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What Role does Self-Esteem Play in the Ills and Triumphs of Society?
To answer the question of what role self-esteem plays in society’s ills and triumphs, we must first have a clear conception of what self-esteem is, what function it serves, and what role it plays in day-to-day human functioning. Given the enormous literature that has emerged on self-esteem and related phenomena over the last century, this is no simple task. Much of the controversy and confusion that currently exists in the self-esteem literature regarding the usefulness of self-esteem is a direct result of the absence of clear and widely agreed upon answers to these very basic questions—or in some cases, even clear statements of precisely what theorists are referring to when they use the term self-esteem.
The Nature and Function of Self-Esteem
Although the concept of self-esteem is a multifaceted one that is used in different ways by different theorists, the term self-esteem typically refers to one’s evaluation of, or attitude toward, oneself. Terror management theory (TMT; Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986) posits that self-esteem reflects one’s assessment of the extent to which one is living up to the internalized standards of value of one’s own individualized version of the cultural worldview. From this perspective, self-esteem is intimately tied to cultural values: Behavior that confers a positive self-evaluation in one cultural context might confer a very different self-evaluation in a different cultural milieu. One person’s horrific mass murder is another person’s courageous act of martyrdom for the good of his people. Although rooted in cultural values, self-esteem is also an individual construction that depends on the particular values that each of us has internalized from the panoply of cultural influences to which we have been exposed (cf. Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Goldenberg, 2003); it is also the result of each individual’s own subjective evaluation of his or her current standing relative to the standards of value that make up his or her worldview. Finally, self-esteem is a social construction that depends heavily on agreement from others that one is actually living up to the cultural standards in question. It is exceedingly difficult to believe that one is indeed kind, talented, beautiful, or more generally, a valuable person, if no one else agrees.
TMT posits that people are motivated to maintain self-esteem because self-esteem provides a buffer against the potential for anxiety that results from awareness of the inevitability of death in an animal with a strong propensity for continued existence. Research has provided converging support for this hypothesized anxiety-buffering function of self-esteem by showing that: (1) high levels of self-esteem reduce self-reports of anxiety and physiological arousal in response to threats and decrease anxiety-related defensive behavior; (2) reminders of one’s mortality increase self-esteem striving and defense of self-esteem against threats across a wide variety of domains; (3) high levels of self-esteem, both dispositional and experimentally induced, eliminate the effect of reminders of mortality on both self-esteem striving and the accessibility of death-related thoughts; and (4) convincing people of the existence of an afterlife eliminates the effect of mortality salience on self-esteem striving. For a comprehensive review of the evidence regarding the anxiety-buffering function of self-esteem, see Pyszczynski, Greenberg, Solomon, Arndt, and Schimel (2004).
This analysis helps explain the great effort people put into living up to their internalized standards of value, the negative emotional reactions that result from falling short of these standards, and the multitude of defensive distortions that people employ to enable themselves to believe that they are meeting these standards when, in fact, they are not. It also fits well with contemporary theories of self-regulation that posit that people control their own behavior by comparing their current state with salient standards and then striving to reduce any discrepancies between self and standard that are detected (e.g., Carver & Scheier, 1981). From this perspective, the affect that results from falling short of one’s standards reflects threats to self-esteem and provides the important function of signaling a need for behavior to restore self-esteem by engaging in behavior that brings one back in line with one’s internalized standards of value. Put simply, people feel good about themselves, and derive self-esteem, when they are able to view themselves as living up to the cultural values to which they have committed themselves.
Positive and Negative Consequences of the Self-Esteem Motive
This analysis implies that the human self-esteem motive is a “civilizing force” (Wicklund & Frey, 1980) that provides the motivational impetus to live up to the culture’s standards for valued behavior by virtue of the protection against deeply rooted anxiety that it provides. The standards of value through which self-esteem is achieved typically function to meet the collective needs of the individual and society as a whole, and keep daily life running smoothly and with minimal conflict. Although there are certainly exceptions, to be discussed shortly, cultural worldviews typically laud behavior that facilitates the survival and prospering of the individual and collective and condemn behavior that undermines these goals. By linking self-esteem, and thus protection from the anxiety inherent in the human condition, to the meeting of cultural standards, the self-esteem motive provides the motivational impetus that keeps individuals on track in the pursuit of important personal goals and encourages behavior that is of use to the society at large. Whether one’s self-esteem is rooted in being a successful hunter, farmer, parent, teacher, craftsman, scientist, artist, or entertainer, the behavior that confers self-esteem to the individual is, in most cases, functional for the society as a whole.
This is not to say that the pursuit of self-esteem is the only motivational force responsible for desirable behavior in any particular domain. Intrinsic motivation for creatively integrating new information and experiences with existing psychological structures, that results from the positive affect or exhilaration that such activity produces, is another important force that encourages creativity, exploration, and novel thought and behavior (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1995). Because cultures tend to value creativity and risk-taking, such behavior also typically confers self-esteem—thus self-esteem striving and intrinsic motivation often work in concert to encourage novel or creative activities, such as works of art, music, literature, science, and the like. However, in some cases, the need to maintain self-esteem interferes with creativity by encouraging the individual to cling to old ideas or modes of thinking that have provided security or social approval in the past. In other cases, the need for self-esteem leads people to focus their creative efforts on pleasing the masses rather than creating the most original and stimulating innovations they might be capable of producing.
One factor that complicates matters considerably is the fact that, at least in most contemporary Western cultures (and increasingly in other parts of the world as well), self-esteem is often contingent on being the best, or at least one of the best, in whatever domain one is pursuing. The Western ideal is to stand out from, preferably towering above, the rest of the crowd. Although such contingencies of self-esteem can be highly motivating, and do indeed encourage excellence, they also have their drawbacks. First, they encourage competition, which can undermine the communal well-being and interfere with the joint pursuit of valued goals. This competitive desire to “be the best” is also likely to have detrimental effects on interpersonal relations. Tesser (1988) reviewed a considerable body of evidence suggesting that people minimize closeness to those who outperform them in domains in which their own self-esteem is based, and even go so far as to actively interfere with the goal striving of close others in such ego-relevant domains.
Another problem with the Western ideal of standing out above the crowd is that not everyone has the abilities, experiences, or opportunities to be “the best” at anything. To the extent that contemporary culture glorifies the values of physical appearance, wealth, material success, and “superstardom,” many people inevitably will be left feeling inadequate, lacking the self-esteem needed to keep their anxiety in check. As much research has demonstrated, threats to self-esteem typically lead to a wide variety of defensive distortions of one’s perceptions and beliefs that ultimately take people out of touch with the reality of their situation (for a review, see Greenberg et al., 1986). This interferes with their ability to learn from their failures and adjust their behavior to come closer to their goals. Threats to self-esteem can also lead to premature withdrawal of effort from activities where one might be able to eventually succeed (cf. Carver & Scheier, 1981) and attempts to compensate for one’s shortcomings by investing one’s self-esteem in socially destructive activities where success and recognition might be easier to come by.
Thus, as many have suggested over the years, difficulty attaining or maintaining self-esteem can lead to behavior that is maladaptive, for both the individual and society. Given the vital role that self-esteem plays in managing anxiety and regulating goal-directed behavior, people simply cannot live happy, successful, and productive lives without it. If people cannot obtain self-esteem in socially desirable ways, they are left unprotected from anxiety, which drives them to seek self-esteem in less desirable ways. The complex multi-faceted melting pot of ideas and values that constitute contemporary culture makes it possible for most people to find at least something they can use to derive self-esteem. People can be highly creative when it comes to finding ways of obtaining self-esteem, and the flexible nature of the system through which we come to know ourselves and the world around us provides much room for distortion and selectivity in the way we view ourselves. Unfortunately, many people turn to socially destructive groups and the values they espouse, such as gangs, intolerant political movements, and hate groups, as pathways to self-esteem. Others may invest their sources of self-worth that are less blatantly destructive but that are of little use to society, such as video games and beer chugging contests. The primary loss to society in such cases is that of unfulfilled potential rather than active harm-doing.
Another common way of dealing with an inability to maintain self-esteem is to blot out the resulting anxiety by chemical means or distractions. Alcohol and other drugs are one common way of numbing oneself to anxiety. Thrill-seeking, risk-taking, self-mutilation, or compulsive behaviors are other ways of reducing self-awareness so that anxiety is minimized. Besides reducing unpleasant levels of self-awareness, people may be attracted to the subcultures that surround the community of drug users and thrill-seekers because social acceptance from such communities often requires little other than that one keep engaging in the behavior that defines the subculture (e.g., consuming drugs, enaging in risky behavior). Although many people use drugs or engage in other distracting activities in moderation and enjoy the self-esteem provided by the camaraderie of the local bar or bungy-jumping group, the addictive qualities and physical dangers of drugs and such activities make this problematic for many others.
Summary and Conclusion
The pursuit of self-esteem is a deeply embedded feature of the human animal. To the extent that self-esteem provides a buffer against anxiety that is inherent in being human, and that self-esteem is a superordinate goal that unifies the pursuit of the many more concrete goals that people pursue in life, it is clear that people will not function well without it and will exert considerable effort to maintain it. Whether the pursuit of self-esteem leads to socially productive or destructive behavior depends largely on the particular cultural standards that people pursue to obtain their sense of value. Although most cultural values facilitate effective functioning for both the individual and society, the fact that some people are unable to meet these standards makes it necessary for subcultures with alternative means of attaining self-esteem to emerge. Given the protection from anxiety that self-esteem provides, people will tend to gravitate toward whatever means of attaining self-esteem are likely to be effective for them.
The pursuit of self-esteem can lead to the best that humankind is capable of— kindness, caring, creativity, and hard work, which has led to great humanitarian, artistic, scientific, and other socially beneficial accomplishments. On the other hand, the pursuit of self-esteem can also lead to the worst of what our species can do—greed, selfishness, closed mindedness, and intolerance, which has led to such abominations and horrors as criminal activity, drug addiction, the Nazi Holocaust, the Ku Klux Klan, and the ongoing litany of wars that have plagued humankind since our species first emerged. In a sense, self-esteem is a lot like sex: It serves an important function, people will do just about anything to get it, and whether its pursuit leads to desirable or undesirable behavior depends on the opportunities and options one has at hand for getting it.
References
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Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The “what” and “why” of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11, 227–268.
Greenberg, J., Pyszczynski, T., & Solomon, S. (1986). The causes and consequences of a need for self-esteem: A terror management theory. In R. F. Baumeister (Ed.), Public self and private self (pp. 189–212). New York: Springer.
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Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., & Goldenberg, J. (2003). Fear versus freedom: On the defense, growth, and expansion of the self. In M. Leary & J. Tangney (Eds.), Handbook of self and identity (pp. 314–343). New York: Guilford Press.
Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Arndt, J., & Schimel, J. (2004). Why do people need self-esteem? A theoretical and empirical review. Psychological Bulletin, 130 (3), 435–468.
Tesser, A. (1988). Toward a self-evaluation maintenance model of social behavior. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 21, pp. 181–227). San Diego: Academic Press.
Wicklund, R., & Frey, D. (1980). How society uses self-awareness. In D. Wegner & R. Vallacher (Eds.), Social psychological perspectives on the self. Cary, NC: Oxford University Press.