says he ultimately returned to police work in his home-town.
Each of these men confronted Danny Casolaro’s Octopus. In a perfect world they would have banned together and testified before Congress, and the tentacles would have been trimmed temporarily. Meanwhile, the Octopus has reached Jules Verne proportions and grows daily --- or was it a squid? It is likely Danny derived his “Octopus” title from Dan Moldea’s 1986 book, Dark Victory: Ronald Reagan, MCA, and the Mob, in which Moldea labeled MCA “The Octopus.” But even Moldea couldn’t have known in 1986 that his creature had tentacles in the NSC.
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The last circle in Hell is reserved for traitors.