When American sociologist William Lacy interviewed higher education and government leaders across Australia in 2015–16, he found much to like—a system that performed well in research and education, contributed to community, was admired internationally. Yet he saw challenges even in arcadia.
Over and over, Lacy reported the nation’s university leaders lamenting the lack of diversity—a sense that Australia’s public universities are much the same, all committed to research, comprehensive course offerings and large enrolments. This is an expensive way to deliver higher education, yet it offers few meaningful choices for students about the type of institution they attend.
According to one regional university vice-chancellor interviewed by Lacy, ‘Australia has too many universities for its populations. It has too many campuses. It has too much duplication and too many trying to do the same thing. Something has to come and sort it out. It is either intervention by design or it is market forces’.1
Others perceive greater diversity among institutions— the harmonious landscape viewed from the bridge compared with the busy detail on the ground. ‘I see a tapestry of difference,’ remarks educationalist Sharon Bell. ‘You see the cloak of similarity. The reality lies in the space in between.’2
This essay explores how shared origins, student expectations, academic culture and federal regulation contribute to a single idea of an Australian university. It celebrates the fairness of a model replicated across a continent, so students in Perth and Cairns enjoy access to similar institutions and course offerings. It notes that a single approach carries risk in an era of creative destruction. The public university developed in Australia over the past 170 years is vulnerable to disruption, whether by design or market forces. The future may benefit from greater diversity in higher education—less cloak and even more tapestry.
Any writing on universities joins a long conversation. There is much working from ideal types, abstractions of a university drawn from tradition and much-quoted authority. Somewhere still, Cardinal Newman writes in his study, calling on memory and imagination to propose an archetype for higher learning. Jill Ker Conway at Smith College seeks an education that addresses issues of central importance in women’s lives, while Woodrow Wilson labours at all-male Princeton, determined to transform his young students into men unlike their fathers. The energetic Clark Kerr looks across the Berkeley campus and sees a multiversity, an institution expanding into ever-greater complexity.3
Their works sit alongside a vast library of books from former institutional leaders, each a bold or sly apology for their time in office, working from personal example towards some transcendent meaning of ‘the university’. Such volumes sit alongside institutional histories, policy scholarship and fine defences of a broad and liberal education, as though enemies of such thought would linger long enough to read the argument. As academic and social critic Donald Horne reflected about honours supervision, ‘Arguing over words: what could be more real?’4
All who write on universities face the gap between images and the lived experience—the campus filled with students and staff, who shuffle between unseen duties in strangely familiar buildings—the contrast between a specific place and expectations of an ideal. Not just the university but also my university, a weight of connections and memories, youth, friends and sensibility hard to capture. This concentration of experience resists reduction to neat definition. The English novelist Jill Paton Walsh evoked her Oxford not as a campus or town but a ‘configuration of people, to whom one could never return this side of the lawns of paradise’.5
Each university is indeed its own world. Visit institutions across Australia and admire the differences. North Terrace in Adelaide offers a rich sample of academic buildings. Students and staff flow continuously between sandstone and contemporary edifices, some belonging to the University of Adelaide, others to the University of South Australia, each badged carefully to emphasise its institutional affiliation.
By contrast, the original Murdoch University campus sits alone in its own suburb east of Fremantle, with a bush court and buildings in the distinctive style of 1975. The University of Queensland fills its central quadrangle, the largest in Australia, with exotic trees and elegant lawns. When the jacarandas bloom in October, it is time to start studying for exams. Nature offers few such signals for students at the University of Technology Sydney—their classrooms are tightly fitted around the crowded city blocks of Broadway. The Casuarina home of Charles Darwin University has beach views, as does the Innovation Campus at Wollongong.
Academics live in the elegant suburbs or farms that dot the countryside near the University of New England, while prices in Sydney make housing an acute issue when hiring staff. Students walk under leafy trees amid beautiful stone at the University of Western Australia, and shoot hoops amid high-rise towers on a busy academic street at urban RMIT. There are campuses open late into the night, when weary part-time students fan out to distant car parks after class, others where teaching finishes at dusk. Some universities are located far from town, while others such as Macquarie benefit from a train station on campus, a large shopping centre and a hospital.
So many different campus designs, with scholars offering a countless variety of courses, amid institutional marketing that reveals the narcissism of small differences. The sheer scale of a sector with more than 1.4 million students and 120,000 staff means higher education is a realm of criss-crossing individual tracks, experiences and places.
Such apparent diversity can mask continuity of form. We live in detail but can think in generalities. The nation’s public universities are not identical, and people value the special character of each institution. Yet they are all examples of a specific style of university, variants on a common model. Australia’s public universities share assumptions about what defines a university—how it will be organised, what it will teach and research—an idea that stretches back into the past and points towards a common future.
The title ‘university’ implies shared characteristics— teaching to an advanced level, support for scholarship, classrooms and medieval gowns, a place outside the daily demands of life. Yet around the world diversity abounds. There are ancient comprehensive universities, technical universities, residential colleges. Universities with a disciplinary focus, those promoting a religion or characterised by scepticism. There are tiny institutions and huge campuses committed alike to engineering or agriculture. Universities for women in places where female education remains hard-won and under attack. Under a single label, the idea of a university finds many expressions.
Not so much, though, in Australia. This nation has avoided the monastic ambitions of Newman and the pieties of Wilson, and only occasionally rises to the uproarious ferment reported by Kerr. The nation has rarely hosted competing visions of tertiary education. Instead, from the mid-nineteenth century Australia embraced a single idea of the public university. Institutions would be owned by the state but be self-governing. They would be meritocratic and secular, at a time when many universities elsewhere claimed a religious or moral mandate. Australian universities would be comprehensive rather than specialist, teaching a wide range of professional courses. They would be commuter institutions, with only a small cohort living on campus. Most local students would travel from their parents’ home or rent accommodation rather than reside in college.
This is a metropolitan model of a university, an institution of the city rather than a separate residential community. Metropolitan implies an urban setting, as opposed to a small and self-enclosed community set apart from the world. Like a city office block, a metropolitan university is a place people inhabit during the day, not a dwelling or a metaphysical ideal. It is a pragmatic and utilitarian understanding of the institution, fitting for a nation of practical people.6
The Australian university is metropolitan in a second sense. The Greek mētropolis means a parent city from which colonies arise. Here too the description is apt: from a single founding institution, the Australian idea of a university has spread nationally. Each new variant occupies its own geography and community, but draws from the parent in form and understanding of the enterprise.
The characteristic Australian university resembles its counterparts in London, Glasgow, Edinburgh and Dublin. In What Are Universities for?, Cambridge historian and essayist Stefan Collini observes:
The British Empire led directly to the establishment of universities around the world modelled on the ‘home’ institutions, in practice more along the lines of London or the Scottish or larger civic universities than of Oxford and Cambridge.7
This was a resolutely British ideal—the influence of German research universities took decades to permeate, though eventually the British tradition accepted research as part of the university enterprise, building it into existing institutions rather than rethinking the model. There would be attempts to break away, radical new designs that started with promise but in time would come to resemble the standard national model.
Understanding why Australia chose this path for tertiary education is the subject of this essay. The aim is modest and specific: to explore how a nation scattered across an entire continent, in a world of competing models of higher education, settled on just one model. It is to ask how history, values and policy interact to produce a singular Australian idea of the university.
The framing assumption is that diversity matters as a question of intellectual vitality and student choice—and as insurance. In a world of disruption, there are well-funded entrepreneurs around the planet keen to carve up higher education. The opening chapter traces the rise of for-profit competitors to traditional university provision. Wired shared the prediction of Sebastian Thrun, founder of Udacity, that ‘in 50 years, there will be only 10 institutions in the world delivering higher education’.8 Though universities have yet to experience the devastation endured by newspapers, the technology that can bring this about is already in place. How does an Australian public system offering just one basic model of the university cope in a world of unbounded study options?
Institutions are often ‘path dependent’, staying close to their original inspiration. The second chapter explores the founding moment—the reasons Australia has universities, and the way they are structured. Choices made in 1850 resonate still, as the metropolitan model developed in Sydney was copied around the colonies until Australia offered but a single category of university type.
Within seventy years of the establishment of the first Australian universities, prominent voices called for greater diversity. The third chapter explores numerous attempts to leave the track, including greenfield institutions built on the edges of cities, resolutely not metropolitan in character. These experiments left proud legacies, but they faltered as decisive breaks in Australian practice. They mark instead the limits of innovation in Australian public higher education. For however radical the starting point, in each generation bold experiments have been drawn, ever so slowly, back to the shared path.
Why has change proved so challenging? Chapter 4 argues that incentives to standardisation around the metropolitan model have proved strong—student preferences and academic culture both reinforce the customary pathway, and national policy has made it compulsory. In particular, decisions by a powerful minister more than a generation ago reinforced the singular Australian idea of a university.
Is this heritage also the future? The final chapter argues that path dependency continues only so long as key variables remain unchanged. As technological ferment threatens the established order, it also breaks the constraints that encourage conformity. It may be time to allow new choices, more diversity. The Australian idea of a university has served us well. It may also have run its course.