1 For an overview of these years, G. Rasi, ‘La politica economica e i conti della nazione’, Annali dell'economia italiana, vol. XI (1953–8), Milano, 1982, pt 1, pp. 63–177.
2 A. Gibelli, ‘I grandi costruttori’, in A. Micheli, Ansaldo 1950, Torino, 1981, p. xii. Some areas of Italian industry, like textiles, practised what became known at the time as ‘supersfruttamento’ (hyper-exploitation). Teresa Noce, secretary of the textile section of the CGIL, reported in 1951 that while there had been very little investment in new machinery, three workers were now being asked to do the work of eight, that the working day often amounted, with overtime, to twelve to fifteen hours and that the incidence of child labour (under fourteen years of age) had dramatically increased. The effect of these conditions on workers' health was very marked; Notiziario CGIL, Roma, 1951, pp. 200–211, quoted in Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, p. 95.
3 Paci, Mercato del lavoro e classi sociali in Italia, pp. 296–7 and 322ff. For the growth of small firms in the 1950s see the comments of L. Ganapini and P. Rugafiori, ‘Per una rilettura degli anni '50’, Movimento Operaio e Socialista, vol. VII (1984), no. 2, pp. 163–70.
4 L. Casali and D. Gagliani, ‘Movimento operaio e organizzazione di massa. Il PCI in Emilia-Romagna (1945–1954)’, in P. P. D'Attorre, ed., La ricostruzione in Emilia-Romagna, Parma, 1980, p. 265.
5 Atti della Commissione parlamentare di inchiesta sulla miseria e sui mezzi per combatterla, 15 vols., Milano–Roma, 1953–8. For a useful selection of extracts see P. Braghin, ed., Inchiesta sulla miseria in Italia, Torino, 1978.
6 Atti della Commissione parlamentare… sulla miseria, vol. VI, pp. 80–85. See also the descriptions in P. P. Pasolini, A Violent Life, London, 1968. It is worth mentioning that the Fascist regime had exacerbated the housing problem by destroying a number of popular quarters in the centre so as to construct a ‘truly imperial’ city.
7 Atti della Commissione parlamentare… sulla miseria, vol. VI, p. 82.
8 L'Unità, Milan edition, 8 Feb. 1950, quoted by P. Santi, ‘Il piano del lavoro nella politica della CGIL: 1949–1952’, in F. Vianello, ed., Il piano del lavoro della CGIL, 1949–1950, Milano, 1978, p. 24. For Di Vittorio's announcement of the plan, I congressi della CGIL, vol. III, Roma, 1952, pp. 54–9.
9 One of the favourite tactics was the work-in, or the ‘strike in reverse', which was used to such effect in the occupation of the Fucino basin (see p. 128). In dozens of villages in the Veneto and Emilia, as well as in Sardinia and Calabria, labourers began to build dykes and canals, and to reclaim land; Santi, ‘Il piano del lavoro’, pp. 37–8. Probably the most successful struggle connected with the plan took place in the Val Vomano, in the Abruzzi. There the local Camera di Lavoro under the leadership of Tom Di Paolantonio organized two thousand unemployed to begin work again on the construction of a power station and reservoir which had been abandoned for six years. After direct negotiations between the CGIL and the government, 100 million lire were assigned to the project, and the power station and reservoir were completed in three years; see the contribution of T. Di Paolantonio, in Vianello, ed., Il piano del lavoro, pp. 159–64.
10 V. Foa, ‘Intervento’, in Vianello, ed., Il piano del lavoro, p. 177. For the remarks of De Gasperi and Costa, see respectively, B. Manzocchi, Lineamenti di politica economica in Italia (1945–1949), Roma 1960, p. 75; and Annuario CGIL 1950, p. 227, speech of 6 Dec. 1949; both cited in Santi, ‘Il piano del lavoro’, p. 16.
11 Foa, ‘Intervento’, p. 178.
12 G. Fabiani, ‘Il piano del lavoro e le lotte per la riforma’, in Vianello, ed., Il piano del lavoro, pp. 117ff.
13 Cited by R. Amaduzzi, ‘Intervento’, in Vianello, ed., Il piano del lavoro, p. 151.
14 Gibelli, ‘I grandi costruttori’, pp. xxxiv-xxxv.
15 Santi, ‘Il piano del lavoro’, p. 39.
16 A. Accornero, Gli anni '50 in fabbrica, Bari, 1976, pp. 66ff.; C. Daneo, La politica economica della ricostruzione, pp. 320–21; Santi, ‘Il piano del lavoro’, pp. 43–4, with the figures for FIAT and Olivetti.
17 Gibelli, ‘I grandi costruttori’, p. xlviii. See also G. Contini, Memoria e storia: le officine Galileo nel racconto degli operai, dei tecnici, dei manager, 1944–1959, Milano, 1985, pp. 58–9.
18 A. Accornero and V. Rieser, Il mestiere dell’ avanguardia, Bari, 1981, p. 21. Note also Rieser's warning (ibid. p. 8) against accepting certain commonplaces about this period, such as that the CISL and UIL were nothing but bosses’ unions, and that the CGIL was super-centralized and nothing more than a transmission belt for the politics of the PCI.
19 G. Della Rocca, ‘L'offensiva politica degli imprenditori nelle fabbriche’, in Annali dell'Istituto G. G. Feltrinelli, vol. XVI (1974–75), pp. 620–21 and 626.
20 G. G. Migone, ‘Stati Uniti, FIAT e repressione antioperaia negli anni Cinquanta’, Rivista di Storia Contemporanea, no. 2 (1974), p. 258.
21 ibid., pp. 263–5. See also E. Pugno and S. Garavini, Gli anni duri della FIAT, Torino, 1975, passim.
22 Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, p. 80, and his article ‘La svolta del 1955’ (first published 1955), in his La cultura della CGIL, pp. 16–20.
23 Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, pp. 113ff.
24 For Cattani, see ‘Il PSI negli anni del frontismo’, Mondoperaio, vol. XXX (1977), nos. 7–8 (1977), pp. 63–5. Pasquale Amato has noted how the Institute for Socialist Studies closed in 1950, how few young people joined the party in these years and how dogma reigned supreme. Much of the responsibility for this state of affairs must be ascribed to Rodolfo Morandi and his insistence on ‘Frontism’ at all costs; P. Amato, Il PSI tra frontismo e autonomia, Cosenza, 1978, pp. 160–62.
25 L'Unità, Milan ed., 20 Jan. 1951, quoted in N. Ajello, Intellettuali e PCI, 1944–58, Bari, 1979, p. 286.
26 N. Bobbio, ‘Pace e propaganda di pace’ (1952), in his Politica e cultura, Torino, 1955, p. 79.
27 See V. Foa, ‘I socialisti italiani’, in his Per una storia del movimento operaio, Torino, 1980, p. 279.
28 For the speeches of Nenni, Basso and Lombardi at the thirty-first congress of the PSI, see Il socialismo italiano di questo dopoguerra, Milano, 1968, pp. 404, 409–10, 421, quoted in G. Galli, Storia del socialismo italiano, Bari, 1980, pp. 217–18.
29 P. Ingrao, ‘Il XX congresso del PCUS e 1'VIII congresso del PCI’, in Problemi di storia del PCI, Roma, 1971, p. 136.
30 G. Baldi, Vita e lotte delle case del popolo in provincia di Firenze, 1944–1956, Firenze, 1956, pp. 15–19.
31ibid., pp. 34ff.
32 For some notes on the early history of the feste, see C. Bernieri, L'albero in piazza, Milano, 1977, pp. 7–36. For the celebration in Rome in September 1948, see the notable PCI documentary film, È tornato Togliatti.
33 See the section on these organizations in Istituto di Studi e Ricerche Carlo Cattaneo, La presenza sociale del PCI e della DC, pp. 177–329.
34 ‘Inauguriamo l'anno sociale del nostro circolo’, La Voce della Donna, no. 16–17, 1 Dec. 1954, republished in M. Michetti et al., UDI: laboratorio di politica delle donne, Roma, 1984, pp. 145–53; the quotation is on p. 147.
35 Famiglia e società nell'analisi marxista, Critica Marxista, Quaderno no. 1, published as a supplement to no. 6, 1964. There seemed little agreement on basic themes. Emilio Sereni polemicized with Umberto Cerroni and others for suggesting that the family might disappear under Communism. On the contrary, said Sereni, ‘a new, superior and fully humanized type of family (and one that is of productive relations in as much as they are the basis of a particular social grouping) will necessarily exist also in the Communist society for which we are struggling’; ibid., pp. 164–5.
36 UDI, Donna, vota per la dignità della tua vita, per il benessere della tua famiglia, per la pace, Roma, 1953, p. 3.
37 Famiglia e società nell'analisi marxista, ‘Intervento’ of R. Rossanda, p. 212.
38 L. Ganapini, ed., ‘… Che tempi, però erano bei tempi…’, Milano, 1986, p. 179.
39 In 1953 A. Valli of the PCI central committee warned the party's cadres that because they were always out of the home engaged in political activities, there was a real danger that their wives, listening to well-meaning neighbours and the parish priest, would vote for the Christian Democrats. What was the solution to this problem? Not, according to Valli, that the militant should spend less time on politics and more on family life, but rather than he should spend more time on political propaganda in the home. In this way the wives of Communists would vote Communist and ‘of each of our families we will make a firm and secure nucleus of struggle for democracy and socialism’; A. Valli, ‘Per chi voterà tua moglie?’, article of 16 April 1953, in Flores, ed., Il ‘Quaderno dell'Attivista’, pp. 153–6.
40 L. Lombardo Radice, ‘La battaglia delle idee’, Rinascita, vol. V (1948), no. 3, p. 326.
41 P. Togliatti, ‘Sviluppo e trionfo del marxismo’, Rinascita, vol. VI (1949), no. 12, p. 517.
42 A. Natoli, ‘Improvvisamente ci sentimmo tutti orfanelli’, La Repubblica, 5–6 March 1978.
43 Cited in Ajello, Intellettuali e PCI, p. 303.
44 L. Longo, ‘Costruendo il socialismo si son fatti degli errori, ma la vostra non è democrazia’, Rinascita, Vol. XIII (1956), no. 3, p. 136.
45 Testimony of Ignazio Silone in Bocca, Togliatti, p. 586.
46 P. Togliatti, ‘Discorso agli operai di Belgrado’ (1964), Rinascita, vol. XXVII (1970), no. 34, p. 32; cited in Bocca, Togliatti, p. 598.
47 Dolci, Inchiesta a Palermo, p. 143.
48 ‘Nel 1951 il Kremlino voleva sostituire Togliatti e la direzione del PCI approvò’, L'Espresso, vol. XIV (1970) no. 13.
49 E. Collotti, ‘Introduzione all’archivio Pietro Secchia, 1945–1973’, Annali della Fondazione G. G. Feltrinelli, vol. XIX (1978), pp. 7–135; see also M. Mafai, L'uomo che sognava la lotta armata, Milano, 1984, pp. 109–47.
50 P. Togliatti, ‘Ceto medio e Emilia rossá, in his Opere scelte, p. 466.
51 A. Colombi, ‘I comunisti emiliani al lavoro’, in P. P. D'Attorre, ed., I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna, Bologna, 1981, p. 55.
52 V. Ferretti, ‘Cooperazione e partito comunista a Reggio Emilia’, in D'Attorre, ed., La ricostruzione in Emilia-Romagna, pp. 195–210; and S. Nardi, ‘Il movimento cooperativo emiliano nel secondo dopoguerra’, in ibid., pp. 173–94. For a general survey of the Italian cooperative movement, I. Bianco, Il movimento cooperativo italiano, Milano, 1975.
53 For a lively denunciation of Communist activities in the cooperatives, see the report on Emilia-Romagna by I. Montanelli, in Italia sotto inchiesta, esp. pp. 381–6 and 401–6. On p. 384 he describes the Communists as the ‘mice in the cheese’ of cooperation. The left's views on cooperatives in the 1950s are discussed by G. Sapelli, ‘La cooperazione come impresa: mercati economici e mercato politico’, in G. Bonfante et al., Il movimento cooperativo in Italia, Torino, 1981, pp. 268–71. For the maintenance of rural alliances in the dairy cooperative of Reggio Emilia, see Ferretti, ‘Cooperazione e partito comunista a Reggio Emilia’, pp. 206–7. A useful introduction in English to the history of the National League of Cooperatives is J. Earle, The Italian Cooperative Movement, London, 1986.
54 P. P. D'Attorre, ‘I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna nel secondo dopoguerra: un'ipotesi di lettura’, in I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna, pp. 15–16. On women and the Emilian party, Casali and Gagliani, ‘Movimento operaio e organizzazione di massa’, pp. 272–3. At Bologna the percentage of housewives in the party increased from 10.7 to 16.8 between 1948 and 1954.
55 In Modena for example, in the early 1950s, G. D'Alema was sent to steer the Modena federation on to the correct lines, but he was far from successful; see Amyot, The Italian Communist Party, pp. 134–7. For the history of the Modena federation from 1943 to 1954, D. Travis, ‘Communism in Modena: the Development of the PCI in Historical Context (1943–1952)’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1984.
56 R. Nicolai, ‘Realizzazioni dell’ amministrazione democratica della città di Bologna’, Rinascita, vol. XIII (1956), no. 3, pp. 150–54. See also V. Tarozzi, ‘Le lavanderie meccaniche, nuovo servizio sociale’, in Comunisti. I militanti bolognesi del PCI raccontano, Roma, 1983, pp. 262–7; and L. Arbizzani, ‘Nuova amministrazione senza riforme’, in Comune di Bologna, Giuseppe Dozza a died anni dalla morte, Bologna, 1985, pp. 55ff.
57 Democrazia Cristiana, Libro bianco su Bologna, Bologna 1956; A. Borselli, ‘Come sorsero i quartieri, in Comune di Bologna, Giuseppe Dozza a dieci anni dalla morte, p. 91. For the Dozza–Dossetti contest, see the comments of P. P. D’Attorre, ‘La politica’, in R. Zangheri, ed., Bologna, Bari, 1985, p. 174; also N. Matteucci, ‘Dossetti a Bologna’, Il Mulino, vol. V (1956), no. 56, pp. 382–90. For the ‘free commune’ of Bologna, F. Piro, Comunisti al potere, Bologna, 1983, p. 139.
58 P. Togliatti, ‘Intervista’, in Nuovi Argomenti, no. 20 (May–June 1956), reprinted in his Opere scelte, pp. 702–28. The quotation is on p. 727.
59 Quoted in Sassoon, Togliatti e la via italiana, p. 184.
60 Togliatti, ‘Intervista’, in Nuovi Argomenti, pp. 705–6 for the USSR, p. 709 for China.
61 E. Vallini, Operai del Nord, Bari, 1957, pp. 114–15.
62 From L'Unità, 1–2 July 1956, cited in Ajello, Intellettuali e PCI, pp. 389–90.
63 Testimony of Davide Lajolo in ibid., p. 402.
64 See the speeches of Giuseppe Prestipino and Valerio Bertini in Partito Comunista Italiano, VIII Congresso. Atti e risoluzioni, Roma, 1957, pp. 93–101 and 131–6. Bertini said (p. 132): ‘Comrades, there [in the Eastern bloc] the hens used to lay more eggs and the cows had more calves; such was the climate of paradise that was depicted for those countries. And if there was an obstacle by the name of Raik [sic], Raik was eliminated, and everything went back to how it was before, to the best of all possible worlds… only now does L'Unità discover that [in Hungary] the salaries of the police and the state officials were too high, that the “red Saturdays” and compulsory Russian in the schools were a mistake, that the party leaders toured the cities in extra-luxurious cars with the blinds drawn down.’ Bertini was a worker in the Officine Galileo in Florence; for the reactions of Italian workers to the events of 1956, G. Contini, ‘Gli operai comunisti e la svolta del 1956’, Annali della Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini, vol. I (1987), pp. 433–53.
65 Partito Comunista Italiano, VIII° Congresso, pp. 229–34.
66 L. Longo, Revisionismo nuovo e antico, Torino, 1957, p. 39.
67 G. Galli, Storia del socialismo italiano, p. 221.
1 M. Cacioppo, ‘Condizione di vita familiare negli anni Cinquanta’, Memoria, no. 6 (1982), p. 88.
2 C. Daneo, Breve storia dell'agricoltura italiana, Milano, 1980, p. 179. The amount of land owned in plots between half a hectare and ten hectares increased in the period 1947–55 from 8,116,100 hectares to 8,891,600. The decline of sharecropping has been as yet little studied; see the observations of M. Paci, La struttura sociale italiana, Bologna, 1982, pp. 114–15: see also, for the province of Volterra, E. Bianchi, Il tramonto della mezzadria toscana e i suoi riflessi geografici, Milano, 1983. For the comparison of Italian agriculture with that of Yugoslavia and Greece, V. Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, Storia d'Italia, vol. IV, Torino, 1975, p. 442.
3 Minifundia of between half a hectare and two hectares, often incapable of supporting a peasant family, covered some four million hectares by 1961, nearly 20 per cent of land under cultivation; see G. Medici, U. Sorbi, and A. Castrataro, Polverizzazione e frammentazione della proprietá fondiaria in Italia, Milano, 1962, p. 20.
4 F. Piselli, Parentela ed emigrazione, Torino, 1981, p. 85. For emigration overseas, U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori in Italia, Bologna, 1979, pp. 36ff. and p. 43, tab. 1.7.
5 U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, p. 47, tab. 1.8.
6 Banfield, The Moral Basis of a Backward Society, pp. 52ff.; Italian translation, Le basi morali di una società arretrata, ed. D. De Masi, Bologna, 1976, pp. 75ff. This Italian edition is strongly recommended as it contains an excellent selection of articles from the debate that Banfield's book aroused (pp. 207–330), as well as an extensive bibliography. See also D. S. Pitkin's admirable The House that Giacomo Built, Cambridge, 1985, pp. 80–123.
7 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 32–3.
8 For FIAT's strategy in these years, see Bairati, Valletta, pp. 254ff. and pp. 269ff. For developments in the chemical and petrochemical industry, E. Scalfari, Rapporto sul neo-capitalismo in Italia, Bari, 1961, pp. 17–30.
9 P. Rugafiori, ‘I gruppi dirigenti della siderurgia “pubblica” tra gli anni Trenta e gli anni Sessanta’, in F. Bonelli, ed., Acciaio per l'industrializzazione, Torino, 1982, pp. 358–66; Scalfari, Rapporto sul neo-capitalismo, pp. 59–68.
10 Graziani, ed., L'economia italiana, pp. 42–3; for fiscal and lending policies, G. Ackley, ‘Lo sviluppo economico dal 1951 al 1961’, in ibid., pp. 191–2; for ‘external economies’, Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, p. 427.
11 Scalfari, Rapporto sul neo-capitalismo, p. 101.
12 For a good discussion in English of the relationship between exports and other factors contributing to Italian growth in this period, see D. Sassoon, Contemporary Italy, London, 1986, pp. 31ff.; see also Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 57ff. For growth rates, Statistical Appendix, table 31.
13 K. Kaiser, ‘Le relazioni transnazionali’, in F. L. Cavazza and S. R. Graubard, eds., Il caso italiano, Milano, 1974, tab. 1, p. 406 for a breakdown of the direction of Italy's exports from 1955 to 1970. Other statistics are taken from Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 60–61. However, it should be noted that income from tourism and emigrant savings continued to increase as well: the first from 6.6 per cent of national income in 1953 to 11.7 per cent in 1961, the second from 5.7 to 7.4 per cent; P. Saraceno, L'Italia verso la piena occupazione, Milano, 1963, p. 142.
14 P. Santi, ‘Un esempio dello sviluppo capitalistico in Italia: il settore degli elettrodomestici’, Problemi del Socialismo, vol. X (1968), no. 31, pp. 710–35. In 1951 FIAT manufactured 70 per cent of Italian fridges, but then chose to concentrate on automobile construction, leaving market space for new firms. By the mid-1960s the six major companies in the field were Zanussi, Ignis, Indesit, Zoppas, Castor and Candy (the last two specializing in washing-machines).
15 ibid., pp. 714–22 and 726–31 (pp. 730–31 for Zanussi at Pordenone).
16 Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, p. 430.
17 For Adriano Olivetti and his model factory at Ivrea, see G. Berta, Le idee al potere, Milano, 1980, and D. Ronci, Olivetti, anni 50, Milano, 1980.
18 See Statistical Appendix, table 39.
19 Graziani, ed., L'economia italiana, pp. 45–9. Pasquale Saraceno has commented: ‘The formation of social capital and in general the political economy of public spending has in great part followed the process of development rather than being one of its determinants. This has meant that the structure of public spending has come to reflect a process of development which has to a great extent acted autonomously; public intervention has not oriented it towards reducing existing imbalances’ (Saraceno, L'Italia verso la piena occupazione, p. 153). In similar terms Predieri has referred to ‘macroeconomic freedoms allowed to private firms, which were aided but not directed’ (Predieri, ‘Parlamento 1975’, p. 35).
20 The classic study of dualism is that by V. Lutz, Italy: a Study in Economic Development, Oxford, 1962. For an excellent introduction to the problem, Graziani, ed., L'economia italiana, pp. 35–41.
21 A. Antonuzzo, Boschi, miniera, catena di montaggio, Roma, 1976, p. 42.
22 ibid., p. 47.
23 ibid., p. 52.
24 ibid., pp. 150–51.
25 ibid., p. 158.
26 ibid., p. 157.
27 U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, p. 111. See also Treves, Le migrazioni interne, pp. 77–8.
28 See Statistical Appendix, tables 14, 15, 18 and 19.
29 A. Corsi, ‘L'esodo agricolo dagli ann '50 agli anni '70 in Italia e nel Mezzogiorno’, Rassegna Economica, vol. XLI (1977), no. 3, p. 723.
30 Paci, Mercato del lavoro e classi sociali, p. 110.
31 Corsi, ‘L'esodo agricolo’, tab. 5, p. 737.
32 The number of registered labourers in the South increased in the period 1957–63, with women and children taking the place of the men who had left, which did not happen in the North; ibid., p. 732.
33 U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, pp. 53–4. In the period 1958–63 emigration overseas diminished considerably; net emigration (the number of those emigrating less the number of those returning) amounted overall to 246,000 persons, but the latter part of the period (1961–3) witnessed a dramatic decline; ibid., tab. 1.9, p. 48.
34 ibid., pp. 117ff. In 1978 the ‘Centro di specializzazione e ricerche economico-agrarie per il Mezzogiorno’ of the University of Naples at Portici carried out a survey, commune by commune, of emigration from the South. It did so on the basis of persons actually present rather than on that of residence, which it found to be frequently deceptive. The survey found that between 1951 and 1971 4,200,000 persons had emigrated from the South, out of a total population at that time of some eighteen million; M. Rossi-Doriaa, Scritti sul Mezzogiorno, p. 11, note.
35 L. Meneghetti, Aspetti di geografia della popolazione. Italia 1951–67, Milano, 1971, tab. 51, p. 190, for Rome; tab. 48, p. 178, for Milan; tab. 47, p. 174, for Turin.
36 Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, p. 443.
37 Corsi, ‘L'esodo agricolo’, pp. 747–8. For details of the increase in the number of tractors, R. Stefanelli, ‘Il mercato del lavoro nell'agricoltura italiana, 1948–1968: strutture e politiche dell'occupazione’, in I braccianti. 20 anni di lotte, Roma, 1969, p. 127. For ‘tractor mania’, N. Revelli, Il mondo dei vinti, Torino, 1977, pp. xxii-xxiii. For the end of the imponibile, U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, p. 76, n. 60.
38 D. L. Norcia, Io garantito, Roma, 1980, p. 36.
39 G. Russo, Chi ha piú santi in paradiso, Bari, 1965, pp. 123ff.; and G. Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale a Torino, Milano, 1964, p. 78. For the attractions of urban life for the peasantry, see the comments of Sirio Lombardini in 1967: ‘the peasant wants security with regard to income, to prospects of employment, to hours of work. These are the peasantry's traditional aspirations, and they become all the more relevant as the number of employment alternatives increase’; ‘Intervento’, in Fondazione L. Einaudi, Nord e Sud nella società e nell'economia di oggi, p. 473.
40 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 99–104.
41 ibid., p. 106.
42 ibid., pp. 102–4.
43 ibid., pp. 249.
44 Paci, Mercato del lavoro e classi sociali, pp. 89 and 92–3.
45 F. Alasia and D. Montaldi, Milano, Corea, Milano, 1975 (1st ed., 1960), p. 14. For building workers, Paci, Mercato del lavoro e classi sociali, pp. 17 and 46; Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 119–20, 135–6, 166.
46 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 121ff.
47 Testimony in Alasia and Montaldi, Milano, Corea, pp. 364–5.
48 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, p. 142.
49 ibid., pp. 140 and 165.
50 C. Canteri, Immigrati a Torino, Milano, 1964, p. 64.
51 Alasia and Montaldi, Milano, Corea, p. 130; see also A. Baglivo and G. Pellicciari, La tratta dei meridionali, Milano, 1973, pp. 169–77.
52 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 178ff. More generally for the Industrial Triangle, G. Albertelli and G. Ziliani, ‘Le condizioni alloggiative della popolazione immigratá, in G. Pellicciari, ed., L'immigrazione nel triangolo industriale, Milano, 1970, pp. 283–303.
53 Interview in Alasia and Montaldi, Milano, Corea, pp. 183–4.
54 ibid., pp. 60 and 78.
55 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, p. 231. See also his very interesting section on education and integration (pp. 207ff.), based on interviews in forty schools in Turin. As for hospitals, G. Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca del centro-sinistra, Milano, 1971, p. 87, gives the following national statistics: whereas in 1933 there were 2,090 hospitals and health-care institutions, by 1960 their numbers had only increased by 317. In the same period the number of days spent per year by patients in hospitals had nearly doubled, from 65,500,000 to 127,700,000.
56 For figures on consumer durables, see below, p. 239.
57 Russo, Chi ha piú santi, p. 132.
58 ibid., p. 136. See also Piselli, Parentela ed emigrazione, p. 332.
59 Russo, Chi ha piú santi, pp. 125–6.
60 ibid., p. 128.
61 A. Riboldi, I miei 18 anni nel Belice, Assisi, 1977, pp. 27–8. See also the letter from an Italian emigrant in Switzerland in Mondo Nuovo, vol. IV (1962), no. 1, 14 January, p. 2.
62 P. Saraceno, L'Italia verso la piena occupazione, p. 193.
63 P. Saraceno, ‘Il vero e il falso sugli aiuti al Sud’, Corriere della Sera, 14 July 1974. In this article Saraceno examines the distribution of spending between the various sectors of the Cassa's activity in the years between 1951 and 1973.
64 For some remarks on the technocratic vision of development in the South and the forces behind the law of 1957, G. Gribaudi, Mediatori, pp. 104–8 and 130; see also Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, p. 428. For Emilio Colombo at Potenza, L. Sacco, Il cemento del potere, Bari, 1982.
65 E. Scalfari and G. Turani, Razza padrona, Milano, 1974, p. 372. They point out that it was very easy for firms to find funds for the remaining 10 per cent of their ‘risk capital’ either from some other state fund or by ‘over-estimating’ their needs. In this way ‘more than one petrochemical plant has been financed to the tune of 115–120 per cent’. See also G. Addario, Una crisi del sistema, Bari, 1982, p. 52.
66 Russo, Chi ha piú santi, pp. 126–7.
67 ibid., pp. 111–12. For Gela, E. Hytten and M. Marchioni, Industrializzazione senza sviluppo, Milano, 1970. For Nino Rovelli's activities in Sardinia, where his company came to dominate the island, Scalfari and Turani, Razza padrona, pp. 325ff.; M. Lelli, Proletariato e ceti medi in Sardegna, Bari, 1975.
68 For an overall view of the ‘development zones’, Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, pp. 447ff. For the depopulated villages, especially of the mountain areas, A. Baglivo and G. Pellicciari, Sud amaro: esodo come sopravvivenza, Milano, 1970, pp. 15–37.
69 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 34; for net emigration, 1961–71, U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, p. 134.
70 Allum, Politics and Society in Post-war Naples, pp. 32–7.
71 Russo, Chi ha più santi, pp. 15–16 and 21. The upper city of Naples was where the richer part of the population (some 200,000 people) lived; separated from the historic centre by a ‘Chinese wall made of cement’; ibid., p. 33.
72 Fondazione L. Einaudi, Nord e Sud, p. 325.
73 ibid., p. 331.
74 ibid., pp. 460–63. In a conversation with the author in January 1988, Rossi-Doria said that he realized soon after he had made these proposals that they were impracticable because the abandonment of the latifondo areas had already taken too firm a grip.
75 Corsi, 'L'esodo agricolo’, p. 733.
76 Daneo, Breve storia dell'agricoltura, p. 212. For the two ‘Green Plans’ see ibid., pp. 205–7 and 210–11; and G. Mottura and E. Pugliese, Agricoltura, Mezzogiorno e mercato del lavoro, Bologna, 1975, pp. 29–31 and 66–70. It should be noted that in the first ‘Green Plan’ considerable amounts of state money were still being dedicated to social rather than productive investment. Of the 403 bn lire allocated for farm improvement, Daneo estimates (p. 206) that only 250 bn were effectively used to increase productivity. Even in the second ‘Green Plan’, a more restricted number of farms continued to enjoy considerable state subsidies in the form of grants, credits and the maintenance of price levels for agrarian products.
77 Daneo, Breve storia dell'agricoltura, pp. 209–11; Mottura and Pugliese, Agricol-tura, Mezzogiorno, p. 113. For the damaging results for Italy of the first EEC policy negotiations, held in 1960–61, see R. Galli and S. Torcasio, La partecipazione italiana alla politica agraria comunitaria, Bologna, 1976, pp. 21–45. For later failures to make Italian agricultural interests prevail, ibid., pp. 246–60.
78 Paci, La struttura sociale, pp. 115–16. It should be noted that in the Emilian plains the pattern was somewhat different. There a significant stratum of peasant proprietors was producing for the market; ‘push’ factors were therefore less significant than in other central regions.
79 See Statistical Appendix, diagrams 14 and 15.
80 C. Trigilia, Grandi partiti e piccole imprese, Bologna, 1986, tab. 3.3, p. 167.
81 See G. Nigro, ‘Il “caso” Prato’, in Mori ed., Storia d'Italia… La Toscana, pp. 821–65.
82 A. Bagnasco, ‘Borghesia e classe operaia’, in U. Ascoli and R. Catanzaro, eds., La società italiana degli anni Ottanta, Bari, 1987, pp. 40ff. For the Veneto, see also B. Anastasia and E. Rullani, ‘La nuova periferia industriale’, Materiali Veneti, nos. 17–18 (1981–2), pp. 7–203.
83 Trigilia, Grandi partiti e piccole imprese, pp. 214–15. See also the other two volumes resulting from this research: A. Bagnasco and C. Trigilia, eds., Società e politica nelle aree di piccola impresa: il caso di Bassano, Venezia, 1984; A. Bagnasco and C. Trigilia, eds., Società e politica nelle aree di piccola impresa: il caso di Valdelsa, Milano, 1985.
84 The sharecropping family, as Bagnasco has written, was ‘in many cases large enough to constitute an organism capable of controlling its own destiny, autonomous enough to test its innovative and organizational capacities, stable enough on its land over time to have acquired sufficient experience…; it will be this type of family which will push its aspiring members on to the labour market, and will provide aid in the form of wage work which, at least to start with, would be poorly paid and irregular’; Bagnasco, ‘Borghesia e classe operaia’, p. 41. See also Statistical Appendix, tables 2 and 3.
85 For national or local government reactions and actions, Trigilia, Grandi partiti e piccole imprese, pp. 177ff.
86 See Statistical Appendix, tables 36, 37 and 38.
87 See Statistical Appendix, table 37. Taking 1959 as a base of 100, women's work in industry rose to 104 by 1961, but slipped back to 95 in 1964; the figures for agriculture were 100 in 1959, falling rapidly to 72 in 1964. Overall there is a decline in the number of women registered in work from 100 in 1959 to 89 in 1964. The 1959 level was only to be reached again in 1980.
88 P. Sylos Labini, Saggio sulle classi sociali, Bari, 1974, tab. 1.6, p. 160. Because the national census takes place in Italy at the beginning of every decade, and because the 1961 census fell in the middle of the boom, I have thought it useful to give the figures for both 1961 and 1971.
89 For Confindustria in these years, see Pirzio Ammassari, La politica della Confindustria, pp. 91–122. For a good overall impression, Castronovo, ‘La storia economica’, p. 432.
90 L. Gallino, ‘L'evoluzione della struttura di classe in Italia’, Quaderni di Sociología, vol. XIX (1970), no. 2.
91 G. Bocca, Miracolo all'italiano, Milano, 1980 (1st ed., 1962), p. 20. See also A. Martinelli, ‘Borghesia industriale e potere politico’, in A. Martinelli and G. Pasquino, eds., La politica nell'Italia che cambia, Milano, 1978, p. 273.
92 M. Barbagli, Disoccupazione intellettuale e sistema scolastico in Italia, Bologna, 1974.
93 A. Dina, ‘I tecnici nella società contemporanea’, Problemi del Socialismo, vol. IX (1967), nos. 24–5, p. 1409.
94 Sylos Labini, Saggio sulle classi sociali, tab. 1.2, p. 156, and tab. 2.2, p. 164. Contrast his remarks about the ‘pathological expansion of the bureaucracy’, ibid., p. 49 and pp. 66ff., with Cassese's figures; between 1960 and 1976, according to Cassese (Il sistema amministrativo, p. 304), state employees as a percentage of all those employed increased by 6.2 per cent in Germany, 5.3 per cent in the UK, 4.6 per cent in Italy and 1.4 per cent in France. Sylos Labini's book gave rise to an extended debate in Italy, centring on the accuracy of his statistics, and the relative weight of the working class and the ceti medi: see L. Ricolfi, ‘A proposito del “Saggio” di Sylos Labini: la base statistica’, Quaderni Piacentini, vol. XIV (1975), no. 57, pp. 60–76; L. Ricolfi, P. Sylos Labini and L. D'Agostini, ‘Discussione’, Quaderni Piacentini, vol. XV (1976), nos. 60–61, pp. 129–42; L. Maitan, Dinamica delle classi sociali in Italia, Roma, 1975; C. Trigilia, ‘Sviluppo, sottosviluppo e classi sociali in Italia’, Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, vol. XVII (1976), no. 2, pp. 249–96; L. Zappella, ‘Evoluzione del territorio e classi medie in Italia’, Critica Marxista, vol. XIII (1975), no. 6, p. 147–67. In his later book, Le classi sociali negli anni 80, Bari, 1986, Sylos Labini accepted that not all peasant proprietors (coltivatori diretti) could be automatically classified as ‘middle class’ and listed them as a separate category. See also the pertinent remarks on this subject by E. Pugliese, ‘Le classi sociali nel Mezzogiorno’, Sviluppo, no. 16 (1979), p. 8 (extracted version): ‘Membership of the peasant proprietors’ national insurance scheme and the cultivation of a quarter of a hectare of rented land may be sufficient for a semi-proletarian peasant to declare himself “independent” in the ISTAT forms, but they do not authorize an economist or a sociologist to consider him part of the ceto medio.’
95 Sylos Labini, Saggio sulle classi sociali, tabs. 14, 1.5, 1.6 and 2.2, pp. 158–60 and 164. See also Chapter 5 above, p. 183, where the figures refer to all those involved in commerce and not just those ‘practising commerce from a fixed abode’. However, it is worth noting the discrepancies between Sylos Labini's figures and those of Belloni et al. even for ‘commerce from a fixed abode’; according to the first, this category accounted for 6.7 per cent of the workforce in 1951, 7.6 per cent in 1961, 8.7 per cent in 1971; according to the second, the corresponding figures are 4.76 per cent (1957), 7.20 per cent (1961), 8.65 per cent (1971).
96 See Statistical Appendix, table 11; also Sylos Labini, Saggio sulle classi sociali, p. 45, and tabs. 1.1 to 1.4, pp. 155ff., and tab. 2.2, p. 164.
97 G. Salierno, Il sottoproletariato in Italia, Roma, 1972.
98 S. Gundle, ‘Communism and Cultural Change in Post-war Italy’, unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1985, p. 121.
99 M. D'Antonio, Sviluppo e crisi del capitalismo italiano 1951–1972, Bari, 1973, tab. 2, p. 57.
100 See Statistical Appendix, table 9.
101 Gundle, ‘Communism and Cultural Change’, p. 142.
102 Bocca, Miracolo, p. 29.
103 L. Balbo, Stato di famiglia, Milano, 1976, pp. 82–3.
104 See Statistical Appendix, table 9.
105 S. Gundle, ‘L'americanizzazione del quotidiano. Televisione e consumismo nell'Italia degli anni Cinquanta’, Quaderni Storici, vol. XXI (1986), no. 62, pp. 574–5.
106 O. Calabrese, Carosello o dell'educazione serale, Firenze, 1975.
107 Telegram of the Pope sent by his Secretary of State to the ‘Secondo convegno nazionale dei consiglieri ecclesiastici diocesani della CNCD’, in Confederazione Nazionale dei Coltivatori Diretti, Aspetti sociali e religiosi del mondo rurale italiano, Roma, 1958, p. 7.
108 P. P. Pasolini, Scritti corsari, Milano, 1975, pp. 69–70, article of 11 July 1974.
109 M. Calamandrei, ‘La città in campagna’, L'Espresso, vol. V (1959), no. 4, p. 13; cited in Gundle, ‘L'americanizzazione del quotidiano’, p. 576.
110 Antonuzzo, Boschi, miniera, catena di montaggio, pp. 68–9.
111 M. Caesar and P. Hainsworth, Writers and Society in Contemporary Italy, London, 1984, pp. 17–19.
112 See Statistical Appendix, tables 1–6.
113 On the individual family's isolation and its attempts to satisfy needs in this period, see the pertinent remarks of Laura Balbo: ‘It is clear which definitions of privatization derived from these premises: private as competitive (each family gathered resources for itself, in competition with other families); private as opposed to collective (in the sense that for each single case a “particular” solution was sought, whereas in fact the needs were general); private, finally, in the sense of non-political (needs and problems are referred to the closed and isolated ambience of each family unit, according to a logic which prevents solidarity and collective actions)’; Balbo, Stato di famiglia, p. 31. For the new privacy at Rho, A. Pizzorno, Comunità e razionalizzazione, Milano, 1960, pp. 184–5.
114 ibid., p. 183.
115 Balbo, Stato di famiglia, pp. 85–6.
116 V. Gorresio, ‘Durante e dopo il boom: sesso, matrimonio, famiglia’, in I Problemi di Ulisse, vol. XV, (1981), no. 91, pp. 33ff.
117 See Statistical Appendix, table 13, and S. Burgalassi, Il comportamento religioso degli italiani, Firenze, 1968, p. 27.
118 ibid., p. 19. Comparative figures for parishes in the centre of major cities were not that much more encouraging: 16 per cent for men and 27 per cent for women.
119 A. Monelli and G. Pellicciari, ‘Comportamenti di voto e pratica religiosa’, in Pellicciari, ed., L'immigrazione nel triangolo industriale, p. 334.
120 L. Milani, Esperienze pastorali, Firenze, 1957, pp. 464–5: quoted by Ginzburg, ‘Folklore, magia, religione’, p. 674.
121 On the town-planning law of 1942, see F. Ferraresi and A. Tosi, ‘Crisi della città e politica urbana’, in L. Graziano and S. Tarrow, La crisi italiana, Torino, 1979, vol. 2, pp. 561–2; and G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, Bari, 1977, p. 44. For the slowness with which the piani regolatori particolareggiati came into force, see L. Bortolotti, ‘L'evoluzione del territorio’, in Mori, ed., Storia d'Italia… La Toscana, p. 815. By 1957 only one commune in Tuscany, Chianciano, had had its plan approved.
122 For the numbers of houses built per annum, G. Rochat, G. Sateriale and L. Spano, La casa in Italia, 1945–80, Bologna, 1980 p. 17; for the organization of the construction industry, ibid., pp. 8ff.
123 ibid., pp. 17–18; G. Campos Venuti, ‘Programmare: perché è più difficile, perché è, Rinascita, vol. XL (1984), no. 43, p. 13.
124 M. Cancogni, ‘Cicicov in Campidoglio’, L'Espresso, vol. II (1986), no. 4.
125 Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. 34. See also, for the sack of Rome, A. Cederna, Mirabilia urbis, Torino, 1965; and I. Insolera, Roma moderna, Torino, 1963.
126 M. McLuhan, ‘American advertising’, Horizon, nos. 93–4 (1947), p. 132; quoted in Gundle, ‘L'americanizzazione del quotidiano’, p. 579.
127 For some fine examples of American concepts of the benefits of modernization, Ellwood, ‘Il piano Marshall e il processo di modernizzazione in Italia’, passim.
128 See the remarks by D. I. Kertzer, ‘Urban research in Italy’, in M. Kenny and D. I. Kertzer, eds., Urban life in Mediterranean Europe, Urbana, IL, 1983, p. 67; F. Crespi and F. Martinelli, ‘La dinamica delle relazioni sociali nel contesto urbano’, Rivista di Sociologia, vol. VI (1968), no. 16, pp. 5–62; and for an extreme case, Judith Chubb's description of the new housing estates on the periphery of Palermo, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 198.
129 G. Siri, ‘Tendenze contemporanee e valori permanenti della famiglia cristiana’, in Famiglie di oggi e mondo sociale in trasformazione (XXVIII Settimana sociale dei Cattolici d'Italia, Pisa, sett. 1954), Roma, 1956, p. 20.
130 Damiliano, ed., Atti e documenti della DC, vol. 2, p. 1819.
131 Direttivo Nazionale di Gioventù Aclista, Incontri sulla famiglia, Roma, n.d., p. 4.
132 Istituto di Studi e Ricerche Carlo Cattaneo, La presenza sociale del PCI e della DC, p. 277.
133 Vie Nuove, 1 January 1956, p. 11; quoted in Gundle, ‘L'americanizzazione del quotidiano’, p. 578.
134 T. Seppilli, ‘Intervento’, in Famiglia e società nell'analisi marxista, pp. 177–9.
135 Pasolini, Scritti corsari, p. 157, article of 1 Feb. 1975. For an interesting discussion of the connection between modernization and ‘virtù’, see T. Mason, ‘Moderno, modernità, modernizzazione: un montaggio’, in Movimento Operaio e Socialista, New series, vol. X (1987), nos. 1–2, pp. 45–63.
136 Foa, ‘Sindacato e corporazione’, in his La cultura della CGIL, p. xiii.
137 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, p. 157.
138 D. Lanzardo, La rivolta di Piazza Statuto, Milano, 1979, p. 101.
139 ibid., pp. 84–100.
140 ibid., pp. 95–9 and 108.
141 See the testimony of G.C. in ibid., p. 130. For a fascinating account of a group of youngsters in Turin in the early 1960s, see the testimony of D.B., aged fourteen at the time of Piazza Statuto; ibid., p. 155.
1 P. Ottone, Fanfani, Milano, 1966, p. 110.
2 ibid., pp. 120–23. See also the detailed description in G. Baget-Bozzo, Il partito cristiano e l'apertura a sinistra, Firenze, 1977, pp. 150–63.
3 G. Galli, Storia della DC, pp. 194ff.
4 A. Coppola, Moro, Milano, 1976, pp. 16–18. This short political biography remains the most reliable guide to Moro's career. Much of what has been published after Moro's death has been hagiographical in character. An interesting impression of Moro at the time he became secretary of the party is that conveyed by James E. King, who in May 1961 was sent by Arthur Schlesinger, Jr, to meet various Italian political leaders. King noted: ‘What struck me about Moro was his intelligence, his sense of calm, his self-confidence… On a personal level he is very cold and at every moment he gave me the impression that he was thinking about something else, even when we were talking about things in which he showed some interest’ (memorandum of King to W. Rostow, 1 May 1961, quoted in Italian in R. Faenza, Il malaffare, Milano, 1978, p. 280).
5 Cited in P. G. Murgia, Il luglio 1960, Milano, 1960, p. 53.
6 Rosenbaum, Il nuovo fascismo, p. 202.
7 Murgia, Il luglio 1960, pp. 99–140.
8 R. Leonardi and A. A. Platt, ‘La politica estera americana nei confronti della sinistra italiana’, Il Mulino, vol. XXVI (1977), no. 252, p. 554.
9 Faenza, Il malaffare, pp. 264ff.
10 Leonardi and Platt, ‘La politica estera’, p. 561.
11 See E. Forcella, ‘Il “mito” di Kennedy’, in A. Schlesinger Jr et al., Gli anni di Kennedy, Milano, 1964, p. 62. Kennedy visited Italy from 30 June to 2 July 1963, and at that stage made his support for the centre-left quite explicit. For an entertaining account of the visit, based on American documents and CIA bugging, Faenza, Il malaffare, pp. 352–8.
12 Quoted in V. Gorresio, La nuova missione, Milano, 1968, p. 48.
13 ibid., p. 73.
14 ibid., pp. 66–7 and 197.
15 S. Magister, La politica vaticana e l'Italia, 1943–78, Roma, 1979, pp. 241–60.
16 Gorresio, La nuova missione, p. 104.
17 For a debate on the encyclical, see Mater et magistra. Contenuto e valore dell'enciclica di Giovanni XXIII in un incontro alla televisione, Roma, 1962. Those taking part were A. Butte, F. Vito, A. C. Jemolo, G. Lazzati and G. La Pira. The encyclical is reproduced in the appendix, pp. 59–126.
18 Gorresio, La nuova missione, p. 181.
19 For the long-term effects of the encyclical, see the essays, by both Catholics and non-Catholics, collected by G. C. Zizola, Risposte a Papa Giovanni, Roma, 1973. For an excellent account in English of the papacy of John XXIII, P. Hebblethwaite, John XXIII, London, 1984.
20 Partitio Socialista Italiano, 34° congresso nazionale, Milano, 15–20 marzo 1961, Milano, 1961, p. 41.
21 ibid., p. 50.
22 ibid., pp. 163 and 165.
23 Quoted in Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, p. 110. Dean Rusk, the American Secretary of State, was deeply alarmed by Lombardi's statements and his position in the party. How was it possible, asked Rusk, for the USA to support the PSI when Lombardi demanded the recognition of Communist China, the withdrawal of all American troops from Italy and a continuing fight against capitalism and imperialism?; see the telegram from Rusk to the American embassy, 18 Oct. 1961, quoted in Faenza, Il malaffare, p. 311.
24 Primo congresso nazionale di studio della Democrazia Cristiana, San Pellegrino Terme, 13–16 settembre 1961, Roma, 1961. For a summary of Ardigò's speech, pp. 2736; for Saraceno‘s, pp. 39–44. Saraceno recalled the words of John XXIII in Mater et magistra to the effect that the state had to perform in the economic field a ‘greater, more organic and multiform role’.
25 Atti dell'VIII congresso della Democrazia Cristiana (Napoli, 27–31 gennaio 1962), Roma, 1963, p. 97.
26 Bairati, Valletta, p. 328.
27 Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, p. 73. For Mattei, see the article by L. Libertini, ‘Facciamo il punto sulla DC’, Mondo Nuovo, vol. IV, no. 10, 20 May 1962.
28 Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, p. 132.
29 Gigliobianco and Salvati make the important point that in post-war Italy there was no natural interchange between the political élites and the personnel of private industry as there was in France; their separation was to have negative consequences for both; A. Gigliobianco and M. Salvati, Il maggio francese e l'autunno caldo italiano: la risposta di due borghesie, Bologna, 1980, pp. 44–5. See also Guido Carli's remarks above, pp. 470–71, n. 4.
30 For corrective reforms see, for example, Saraceno's intervention at the San Pellegrino Terme conference (Primo congresso nazionale di studio della DC, pp. 39–44); and U. La Malfa, Verso la politica di piano, Napoli, 1962. On the problem of the public administration, see La Malfa's remarks of 1977: ‘[In De Gasperi's time] there was already a degeneration of political and administrative practice, and afterwards it became more extensive. So much so that when I returned to the government in 1962, as Minister of the Budget, I observed that I had found the state in worse conditions than those in which I had left it in 1953’; U. La Malfa, Intervista sul non-governo, ed. A. Ronchey, Bari, 1977, p. 54.
31 R. Lombardi, ‘Una nuova frontiera per la sinistra’, in V. Parlato, ed., Spazio e ruolo del riformismo, Bologna, 1974, p. 66. For structural reform in Togliatti's thought, see Sassoon, Togliatti e la via italiana, pp. 241–88. For the concept of ‘non-reformist reforms’ see A. Gorz, Strategy for Labour: A Radical Reappraisal, Boston, Mass., 1971, pp. 7ff.
32 For a striking and pessimistic view of the possibility of structural reform in Italy, see C. Napoleoni, ‘Riforme del capitale e capitale riformato’, in Parlato, ed., Spazio e ruolo del riformismo, pp. 87–94. For some further reflections, Ginsborg, ‘The Communist Party and the agrarian question in southern Italy’, pp. 98–9. For an interesting attempt to provide a primarily economic typology of reforms, G. Esping-Andersen, R. Friedland and E. O. Wright, ‘Modes of class struggle and the capitalist state’, Kapitalistate, nos. 4–5 (1976), pp. 186–220.
33 Mondo Nuovo, vol. IV, no. 10, 20 May 1962, p. 8.
34 Ministero del Bilancio, Problemi e prospettive dello sviluppo economico italiano (Nota presentata al parlamento dal Ministro del Bilancio, U. La Malfa, 22 maggio 1962), Roma, 1962.
35 A. Baldassare and C. Mezzanotte, Gli uomini del Quirinale, Bari, 1985, pp. 111-17. For Gronchi's presidency, ibid., pp. 62–104.
36 E. Rossi, Elettricità senza baroni, Bari, 1962.
37 Scalfari and Turani, Razza padrona, pp. 14–15 and 21–2. See also La Malfa's account (Intervista sul non-governo, p. 57): ‘From one day to the next the scheme prepared by us (Riccardo Lombardi and I were working closely together at the time) was rejected by Guido Carli, the governor of the Bank of Italy, and by various Christian Democrat leaders. They presented us with a scheme which replaced the guarantees for shareholders with the payment of compensation directly to the ex-trusts. And we, at that point, made the mistake of giving way.’
38 For a good explanation of the background to this law, F. Magistrelli and R. Ragozzino, ‘La cedolare “mista”: vincitori e perdenti’, Problemi del Socialismo, vol. IX (1967), no. 16, pp. 287–8.
39 See Statistical Appendix, table 22. For teachers’ attitudes to the new law, see M. Barbagli and M. Dei, Le vestali della classe media, Bologna, 1969, pp. 73–157. There was also significant opposition to the introduction of the doposcuola, afternoon activities organized by the schools (Italian school hours were usually from 8.30 a.m. to 1.30 p.m. six days a week). Under the new law the doposcuola was introduced, but only for an optional ten hours a week. A major reason for this limitation was the fear of undermining family bonds. As one woman teacher explained, in a fascinating attack on what she perceived to be American family life: ‘I am against the doposcuola. We don't have the same mentality as the Americans, who see each other at 7 a.m. and then again at midnight. We have a different way of doing things. The Italian child needs the influence of its family and to see what takes place within it. In American families, the less you see of each other the better it is; in Italian families the more you see of each other the better it is, if families behave as they should behave. Children should be at home for parents to guide them. The child who is out of the house all day loses its love for the family and does not acquire a family consciousness. Now they want to introduce divorce; we're certainly on the right road!’ (ibid., p. 123). See also A. L. Fadiga Zanatta, Il sistema scolastico italiano, Bologna, 1971, pp. 76–98.
40 Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, p. 131 and p. 145, n. 1.
41 Graziani, ed., L'economiaa italiana, pp. 69ff.; for hours lost in strikes, Statistical Appendix, table 42.
42 See the editorial in 24 Ore, 29 March 1963; See also Provasi, Borghesia industriale e Democrazia Cristiana, pp. 185–6.
43 C. Giustiniani, La casa promessa, Torino, 1981, p. 66. See also A. Fubini, Urbanistica in Italia, Milano, 1978, pp. 245–8. In April 1962, law no. 167 gave municipal authorities considerable powers to initiate public housing schemes but very limited finances with which to carry them through; M. Marchi et al., Il volto sociale dell'edilizia popolare, Roma, 1975, pp. 33–6.
44 Sullo recounted afterwards how his relatives had asked him, aghast, if he really meant to take away their householders' rights; F. Sullo, Lo scandalo urbanistico, Firenze, 1964, p. 17. For the power and composition of the Italian building industry, V. Parlato, ‘Il blocco edilizio’, in F. Indovina, ed., Lo spreco edilizio, Venezia, 1978, pp. 189–200.
45 See Statistical Appendix, table 25.
46 Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, pp. 249–50.
47 Quoted in M. Legnani, Profilo politico dell'Italia repubblicana, 1943–74, Napoli, 1974, p. 44. For a brief history of the new party, see S. Miniati, PSIUP, 1943-72. Vita e morte di un partito, Roma, 1981.
48 G. Galli, Storia della DC, p. 228. Emilio Colombo was to remain at the Treasury for no less than eight years, from June 1963 until August 1970. He was then President of the Council of Ministers until Jan. 1972, after which he returned to the Treasury for a brief spell in 1972, and again from March 1974 until March 1976 (I am grateful to Dr James Walston for this information).
49 Interview with G. Tamburrano in Storia e cronaca, pp. 283–4. For the failures of Moro's government, see also Foa, ‘I socialisti italiani’, pp. 285–6.
50 Atti della Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sugli eventi del giugno–luglio 1964, 2 vols., Roma, 1971.
51 There is considerable evidence of CIA–SIFAR collusion in the compilation of these files; see Faenza, Il malaffare, pp. 315ff.
52 Article published in L'Astrolabio, 21 May 1967, reprinted in Legnani, Profilo politico, pp. 194–204 (p. 196).
53 R. Collin, The De Lorenzo Gambit, London, 1976, passim.
54 Atti della Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta, vol. I, p. 743. It should be pointed out that all the other Carabinieri officers present at the meeting strenuously denied Aurigo's version of what had happened.
55 The exact nature of the conversation between Segni and De Lorenzo has never been revealed. For the July crisis seen from the viewpoint of the CIA, Faenza, Il malaffare, pp. 364–73. It is clear that while Kennedy was in favour of the centre-left and made that support explicit when visiting Rome at the end of June 1963, the CIA office in Rome, under William Harvey, was doing its best to sabotage the new political coalition. Throughout this period close links were maintained between the CIA and De Lorenzo.
56 Avanti!, 26 July 1964.
57 Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, pp. 309ff.
58 Baldassare and Mezzanotte, Gli uomini del Quirinale, pp. 135–44.
59 See Statistical Appendix, table 42.
60 Ferrari and Tosi, ‘Crisi della città, p. 566; Rochat et al., La casa in Italia, p. 23.
61 Quoted in Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, p. 159.
62 Mancini was accused both from the left by the deputy Rocco Minasi of PSIUP, and from the extreme right (by the weekly magazine Candido); see Walston, Mafia and Clientelism, pp. 165ff.
63 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 68–9; see also his article ‘Quattro punti facili’, L'Indice, vol. II (1985), no. 2, p. 26.
64 G. Alzona, ‘Grande industria: sviluppo e strutture di controllo, 1963–72’, in A. Graziani, ed., Crisi e ristrutturazione dell'economia italiana, Torino, 1975, tab. 5, p. 264 and pp. 279–81. See also G. Amato, Economia, politica e istituzioni in Italia, Bologna, 1976, pp. 96–7; Scalfari and Turani, Razza padrona, pp. 54–5 and p. 179; G. Maggia and G. Forengo, Appunti sul sistema delle partecipazioni statali, Torino, 1976, pp. 229–40.
65 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, p. 78: ‘if, at the beginning of the sixties, the connection between merit and competence on the one hand, and decision-making powers on the other, was still robust, in the following years it became ever more slender’.
66 A. Mutti, ‘Elementi per un' analisi della borghesia di stato’, Quaderni di Sociologia, vol. XXVII (1979), no. 1, pp. 24–70; A. Nannei, La nuovissima classe, Milano, 1978.
67 Quoted in Scalfari and Turani, Razza padrona, p. 278.
68 Cefis's rise to power is charted in detail in ibid., passim.
69 R. D. Putnam, ‘Atteggiamenti politici dell'alta burocrazia nell'Europa occidental’, Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, vol. III (1973), no. 1, pp. 172–5.
70 Cassese, Il sistema amministrativo, p. 76.
71 Galli and Torcasio, La partecipazione italiana, pp. 246 and 256. See also Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. 102, and his Rapporto sulla programmazione, Bari, 1975, esp. pp. 91–106. The letter from A. Voci, director-general at the Ministry of the Interior, to S. Cassese (Il sistema amministrativo, p. 83), gives a revealing picture of the labyrinth which a new law had to negotiate.
72 Quoted in Caciagli et al., Democrazia Cristiana e Mezzogiorno, p. 227. For Gullotti at Messina see L. Mattina, ‘Il sistema di potere democristiano a Catania e Messina’, Quaderni della Fondazione G.G. Feltrinelli, no. 21 (1982), pp. 155–77.
73 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, pp. 132 and 134.
74 ibid., pp. 144ff. See also U. Baduel, ‘Il DC Ciancimino’, L'Unità, 11 Nov. 1984.
75 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 157.
76 G. Gribaudi, Mediatori, pp. 122–3; G. Bonazzi, A. Bagnasco and S. Casillo, Industria e potere politico in una provincia meridionale, Torino, 1972, pp. 404–8.
77 G. Galli, Storia della DC, pp. 272ff.
78 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, pp. 168–9. According to Sylos Labini's figures, in 1951 in the South only 4.5 per cent of the active population were white-collar civil servants; by 1971 this number had increased to 8.1 per cent. However, it is interesting to note that the percentage increase was no greater in the decade 1961–71 than in 1951–61, and that the numerical increase was actually more marked in the earlier decade; see Saggio sulle classi sociali, p. 158, tab. 1.5.
79 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 283, n. 2. See also N. Boccella, Il Mezzogiorno sussidiato, Milano, 1982
80 G. Gribaudi, Mediatori, p. 116.
81 Amyot, Italian Communist Party, pp. 76ff.
82 See above, pp. 45–6.
83 P. Togliatti, Memoriale di Yalta, Roma, 1970, p. 10.
84 Until very recently, it has not been possible to establish with any precision Togliatti's role in the purging of the international Communist movement in the 1930s. The opening of the Comintern archives now offers new possibilities to historians. In July 1988, the Soviet historian Frederik Firsov, having read some of the Comintern papers for the 1930s, gave this first, extremely balanced judgement: ‘All the leaders of the Comintern in that period had a responsibility for what happened. But I must add, so as not to state only a half truth, that they could do nothing different. That is not to absolve them; if anything it renders their tragedy even greater… The leaders wrote and signed what they were forced to sign. That in itself was terrible enough. It was as if they were on an escalator of the Underground, which brought them down to the furthest depths of horror… I know of Tasca's case and now, reading his critique of Stalin, one understands without any shadow of doubt that he was right. But for someone with Togliatti's make-up it was different. For him the decisive problem was the life of his party, its relationship with the Comintern and with the USSR. For that reason he chose the way he did’ (La Repubblica, 26 July 1988, interview with Ezio Mauro). There remains the question of Togliatti's behaviour on returning to Italy. In 1944 the libertarian Communist, Victor Serge, wrote him an anguished letter, asking him to tell the world about the fate of a number of Italian comrades who had fled from Fascism to Russia and who had not been heard of since; Togliatti never replied. (M. Guarnaschelli and V. Serge, ‘Il morbo di Stalin’, Belfagor, vol. XXXVIII (1983), pp. 85–90.)
85 G. Amendola, Classe operaia e programmazione democratica, Roma, 1966, esp. pp. 535–615. It should be noted that Amendola's liberal social-democratic tendencies were tempered by rigid and orthodox views on the leadership's control of the party.
86 P. Ingrao, Masse e potere, Roma, 1980; Amyot, Italian Communist Party, pp. 5864 and p. 168.
87 Amyot, ibid., pp. 67–72 and pp. 162ff.
88 Piro, Comunisti al potere, pp. 137–9.
89 G. Fanti, ‘Relazione introduttiva’, Prima conferenza regionale del PCI (Bologna, 1959), in D'Attorre, ed., I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna, p. 127.
90 G. Fanti and R. Zangheri, ‘Classe operaia e alleanze in Emilia’, in Cinquantesimo del PCI (Critica Marxista, Quaderno no. 5, 1972), p. 259.
91 Piro, Comunisti al potere, p. 170; D'Attorre, ‘I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna’ in I comunisti in Emilia-Romagna, p. 20.
92 I. Montanelli, ‘Il comunismo imprenditoriale’, in Italia sotto inchiesta, p. 383; Marchi et al., Il volto sociale, pp. 45ff., who point out, however, that the areas of popular housing had attracted more white-collar than blue-collar workers in percentage terms (ibid., p. 58).
93 M. Jäggi, R. Müller and S. Schmid, Red Bologna, London, 1977, pp. 37ff. (First published as Das röte Bologna, Zürich, 1976.)
94 Quoted in Ferraresi and Tosi, ‘Crisi della città, p. 577. See also Zangheri's interview with the all-too-credulous Jäggi, Müller and Schmid: ‘our policy sheds much clearer light than any other policy on the contradictions of capitalism and thus helps to overcome it. And overcome it with reforms that induce the largest numbers of people to mobilize – that is the point – and bring genuine solutions to the problems of the system. We do not believe these solutions remain within the capitalist system’ (Jäggi et al., Red Bologna, p. 199).
95 P. Togliatti, Discorsi sull'Emilia, Bologna, 1964, p. 88.
1 For educational reform and the increase in school and university numbers, see R. Lumley, ‘Social Movements in Italy, 1968–1978’, unpublished PhD thesis, Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham, 1983, pp. 145ff.
2 R. Rossanda, L'anno degli studenti, Bari, 1968, p. 14.
3 G. Viale, ‘Contro l'universitá, in L. Baranelli and M. G. Cherchi, eds., Quaderni Piacentini. Antologia 1962–68, Milano, 1977, p. 432.
4 I lavoratori studenti. Testimonianze raccolte a Torino (introduction by V. Foa), Torino, 1969; see also G. Martinotti, Gli studenti dell'università di Milano, Milano, 1973; nearly a third of Milan state university's population were worker-students at this time.
5 From a conversation with the author. See also L. Passerini, Autoritratto di gruppo, Firenze, 1988, p. 33; and Luigi Bobbio: ‘We no longer wanted supinely to play the role of the ruling class, to become zealous and obtuse judges, conformist journalists, inventors of machines to improve productivity at the expense of the workers, doctors set on making money to the detriment of their poorest patients. Something had broken down in the transmission of values between the generations’ (L. Bobbio, ‘Arroganza e sacchi a pelo’, Panorama, vol. XXV (1987), no. 1128, p. 231).
6 Scuola di Barbiana, Lettera a una professoressa, Firenze, 1967, pp. 112 and 116; published in English as School of Barbiana, Letter to a Teacher, London, 1970.
7 Viale, ‘Contro l'università’, p. 429.
8 For Trento, Rossanda, L'anno degli studenti, pp. 44ff.
9 ‘Mozione approvata dall'assemblea generale degli studenti occupanti, 19 Nov. 1967', quoted in Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, p. 189.
10 See S. Mobiglia, ‘La scuola: l'onda lunga della contestazione’, to be published in the Annali della Fondazione L. Micheletti. It was not until the autumn of 1968 that the movement spread outwards from a handful of schools, and that thousands of school students became involved. Amongst their demands were the freedom to hold meetings in school time, the right of everyone to education and to a student grant, the end of individual exams and marking, the accountability of teachers to students.
11 Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, pp. 174–8.
12 E. Scalfari, L'autunno della Repubblica, Milano, 1969, p. 195. Scalfari is referring here to his trial for defamation, of which he and Raffaele Jannuzzi, both at that time of L'Espresso, had been accused by General De Lorenzo.
13 Quoted in Passerini, Autoritratto di gruppo, p. 46.
14 L. Castellina, in Famiglia e società capitalistica, Quaderni de ‘Il Manifesto’, no. 1, Roma, 1974, pp. 14–37. See the Turin leaflet of 27 Feb. 1968 containing the students' answers to their parents’ standard criticisms, reprinted in Passerini, Autoritratto di gruppo, pp. 105–6.
15 L. Passerini, ‘Non solo maschio. La presenza ambivalente delle donne nel movimento’, in Marzo 1968 (supplement to Il Manifesto, no. 76, 30 March 1988), pp. 16–17.
16 For the architecture faculty at Venice, Rossanda, L'anno degli studenti, pp. 57–64.
17 Viale, ‘Contro l'università’, p. 441.
18 Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, p. 180.
19 L. Longo, ‘Il movimento studentesco nella lotta anticapitalistica’, Rinascita (supplement Il Contemporaneo) vol. XXV (1968), no. 8, p. 15; G. Amendola, ‘Necessità della lotta su due fronti’, in ibid., pp. 3–4.
20 L'Espresso, vol. XIV (1968), no. 4, 16 June.
21 ibid. There was further discussion of the poem in the issue of 23 June, and a long reply by Pasolini on 30 June.
22 For a discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of direct democracy as it was manifested in the international student movement, see P. Ortoleva, Saggio sui movimenti del 1968 in Europa e in America, Roma, 1988, pp. 121ff.
23 M. Boffi et al., Città e conflitto sociale, Milano, 1972, pp. 128ff. For migration, see Statistical Appendix, tables 15, 16, 19 and 20, and U. Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, pp. 128ff.
24 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 303–4; for ‘Altopiano’, Piselli, Parentela ed emigrazione, p. 326.
25 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, pp. 308–11; Paci, Mercato del lavoro e classi sociali, pp. 207ff., and p. 334.
26 Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, pp. 92–3.
27 The thesis of inadequate representation is argued most strongly by A. Pizzorno and his collaborators in their four-volume work, Lotte operaie e sindacato in Italia (1968–1972), Bologna, 1974.
28 Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, pp. 164ff.; G. Pupillo, ‘Classe operaia, partiti e sindacati nella lotta alla Marzotto', Classe, vol. II (1970), no. 2, pp. 37ff.; N. Zandegiacomi, ‘Marzotto, un monumento nella polvere', in Marzo 1968 (supplement to II Manifesto, no. 76, 30 March 1988), pp. 29–30. After 19 April an agreement was hastily signed between management and the CISL, but by the beginning of 1969 tension was again running high. From 24 January 1969 onwards the factory was occupied by the workers for a month, at the end of which management agreed to the majority of their requests.
29 Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, p. 163. For the pension reform which ensued, see below, p. 328.
30 L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, Roma, 1979, pp. 29–30.
31 The best single history of any of these groups is Bobbio, Lotta Continua. See also A. Garzia, Da Natta a Natta. Storia del Manifesto e del PDUP, Bari, 1985; and D. Degli Incerti, ed., La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia, Roma, 1976 (a collection of documents). For two useful introductions in English, S. Hellman, ‘The “New Left” in Italy’, in M. Kolinsky and W. E. Paterson, eds., Social and Political Movements in Western Europe, London, 1976, pp. 243–75; V. Spini, ‘The new left in Italy’, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. VII (1972), nos. 1–2, pp. 51–72.
32 I. Regalia, M. Regini and E. Reyneri, ‘Labour conflicts and industrial relations in Italy’, in C. Crouch and A. Pizzorno, eds., The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, London, 1978, vol. I, p. 109; see also A. Luppi and E. Reyneri, Autobianchi e Innocenti, Bologna, 1974 (vol. I of Pizzorno et al., Lotte operaie e sindacato in Italia), pp. 175–6.
33 Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, pp. 166ff.; M. Mosca, ‘I CUB alla Bicocca’, in Marzo 1968 (supplement to Il Manifesto, no. 76, 30 March 1988), pp. 33–4; G. Bianchi et al., I CUB: comitati unitari di base, Roma, 1971; 1968–72: Le lotte alla Pirelli, Milano, 1972.
34 Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, pp. 154ff. and pp. 171–2.
35 Regalia et al., ‘Labour conflicts’, pp. 112–14.
36 R. Del Carria, Proletari senza rivoluzione, vol. V, Roma, 1977, p. 115.
37 Regalia et al. ‘Labour conflicts’, p. 112.
38 Quoted in L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 34.
39 G. Viale, ‘Cinquanta giorni di lotta alla FIAT’, in his S'avanza uno strano soldato, Roma, 1973, p. 57. For the ‘battle of Corso Traiano’, Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, pp. 183ff., and L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 35.
40 Quoted in L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 48.
41 Quoted in Luppi and Reyneri, Autobianchi e Innocenti, p. 148. For the FIM–CISL, G. P. Cella, B. Manghi and P. Piva, Un sindacato italiano negli anni Sessanta, Bari, 1972.
42 P. Lange, G. Ross and M. Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis: French and Italian Union Strategy and the Political Economy, 1945–1980, London, 1984, pp. 136ff.
43 Foa, Sindacato e lotte operaie, p. 187.
44 For the development of white-collar radicalism, J. R. Low-Beer, Protest and Participation, Cambridge, 1978.
45 Regalia et al., ‘Labour conflicts’, p. 110.
46 See G. Giugni et al., Gli anni della conflittualità permanente, Milano, 1976.
47 Quoted in Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, pp. 208–9. For the development of the councils, see G. Romagnoli, Consigli di fabbrica e democrazia sindacale, Milano, 1976.
48 Regalia et al., ‘Labour conflicts’, pp. 149–50.
49 A typical defensive struggle of these years was the one in which Antonio Antonuzzo (see above, pp. 217–18) was involved at the Superbox factory at Lesmo (Brianza) in the winter of 1972–3. The British Metal Box company, which owned the factory, wanted to close it down. Antonuzzo, who had become a full-time trade unionist in the FIM–CISL, helped to organize the occupation of the factory, which lasted for some three months: ‘On Christmas Eve the midnight mass was celebrated in the factory by Don Luigi Oggioni, with some 1,500 people taking part. Don Oggioni, in his sermon, said that if Jesus had still to be born, God would have chosen an occupied factory as his birthplace.’ Metal Box refused to reconsider, the factory was closed, and some 250 jobs were lost; Antonuzzo, Boschi, miniere, catena di montaggio, pp. 230ff.
50 Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, p. 203.
51 See the slightly longer Italian version of the article by Regalia et al., ‘Labour conflicts’: ‘Conflitti di lavoro e relazioni industriali in Italia, 1968–75’, in C. Crouch and A. Pizzorno, Conflitti in Europa, Milano, 1977, App. 1, p. 69. See also Statistical Appendix, table 42.
52 Mosca, ‘I CUB alla Bicocca’, p. 34.
53 Testimony in Alasia and Montaldi, Milano, Corea, pp. 366 and 368–9.
54 Norcia, Io garantito, p. 59. Compare this testimony with the very similar one of the CGIL militant at Magneti Marelli in the mid-1950s (see above, p. 197).
55 ibid., p. 64.
56 A fine regional study of this experience is V. Capecchi et al., Le 150 ore nella regione Emilia-Romagna. Storia e prospettive, 6 vols., Bologna, 1982. For an overview, see E. Guerra, ‘Per una storia delle 150 ore in Emilia-Romagna’, ibid., vol. 1, pp. 11–42. For the 1973 contract, Foa, Sindacati e lotte operaie, pp. 201–3.
57 R. Canosa, Storia di un pretore, Torino, 1979, p. 70. See also M. Ramat ed., Storia di un magistrato. Materiali per una storia di Magistratura Democratica, Roma, 1986.
58 L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 84.
59 ibid., p. 79. After the autumn of 1969, Lotta Continua, while not abandoning the factory struggle, shifted its attention towards the city and towards its poorest elements. The unemployed and underemployed, the migrants, the most marginal and oppressed members of the proletariat, seemed those most willing to take direct action.
60 Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, p. 258.
61 F. Di Ciaccia, La condizione urbana. Storia dell'Unione Inquilini, Milano, 1974, pp. 57–8.
62 For an account of the Milanese squats in Via MacMahon and Via Tibaldi in 1971, see Boffi et al., Città e conflitto sociale, pp. 151–5. For a summary of housing struggles in the major Italian cities up to 1974, A. Daolio ed., Le Lotte per la casa in Italia, Milano, 1974, esp. pp. 19–22. See also M. Mattei, A. Morini and V. Simoni, Le lotte per la casa a Firenze, Roma, 1975.
63 Boffi et al., Città e conflitto sociale, pp. 75–145.
64 ibid., p. 135.
65 For the full details of these election results, see Statistical Appendix, table 25.
66 G. Galli, Storia della DC, pp. 309ff. In the pre-congress period there had been eight factions at work: the Dorotei, the Fanfaniani, the Morotei (the supporters of Aldo Moro), the Tavianei (the supporters of P. E. Taviani), the ‘Centristi Popolari’, Base, Forze Nuove, and the ‘new left’ of F. Sullo.
67 Quoted in Tamburrano, Storia e cronaca, pp. 322–3.
68 G. Galli, Storia del socialismo italiano, pp. 269ff.
69 Allum, Italy: Republic without Government?, pp. 225–38.
70 Turone, Storia del sindacato, pp. 444–8; O. Castellino, Il labirinto delle pensioni, Bologna, 1976.
71 For the passage of the Workers' Charter through Parliament, and Brodolini's role in it, E. Stolfi, Da una parte sola, Milano, 1976. For the assessment of one of the Milanese magistrates most involved in applying the Charter, Canosa, Storia di un pretore, pp. 35–47. See also the detailed studies edited by T. Treu, L'uso politico dello Statuto dei lavoratori, Bologna, 1975, and Lo Statuto dei lavoratori: prassi sindacali e motivazioni dei giudici, Bologna, 1976.
72 A. Coletti, Il divorzio in Italia, Roma, 1974, pp. 133–51.
73 Ferraresi and Tosi, ‘Crisi della città, p. 567; G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, pp. 53–5. For a study of the complicated passage of the law, S. Potenza, ‘Riforma della casa e movimento sindacale’, in Indovina, ed., Lo spreco edilizio, pp. 252-303; see also M. Achilli, Casa: vertenza di massa, Padova, 1972.
74 Regalia et al. ‘Conflitti di lavoro’, pp. 41–2 and n. 19.
75 Daolio, Le lotte per la casa, p. 27; M. Regini, I dilemmi del sindacato, Bologna, 1981, p. 113. See also the remarks of Vittorio Foa: ‘In my experience every time that the institutional voice of the trade unions became more important, and their role as co-decision-maker on a national level increased, so their real force diminished, because their links with their social base became less strong. This was a repeated and disillusioning experience’ (Foa, ‘Sindacato e corporazione’, in his La cultura della CGIL, p. xx.)
76 For a detailed exposition of this point in relation to the housing law of Oct. 1971, see G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, pp. 54–5.
77 R. Valiani, La tassazione diseguale, Roma, 1983, p. 39; see also G. Tremonti and G. Vitaletti, Le cento tasse degli italiani, Bologna, 1986.
78 See, above all, A. Graziani, ‘Il Mezzogiorno nel quadro dell'economia italiana’, in A. Graziani and E. Pugliese, eds., Investimenti e disoccupazione nel Mezzogiorno, Bologna, 1979, pp. 7–65.
79 P. Armstrong, A. Glyn and J. Harrison, Capitalism since World War II, London, 1984, pp. 269–308.
80 Gigliobianco and Salvati, Il maggio francese e l'autunno caldo italiano, p. 21.
81 ibid., p. 23.
82 ‘La malattia: profitto zero’ (interview of E. Scalfari with G. Agnelli), L'Espresso, vol. XVIII (1972), no. 47; see also Provasi, Borghesia industriale e Democrazia Cristiana, p. 258.
83 Pirzio Ammassari, La politica della Confindustria, pp. 172ff.
84 G. Rasi, ‘La politica economica e i conti della nazione’, in Annali dell'economia italiana, vol. XIV, pt 1 (1971–77), Milano, 1985, p. 145.
85 La strage di stato, Roma, 1970, pp. 29ff.
86 M. Del Bosco, Da Pinelli a Valpreda, Roma, 1972, pp. 54–7.
87 Giorgio Galli makes the distinction between a minority wing who wanted the strategy of tension to lead to a coup, and a majority who would have been content with a government that put the emphasis on anti-left-wing measures and greater law and order. He argues that the orchestration of the strategy was fundamentally the work of the ‘corpi separati’ – secret services, both Italian and foreign, and politicized sectors of the officer corps of the tank and parachute regiments, as well as sectors of the navy and air force; G. Galli, Storia della DC, pp. 322–4.
88 M. Magrone and G. Pavese, Ti ricordi di Piazza Fontana?, vol. 1, Bari, 1986.
89 G. De Lutiis, Storia dei servizi segreti in Italia, Roma, 1984, pp. 100–107.
90 Faenza, Il malaffare, pp. 315ff.
91 Baldassare and Mezzanotte, Gli uomini del Quirinale, pp. 163ff.
92 See Statistical Appendix, table 25.
93 G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. xxxiii.
94 For a good analysis of class structure in the South in these years, C. Donolo, ‘Sviluppo ineguale e disgregazione sociale. Note per l'analisi delle classi nel meridione’, Quaderni Piacentini, vol. IX (1972), no. 47, pp. 101–28. For the ‘hot autumn’ in the South, E. Mattina, ‘Il Mezzogiorno e l'autunno caldo’, in L'autunno caldo dieci anni dopo, 1969–1979, LericiRoma, 1979.
95 S. Moretti, ‘Avola 1968’, in I braccianti, pp. 366–79.
96 Piselli, Parentela ed emigrazione, esp. pp. 112–16 and 204–5.
97 M. Rossi-Doria, ‘Dopo i fatti di Battipaglia’, in his Scritti sul Mezzogiorno, p. 6.
98 For another, less renowned incident, see Collettivo Marxista di Lavoro Politico di Napoli, ‘Castellamare di Stabia: analisi di una rivolta (nov. 1971)’, Inchiesta, vol. II (1972), no. 5, pp. 21–5.
99 For the socio-economic background, P. Ferraris, ‘I cento giorni di Reggio: i presupposti della rivolta e la sua dinamica’, Giovane Critica, 1971, pp. 2–43.
100 F. D'Agostino, Reggio Calabria. I moti del luglio 1970–febbraio 1971, Milano, 1972, p. 140.
101 For Catania, G. Galli, Storia della DC, p. 342; Walston, Mafia and Clientelism, p. 213, table 5.5.
102 V. Guerrazzi, Nord e Sud uniti nella lotta, Padova, 1974, p. 106.
103 1968–72: le lotte alla Pirelli, p. 13.
104 For Milan, Boffi et al., Città e conflitto sociale, p. 133. It should be added, in fairness, that the high turnover rate of the immigrant population must have accounted, at least in part, for their lack of knowledge of neighbourhood politics.
105 Regalia et al., ‘Conflitti di lavoro’, p. 3.
106 For wages and social expenditure, P. Lange, ‘Semiperiphery and core in the European context’, in Arrighi, ed., Semiperipheral Development, p. 187. For housing and consumer goods, Statistical Appendix, tables 7–9.
107 Rossanda, L'anno degli studenti, pp. 121–2.
108 Maggia and Fornengo, Appunti sul sistema delle partecipazioni statali, pp. 221ff.; see also their table on p. 235. Taking the major 150 Italian companies in the period 1969–73, the partecipazioni statali increased their percentage of total employment from 19.9 to 25.2, of turnover from 21.3 to 29.8, and of fixed capital from 31.0 to 39.2.
109 F. Reviglio, Spesa pubblica e stagnazione dell'economia italiana, Bologna, 1977, p. 13.
110 For a good summary of the malfunctioning of the state bureaucracy, Cassese, Il sistema amministrativo, pp. 273–87.
111 A. Cederna, ‘I terremotati a vita del Belice’, ‘Quanti monumenti inutili nel Belice’ and ‘Il Belice rinasce malgrado i padrini’, Corriere della Sera, 17, 21 and 29 Aug. 1978.
112 A. Riboldi ed., Lettere dal Belice e al Belice. Le speranze tradite, Milano, 1977, pp. 46–7.
1 G. Galli, Storia della DC, p. 372.
2 G. Pasquino, ‘Crisi della DC ed evoluzione del sistema politico’, Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, vol. V (1975), pp. 443–72.
3 For details of the scandal, and the legislation favouring the petrol companies, G. Galli, L'Italia sotterranea, Bari, 1983, pp. 134–8.
4 De Lutiis, Storia dei servizi segreti, pp. 107ff. The SID had replaced the SIFAR (of De Lorenzo fame) in 1966. In November 1972, Arnaldo Forlani, one of the younger and more sober Christian Democrat leaders, warned in a public speech at La Spezia that there was evidence of ‘probably the most dangerous plot that the reactionary right has developed and organized in the whole post-war period’. Forlani never elaborated on this statement. Vito Miceli was from Trapani in Sicily, and members of the extended Miceli family had frequently been cited in the reports of the parliamentary anti-Mafia commissions.
5 G. Galli, Fanfani, Milano, 1975, p. 6.
6 Magister, La politica vaticana e l'Italia, p. 426. The most detailed and illuminating treatment of the church's various positions and of the whole debate on divorce is to be found in P. Furlong, ‘The Catholic Church and the Question of Divorce in Italy’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Reading, 1981.
7 See the speech of Feb. 1974 by F. Di Giulio to a workers' conference of the party (Partito Comunista Italiano, VIa conferenza operaia del PCI, Genova, 8–10 febbraio 1974, Roma, 1974, p. 41): ‘We know that for the great majority of workers the personal problem of divorce does not exist. For the Italian worker the family is a deeply serious project, to be appreciated and to defend. In the family he has found a bulwark and a defence in the most difficult moments of his life and of his struggles. The family constitutes the memory of so many sacrifices undertaken so as to be able to educate one's children. We appeal to this worker, for whom the family means so much, to be seriously involved, as much as possible, in the struggle for divorce. Not for himself, for whom there will not be and will never be a problem of divorce, but for his fellow worker, for his fellow citizen, for whom life has reserved a different destiny.’ Compare these views with those of a thirty-five-year-old Communist worker at the Ansaldo Meccanico Nucleare plant at Genoa (May 1974): ‘divorce is certainly a greater victory for the workers than the well-to-do, because the latter have always had the economic resources to seek other solutions, like the Sacra Rota [the church courts]’ (no. 24 of sixty-eight replies to V. Guerrazzi, ed., L'altra cultura. Inchiesta operaia, Venezia, 1975, p. 161).
8 Lange, ‘Semiperiphery and core in the European context’, p. 205.
9 Armstrong et al., Capitalism since World War II, pp. 309ff.; Rasi, ‘La politica economica e i conti della nazione’, Annali dell'economia italiana, vol. XIV, pt 1, p. 98.
10 Armstrong et al., Capitalism since World War II, p. 310.
11 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, p. 112.
12 Rasi, ‘La politica economica’, p. 111.
13 For a valuable analysis of why Italian inflation remained higher than that elsewhere in Europe, see Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 119–21. The determined defence of the scala mobile throughout most of the seventies, argues Salvati, linked wages and prices more closely than in other countries; profits were not recouped through slashing real wages, and employers continued to pass wage costs on in prices. Two possible ways out of this spiral – the growth of productivity at work, and the containment of the incomes of other groups in society, especially in public administration – were not realized.
14 Ascoli, Movimenti migratori, p. 57.
15 R. Cornwall, ‘Italy grows fat on its underground economy’, Financial Times, 10 February 1979. See also p. 408 for I STAT's decision to take the ‘black economy’ into account in the statistics.
16 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 124ff.
17 D. J. Coyle, ‘The economy’, Financial Times, ‘Survey of Italy’, 12 April 1976.
18 For a good comparison of the personalities of Togliatti and Berlinguer, see V. Gorresio, Berlinguer, Milano, 1976, p. 30.
19 E. Berlinguer, ‘Riflessioni sull'Italia dopo i fatti del Cile’, Rinascita, 28 Sept., 5 and 9 Oct. 1973; reprinted in E. Berlinguer, La ‘Questione comunista’, 1969–75, ed. A. Tatò, Roma, 1975, vol. II, pp. 609–39.
20 ibid., p. 621.
21 ibid.
22 ibid., p. 635.
23 ibid., pp. 638–9.
24 E. Berlinguer, Austerità, occasione per trasformare l'Italia, Roma, 1977, p. 13.
25 ibid., p. 51.
26 Partito Comunista Italiano, Proposta di un progetto a medio termine, Roma, 1977.
27 A. Asor Rosa, ‘La cultura politica del compromesso storico’, Laboratorio Politico, vol. II (1982), nos. 2–3, p. 19. For a very critical review of the PCI's strategy, T. Abse, ‘Judging the PCI’, New Left Review, no. 153 (1985), pp. 5–40.
28 One of the most famous and hard-fought of these struggles was at the Leyland-Innocenti factory in Milan. British Leyland had bought the Innocenti car factory in 1972 and produced a glamorous version of the Mini there. But falling car sales and B L's own ever-growing problems at home caused management to announce, in the summer of 1975, 1,700 redundancies out of a workforce of 4,700. Three months later, Leyland made it clear that they wanted to sell the factory. The workers replied by occupying on 26 Nov. 1975. The occupation lasted all winter, with an average of 1,000 workers present in the factory every day. As the weeks passed, some of the younger immigrant workers were forced for lack of funds to return home to the South to await the reopening of the factory. All the working-class institutions of the city were mobilized in support of the Innocenti workers. However, the occupation still ended in defeat. B L were determined to go, and in February 1976 a face-saving compromise was reached. The Italo-Argentinian entrepreneur De Tomaso took over the factory with Italian state aid, but continued to employ only some 2,500 workers there, with the promise of taking more back later. Not even the strength of the massive Milanese FLM (the metalworkers' union) had been able to prevent defeat.
29 L. Lama, Intervista sul mio partito, Bari, 1986, p. 29. As Lama pointed out, this agreement brought its own problems, because skilled workers' real wages were constantly diminishing in comparison with the semi-skilled, and there was growing disillusionment amongst the higher grade workers with trade union policy.
30 Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, p. 470.
31 Autoriduzione. Cronache e riflessioni di una lotta operaia e popolare, settembre/ dicembre 1974, Milano–Roma, 1975; E. Cherki and M. Wieviorka, ‘Autoreduction movements in Turin’, Semiotext(e], no.3 (1980), pp. 72–80; Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, pp. 466–8.
32 Daolio, Le lotte per la casa, p. 14. For the Turin experience of the councils, see below, p. 399
33 Quoted in L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 137.
34 ibid., p. 130.
35 For the culture of the new left, Gundle, ‘Communism and Cultural Change’, pp. 276–87.
36 Bobbio, Lotta Continua, pp. 131–3. In November 1975 the first national assembly of the soldiers' movement took place in Rome; 220 delegates were present, representing 133 barracks. The new left at this time had three national daily newspapers: Il Manifesto, Lotta Continua, and II Quotidiano dei Lavoratori (the organ of Avanguardia Operaia).
37 G. Bocca, Noi terroristi, Milano, 1985, pp. 28 ff., G. Galli, Storia del partito armato, 1968–1982, Milano, 1986, pp. 5–19; see also P. Furlong, ‘Political terrorism in Italy in J. Lodge, ed., Terrorism: a Challenge to the State, Oxford, 1981, pp. 57-90; and the interesting article by N. Tranfaglia, ‘La crisi italiana e il problemo storico del terrorismo’, in his Labirinto italiano, Torino, 1984, pp. 227–82.
38 See in particular N. Dalla Chiesa, ‘Del sessantotto e del terrorismo; cultura e politica tra continuità e rottura’, Il Mulino, vol. XXX (1981), no. 273, pp. 53–94.
39 G. G. Migone, ‘Il terrorismo che stabilizza’, L'Indice, vol. III (1986), no. 8, p. 4. See also C. Pavone, ‘Sparo dunque sono. II nodo della violenza’, Il Manifesto, 6 May 1982.
40 For the first period of the Red Brigades' activity, G. C. Caselli and D. Della Porta, ‘La storia delle brigate rosse: strutture organizzative e strategie d'azione’, in D. Della Porta and G. Pasquino, eds., Terrorismi in Italia, Bologna, 1984, pp. 156ff.
41 Soccorso Rosso Napoletano, ed., I NAP, Milano, 1976; L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 139.
42 Caselli and Della Porta, ‘Storia delle BR’, pp. 170ff. For Mara Cagol and other women in the Red Brigades, I. Faré and F. Spirito, Mara e le altre, Milano, 1979.
43 G. Esposito, ed., Anche il colera, Milano, 1973.
44 V Capecchi and E. Pugliese, ‘Due città a confronto: Bologna e Napoli’, Inchiesta, vol. VIII (1978), nos. 35–6, pp. 3 and 12.
45 See F. Ramondino, ed., Napoli: i disoccupati organizzati, Milano, 1977.
46 ibid., p. 21.
47 ibid., pp. 182–204. This is an extraordinary account.
48 For some of these difficulties, V. Dini, ‘Il movimento dei disoccupati organizzati a Napoli', Inchiesta, vol. VIII (1978), nos. 35–6, pp. 88–91.
49 Ramondino, ed., Napoli: i disoccupati organizzati, p. 35.
50 Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città a confronto’, pp. 48–9.
51 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, pp. 162–3; for the housing movement, ibid., pp. 180ff.
52 L'Ora, 25 May 1973; quoted by Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 196.
53 M. Gramaglia, ‘Il 1968. Il venir dopo e l'andar oltre del movimento femminista’, Problemi del Socialismo, vol. XVII (1976), no. 4, pp. 179–201.
54 Fofi, L'immigrazione meridionale, p. 267.
55 D. I. Kertzer, Comrades and Christians, Cambridge, 1980, p. 61.
56 A. Vinci and A.Vettore, ‘Le donne, il '69 e il sindacato, in L'autunno caldo 10 anni dopo, p. 189; for the factory struggles mentioned above, E. De Grandis and I. Spezzano, ‘L'autunno caldo e la questione femminile’, in ibid., pp. 180–81.
57 Balbo, Stato di famiglia, p. 91.
58 G. Re and G. Derossi, L'occupazione fu bellissima, Roma, 1976, pp. 100–101.
59 A. Rossi-Doria, ‘Una tradizione da costruire’, in M. L. Odorizio et al., Donna o cosa?, Torino, 1986, pp. 200ff.
60 Odorizio et al., Donna o cosa?, pp. 187–8; Bobbio, Lotta Continua, pp. 161ff.
61 A. Rossi-Doria, ‘Una tradizione da costruire’, p. 206.
62 For an interesting study of the feminist movement in Italy, J. Adler Hellman, Journeys among Women, Oxford, 1987.
63 C. and S. Rodotà, ‘Il diritto di famiglia’, in Ritratto di famiglia degli anni '80, Bari, 1981, pp. 159–204.
64 G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, pp. 119–20.
65 G. Flamini, Il partito del golpe, vol. III, pt 2, Bologna, 1983, pp. 562–80.
66 G. Galli, L'Italia sotterranea, pp. 177–80.
67 G. Galli, Storia della DC, pp. 415–21.
68 The text of this declaration and that of the French and Italian parties of 15 Nov. 1975 are to be found in P. Filo Della Torre, E.Mortimer and J. Story, Eurocommunism: Myth or Reality?, London, 1979, pp. 330–38. See also Giorgio Napolitano's lengthy interview with Eric Hobsbawm, in G. Napolitano, The Italian Road to Socialism, London, 1977, pp. 76ff.
69 S. Bonsanti, ‘Perché siamo contrari ad un governo con il PCI’, Epoca, vol. XXVI (1975), no. 1302, 20 Sept; see also R. Brancoli, Spettatori interessati, Milano 1980, pp. 76–7.
70 B. Olivi, Carter e l'Italia, Milano, 1978, pp. 113–15.
71 G. P. Pansa, ‘Berlinguer conta “anche” sulla NATO per mantenere l'autonomia da Mosca’, Corriere della Sera, 15 June 1976.
72 L'Espresso, vol. XXII (1976), no. 23, 6 June, opinion poll by the Pragma Institute.
73 Time, 14 June 1976, and the article therein, ‘Don Enrico bids for power’, pp. 12–18.
74 See Statistical Appendix, table 25.
75 The most detailed analysis of voting patterns in 1976 is G. Pasquino and A. Parisi, eds., Continuità e mutamento elettorale in Italia, Bologna, 1977, esp. pp. 11–65.
76 Luciano Lama later described Berlinguer's view of the Socialists as follows: ‘He believed that the PSI was a party almost beyond repair. According to him, the only thing that we could do was to conduct a bitter, hard and insistent polemic with the Socialists to see whether, by means of a drastic cure, we could persuade them to change their ways’ (Lama, Intervista sul mio partito, pp. 121–2).
77 For a short biography, R. Orfei, Andreotti, Milano, 1972.
78 P. Guzzanti, ‘La difesa di Moro’, La Repubblica, 10 March 1977.
79 Berlinguer, Austerità, occasione per trasformare l'Italia, p. 52.
80 ibid., p. 41.
81 Lama, Intervista sul mio partito, p. 68
82 L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 177.
83 ibid., pp. 179 ff.
84 See for instance S. Timpanaro, ‘PCI, riformismo, socialdemocratizzazione’, Praxis, no. 13 (1977), pp. 4–7. For the party abandoning its tradition of defending and guaranteeing citizens’ liberties, R. Gagliardi, ‘Quarantuno anni di partito comunista’, Il Manifesto, 12 June 1984.
85 M. Kunzle, ed., Dear Comrades. Readers’ Letters to Lotta Continua, London, 1980, pp. 9–10.
86 G. Galli, Storia del partito armato, pp. 130–54: ‘The security forces who, as we have seen, had always been able, right from the beginning, to deal with the terrorist groups, apparently lost this capacity at a stroke, just when the BR were preparing the most clamorous operation in the entire history of the armed struggle’ (ibid., p. 152).
87 G. Arnao, Rapporto sulle droghe, Milano, 1976. For the growth of social centres in Milan, Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, pp. 522–5.
88 L. Bobbio, Lotta Continua, p. 183.
89 F. Mussi, Bologna '77, Roma, 1978. For interviews with some participants in the movement, G. Salierno, La violenza in Italia, Milano, 1980, pp. 16–17.
90 For the parabola of the movement of 1977, see Lumley, ‘Social Movements’, pp. 532–3.
91 Caselli and Della Porta, ‘Storia delle BR’, pp. 184ff. See also D. Della Porta and M. Rossi, ‘I terrorismi in Italia tra il 1969 e il 1982’, Cattaneo, vol. III (1983), no. 1, pp. 1–44.
92 La Repubblica, 28 April 1978; see also M. Cavallinini, ed., Il terrorismo in fabbrica, Roma, 1978.
93 Most of Moro's prison letters were published in G. Bocca, Moro: una tragedia italiana, Milano, 1978. The content of the letters was disowned by the DC leadership, who insisted that they had been dictated by the terrorists and not written by the ‘real’ Moro. The D C disclaimers were subject to savage attack by Leonardo Sciascia in his famous pamphlet, L'affaire Moro, Palermo, 1978.
94 La Repubblica, 21 April 1978.
95 Recent accounts of Moro's kidnapping and death include M. Scarano and M. De Luca, Il mandarino è marcio, Roma, 1985. The authors attempt to show that discredited members of the secret services and organized crime also played a role in the kidnapping.
96 G. Bocca, Il caso 7 aprile, Milano, 1980.
97 L'Unità, 15 May 1977; see also the further article by Petruccioli, ‘Uno stato all'altezza della vita democratica’, L'Unità, 14 May 1978.
98 F. Cazzola, ‘La solidarietà nazionale de parte del parlamento’, Laboratorio Politico, vol. II (1982), nos. 2–3, pp. 192–3.
99 A. Barbera, Governo locale e riforma dello Stato, Roma, 1978, pp. 14–102.
100 La Repubblica, 31 July 1977.
101 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 146ff. For economic recovery, Statistical Appendix, tables 31 and 35.
102 See Cazzola, ‘La solidarietà nazionale’, p. 205, n. 25; and the leader by C. Napoleoni, La Repubblica, 25 March 1978.
103 For the difficulties that the PCI suffered from being half in and half out of the government, see G. Napolitano, In mezzo al guado, Roma, 1979.
104 Rochat et al., La casa in Italia, pp. 29–30; for ‘abusivismo’ see below, p. 418.
105 ibid., pp. 30–31.
106 See L. Libertini, ‘La casa perduta’, Rinascita, vol. XL (1984), no. 43, p. 12.
107 Campos Venuti, ‘Programmare: perché è più difficile, perché é necessario’, p. 13.
108 G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. 67.
109 F. Ongaro Basaglia, ‘180, quel debito di solidarietà ancora da saldare’, L'Unità, 15 May 1988.
110 G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. 7.
111 G. Pastori, ‘L'attuazione del servizio nazionale’, Il Mulino, vol. XXX (1981), no. 278, p. 838. See also U. Ascoli, ed., Welfare State all'italiana, Bari, 1984, pp. 5–52; and A. Piperno, ‘La politica sanitaria’, in ibid., pp. 153–80. For some comparisons of preventive care in Britain and Italy, R. C. R. Taylor, ‘State intervention in postwar European health care: the case of prevention in Britain and Italy’, in S. Bornstein, D. Held and J. Krieger, eds., The State in Capitalist Europe, London, 1984, pp. 91–117.
112 See A. Stabile, ‘Le mani dei partiti sulla sanità’, La Repubblica, 2 April 1985.
113 ibid. See also P. Guzzanti, ‘Gli ospedali terra di conquista’, La Repubblica, 7 April 1985; G. Ruffolo, Riforme e controriforme, p. 21.
114 For problems in Caserta, for instance, J. A. Hellman, Journeys among Women, pp. 178–82. For a good overall view, L. Caldwell, ‘Abortion in Italy’, Feminist Review, no. 7 (1981), pp. 49–65.
115 Ferraresi and Tosi, ‘Crisi della città’, pp. 572–3.
116 Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città a confronto’, p. 41; for traffic policies, Jäggi et al., Red Bologna, pp. 63ff.
117 M. Marcelloni, ‘Bologna: il conflitto politico fa arretrare il piano’, in P. Cecarelli and F. Indovina, eds., Risanamento e speculazione nei centri storici, Milano, 1974, p. 58.
118 For a detailed exposition of this revealing story, Ferraresi and Tosi, ‘Crisi della città', pp. 587ff.
119 S. Hellman, ‘The PCI's alliance strategy’, pp. 399–400.
120 Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città’, tab. 4, p. 10.
121 S. Sechi, ‘L'albero, la foresta e la nuova peste’, Il Mulino, vol. XXVI (1977), no. 250, pp. 291–2. See also F. Murray, ‘Flexible specialisation in the “Third Italy”’, Capital and Class, no. 33 (1987), pp. 84–95.
122 For the university, Sechi, ‘L'albero, la foresta’, pp. 285–6; for the PCI's ageing membership, Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città’, pp. 17ff.
123 Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città, pp. 45–6.
124 La Repubblica, 9 Nov. 1977, interview by G. Bocca with A. Bassolino, at that time the new regional secretary of the PCI in Campania; for families and living conditions, Capecchi and Pugliese, ‘Due città, pp. 21ff.
125 Quoted in M. Valenzi, Sindaco a Napoli, Roma, 1978, pp. 141–2. Valenzi recounted how the left-wing giunta was unable to negotiate a loan with the Banco di Napoli and had to apply instead to the Istituto Bancario S. Paolo of Turin.
126 La Repubblica, 8 Feb. 1978. For kindergartens, Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, p. 282, n. 31.
127 Chubb, Patronage, Power and Poverty, pp. 226–8. See also the article by Carlo Franco in La Repubblica, 1 Feb. 1978, reporting on fighting breaking out between rival groups of the organized unemployed.
128 Dini, ‘Il movimento dei disoccupati organizzati’, pp. 49ff.
129 S. Hellman, ‘A new style of governing: Italian Communism and the dilemmas of transition in Turin, 1975–1979’, Studies in Political Economy, vol. 1 (1979), no. 2, pp. 159–97.
130 For Saragat and Scalfari, La Repubblica, 10 May 1978; for Pintor, II Manifesto of the same date.
131 See his interview with S. Gatti in L'Espresso, vol. XXX (1984), no. 50, 16 Dec.
132 Interview with G. P. Pansa in La Repubblica, 30 May 1979.
133 Cazzola, ‘La solidarietà nazionale’, pp. 189–90.
134 See the State Department declaration of 12 Jan. 1978, reprinted in La Repubblica, 13 Jan. 1978.
135 Lama, Intervista sul mio partito, p. 85.
136 See Statistical Appendix, table 25.
137 G. P. Pansa in La Repubblica, 11 Oct 1979.
138 S. Tropea in La Repubblica, 27 Sept. 1980.
139 Conversation with the author.
140 C. Romiti, Questi anni alla Fiat (interview with G. P. Pansa), Milano, 1988, pp. 123–4.
141 I am grateful to M. Revelli for sending me the unpublished transcription of the tape of the meeting of 15 Oct. 1980. Falcone's speech is to be found on pp. 109–23. For a documentary account of the dispute, P.Perotti and M. Revelli, Fiat autunno 80. Per non dimenticare, Torino, 1986 (for 15 Oct., pp. 112–19).
1 See Statistical Appendix, tables 31 and 35.
2 For a good introduction to the background to the reduction of the scala mobile, and the consequent referendum, see A. Di Gioia, La scala mobile, Roma, 1984.
3 G. Turani, 1985–1995. II secondo miracolo economico italiano, Milano, 1986.
4 For inflation rates and GDP annual growth, Statistical Appendix, tables 31 and 35. For the upturn in Italian industry from 1984, Turani, 1985–1995, pp. 52–72; for FIAT, ibid., pp. 72–85; Romiti, Questi anni alla FLAT, pp. 143-64; A. Friedman, Tutto in famiglia, Milano, 1988, pp. 92ff.
5 C. Tyler, Time of uncertainty for the Milan bourse', Financial Times, ‘Survey on the Italian economy', 17 Nov. 1978.
6 C. Tyler, ‘The statisticians remain coy’, ibid. In view of the bitter competition for economic primacy between the governments of the two countries, readers may find it ironical to note that the revision upwards of Italian statistics was based on the recommendations of a committee headed by Sir Claus Moser, former head of the UK's own Central Statistical Office, and appointed by the Italian government.
7 A. Friedman, ‘State industries grapple with privatisation’, Financial Times, ‘Survey on Italy’, 18 April 1988; S. Gatti, ‘Prodi, sani e forti’, L'Espresso, vol. XXXIII (1987), no. 8, pp. 180–88. IRI was losing nearly 3,000bn lire in 1982, but by 1986 it had balanced its books.
8 Turani, 1985–1995, pp. 11–19; R. Di Rienzo, ‘Affari Loro’, L'Espresso, vol. XXXIII (1987), no. 21, pp. 214–17. In May 1987 the capitalization on the Milan stock-market of the three major private Italian groups was as follows: Agnelli, 44,620bn lire; Ferruzzi (Gardini) 24,729bn; De Benedetti, 13,709bn.
9 W. Scobie, ‘La dolce Italia’, Observer, 15 Nov. 1987.
10 Figures for 1985 are from OECD statistics quoted in Financial Times, ‘Survey on the Italian economy’, 17 Nov. 1987; see also J. Wyles, ‘Deficit looms as an E C Problem’, Financial Times, ‘Survey on Italy’, 18 April 1988; and M. Valentini, ‘La forbice non taglia più, L'Espresso, vol. XXXV (1989), no. 9, pp. 222–4.
11 J. Wyles, ‘The word is not the deed’, Financial Times, ‘Survey on Italian industry, 4 July 1988; D. Lane, ‘Trade balance sliding further into deficit’, Financial Times, ‘Survey on Italy’, 18 April 1988. Romano Prodi also pointed out two further deficiencies: the lack of long-term planning, which had led Italy for instance to lose its leading position in the world market for household electrical appliances; and the absence of Italian business schools, with the single exception of the Bocconi at Milan; Gatti, ‘Prodi, sani e forti’, p. 183.
12 E. Scalfari, ‘Un paese diviso tra le Alpi e le Piramidi’, La Repubblica, ‘Affari e Finanze’, 9 Jan. 1987. In the South in 1988 45 per cent of all those between 14 and 29 years of age, and 58.1 per cent of women in the same age group, were seeking work; see the SVIMEZ report for 1988 quoted by S. Livadiotti, ‘Buio a Mezzogiorno', L'Espresso, vol. XXXV (1989), no. 10, pp. 259–61.
13 Michele Salvati, Economia e politica, pp. 139ff.; Statistical Appendix table 38.
14 Vicarelli, ‘Famiglia e sviluppo economico’, p. 143.
15 A. Bagnasco, ‘Borghesia e classe operaia’, in Ascoli and Catanzaro, La società italiana degli anni Ottanta, p. 47.
16 L. Gallino, ‘Le classi sociali in Italia; trent'anni dopo’, in his Della ingovernabilità, Milano, 1987, tab. 2, p. 105. Rather than analysing social classes in traditional terms, Gallino suggests a new division based on the four major systems of Italian society: the political, the economic, that of ‘socio-cultural reproduction’, and that of ‘bio-psychic reproduction’; see also P. Sylos Labini, Le classi sociali negli anni '80, Bari, 1986, p. 207, tab. 1.1.2.
17 F. Recanatesi, ‘Compro, vendo, evado’, La Repubblica, 17 Jan. 1984; A. Talamanca, ‘Il bottegaio mangia l'operaio’, L'Espresso, vol. XXIV (1978), no. 6, 12 Feb., pp. 124–6, where the following European comparisons are cited: there is one shop for every 67 inhabitants in Italy, one for every 90 in France, one for every 105 in Great Britain and one for every 115 in Germany. See also F. Bugno and G. F. Modolo, ‘Il bottegaio’, L'Espresso, vol. XXVIII (1982), no. 37, pp. 160–66, who cite a DOXA opinion poll of 1980 on the voting preferences of Italian shopkeepers. Their choices departed from the figures for all voters in only two respects: the PCI was under-represented with 21.8 per cent of shopkeeper preferences; the PSI was over-represented with 19.4 per cent.
18 For white-collar workers in the public sector, C. Sebastiani, Pubblico impiego e ceti medi, Roma, 1975: see also G. Gasparini, Gli impiegati, Milano, 1979, which analyses white-collar work in the chemical and engineering industries, in banks and the parastato. For teachers, M. Dei and M. Rossi, Sociologia della scuola italiana, Bologna, 1978.
19 Sylos Labini, Le classi sociali, p. 207, tab. 1.1.2. These figures are for all workers, not just for industrial and building workers, as in 1971 (see above, p. 238).
20 G. Lerner, Operai, Milano, 1988, p. 92.
21 La povertà in Italia. Rapporto conclusivo della commissione di studio istituita presso la Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, Roma, 1986, tab. 2.6, p. 51.
22 For the situation in a quarter like Quarto Oggiaro on the periphery of Milan, G. Lerner, ‘I senza niente’ L'Espresso, vol. XXX (1984), no. 45,11 Nov; for the despair, cynicism and qualunquismo of a group of Roman unemployed in the labour exchange (Ufficio di Collocamento) on the Via Appia Nuova, see the report by G. P. Pansa in La Repubblica, 1 Feb. 1978; for the situation in the capital eleven years later, L. Villoressi, ‘Una capitale con la miseria dentro il cuore', La Repubblica (Roman edition), 28 March 1989.
23 It is extremely difficult to estimate the exact numbers of immigrant workers in Italy. Ministry of Interior statistics of December 1985 listed 423,000 foreigners in Italy, but as many as a third of these were from the other European countries. Numbers have certainly risen sharply since 1985, and the number of illegal immigrants can only be guessed at. For some of the difficulties in this field, O. Casacchia, ‘La dimensione quantitativa dell'immigrazione straniera in Italia’, in N. Sergi, ed., L'immigrazione straniera in Italia, Roma, 1987, pp. 9–34; for a typology of immigration and the possibilities of employment, F. Carchedi and G. B. Ranuzzi, ‘Tra collocazione nel mercato del lavoro secondario ed esclusione dal sistema della cittadinanza’, ibid., pp. 35–80.
24 One of the most notorious recent incidents was that of an Eritrean woman being forced off a Roman bus, simply because she was Eritrean; ‘Giù dal bus, “negra”. Ora si nasconde per paura (L'Unità, 17 May 1988).
25 This is the thesis of P. P. Donati, who writes of the spiralling process from the ‘accumulative privatization’ (privatismo accumulativo) in the fifties to the ‘consumerist privatization’ (privatismo consumistico) of the sixties and the ‘anti-crisis privatization’ of the seventies (un privatismo di ripiegamento anti-crisi); P. P. Donati, Pubblico e privato, fine di una alternativa?, Bologna, 1978, p. 290.
26 These figures refer to 1986, and are based on the second report on ‘associ-azionismo sociale’, compiled by IRE F (Istituto di Ricerche Educative e Formative of the ACLI); see M. R. Calderoni, ‘Otto milioni di uomini di “buona volontà, L'Unità, 10 April 1989. Bepi Tomai, the director of IREF, was at pains to point out the path-breaking aspects of these new experiences, even in the South: ‘We interviewed twenty of these southern organizations, and do you know what emerged?… a great affinity with the popular, mutual aid and cooperative movement of the late nineteenth century, with the emphasis placed strongly on moral and cultural values.’
27 G. Turnaturi and C. Donolo, ‘Familismi morali’, in C. Donolo and F. Fichera, Le vie dell'innovazione, Milano, 1988, pp. 164–85.
28 See Statistical Appendix, tables 1 to 6. For a review of the development of Italian studies on the family, C. Saraceno, ‘La sociologia della famiglia tra crisi delle teorie e innovazione tematica’, Quaderni di Sociologia, vol. XXXII (1985), nos. 45, pp. 307–34. For the declining birthrate, E. Occorsio, ‘Per l'Europa è scattato l'allarme grigio’, La Repubblica, 12 May 1989. It is estimated that at present rates the Italian population will have shrunk by some 300,000 by the year 2008, and that those over sixty-five years of age will have increased from 13.4 per cent of the population in 1987 to 18.6 per cent in 2007.
29 F. Bugarini and G. Vicarelli, ‘Interazione e sostegno parentale in ambiente urbano’, Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, 1979, no. 3, pp. 461–93; L. Balbo, M. Cacioppo and M. P. May, Struttura urbana, sistema di orari, bisogni, Bologna, 1984; Paci, La struttura sociale italiana, pp. 69–79 and in particular tab. 5, p. 76, which suggests that this type of modified extended family, to use Litwak's expression, is more common in Italy than elsewhere in Europe.
30 G. De Rita, ‘L'impresa famiglia’, in P. Melograni and L. Scaraffia, eds., La famiglia italiana dall'Ottocento a oggi, Bari 1988, pp. 383–4 and 393–4.
31 A. Cavalli and A. De Lillo, Giovani oggi, Bologna, 1984 and Giovani anni '80, Bologna, 1988. For the scale of values see Giovani anni '80, tab. IV, 1, p. 71. Religious commitment had marginally improved its standing in the later survey. The scale in both 1984 and 1988 read in the following order (from top to bottom): family, work, girl or boyfriend and friends in general, pastimes, studying and cultural interests, sport, social commitment, religious commitment, political activity. For ‘fatalistic’ youth, pp. 65ff., for girls in southern families, pp. 109ff. The survey published in 1988 found that out of every 100 young people aged twenty-three or twenty-four, 79 still lived at home.
32 C. Saraceno, ‘Interdipendenze e spostamenti di confini tra “pubblico” e “privato”’, Il Mulino, vol. XXXII (1983), no. 289, pp. 784–97. For an interesting discussion of changes in Italian men's and women's roles from the second half of the nineteenth century to the present day, L. Scaraffia, ‘Essere uomo, essere donna’, in Melograni and Scaraffia, La famiglia italiana, pp. 193–258. The surveys of Cavalli and De Lillo bear testimony to the greater autonomy of Italian youth within the family, but have also revealed the continuing limitations placed upon daughters’ freedoms in poorer families in the South; Giovani anni '80, pp. 109ff.
33 Statistical Appendix, table 7. Family savings in the 1970s were characterized predominantly by investment in houses, state bonds and deposit accounts. In the 1980s they have diversified somewhat, into the ownership of shares, investment in life insurance and private pension schemes, etc.; De Rita, ‘L'impresa famiglia’, pp. 402–5.
34 G. Vicarelli, ‘Famiglia e sviluppo economico’, p. 144.
35 Lerner, Operai, p. 31. See also C. Saraceno, ‘Modelli di famiglia’, in Ritratto di famiglia degli anni’ 80, p. 67–80, and B. Barbero Avanzini and C. Lanzetti, Problemi e modelli di vita familiare, Milano, 1980, pp. 194–223 and 244–5. This last study, based on interviews carried out in 1976 with 997 married persons in Milan between the ages of 26 and 45, reveals the very low levels of social participation even in the middle of the 1970s. The only involvement which the authors deem ‘minimally significant’ was that in schools, in which more than a third of those interviewed, mostly women, took an active interest.
36 C. Saraceno, ‘Modelli di famiglia’, p. 88. See also P. Giudicini, G. Scidà, eds., Il familismo efficiente, Milano, 1981.
37 Trigilia, Grandi partiti e piccole imprese, pp. 183ff. Trigilia notes that local government councils can give little direct economic support to small industry, but can create a ‘local social salary’ made up primarily of efficent social services. In this field the communes of the ‘Red Belt’ have been particularly successful. For the success story of the Third Italy see also A. Bagnasco, ‘Borghesia e classe operaia’, p. 43; his fascinating study of Tuscan development, ‘Le classi e la formazioneone sociale regionale’, in Mori, ed., Storia d'Italia… La Toscana, pp. 733–68; and that of G. Becattini, ‘Riflessioni sullo sviluppo socio-economico della Toscana in questo dopoguerra’, ibid., pp. 899–924. For statistics on the increase in the number of small firms between 1971 and 1981, De Rita, ‘L'mpresa famiglia’, p. 387.
38 L. Balbo, ‘La doppia presenza’, Inchiesta, vol. VIII (1978), no. 32, pp. 3–6; V. Capecchi, ‘La famiglia interclassista: geografia attuale delle diseguaglianze’, Il Manifesto, 15 May 1986.
39 Letter from D. Troiano, Il Manifesto, 11 April 1987. See also M. Mafai, ‘Superprotetti e lavoro nero’, La Repubblica, 17 March 1987.
40 S. Piccone Stella, Ragazze del Sud, Roma, 1979, pp. 40ff.
41 E. Mingione, ‘Economia informale, strategie familiari e Mezzogiorno’, Inchiesta, vol. XVI (1986), n. 74, pp. 2–3.
42 M. Rossi-Doria, ‘Limite e prospettive della trasformazione agraria nel Mezzogiorno’, Ulisse, vol. XVI (1983), no. 95, pp. 65–7.
43 Saraceno, ‘Modelli di famiglia’, p. 98. For ‘residual’ peasant families, E. Pugliese, ‘Per l'analisi delle classi subalterne nel Meridione’, in C. Donolo et al., Classi sociali e politica nel Mezzogiorno, Torino, 1978, p. 92. For the flow of money payments, Boccella, Il Mezzogiorno sussidiato, passim.
44 For an important study of an emigration zone in the Sicilian interior, E. Reyneri, La catena migratoria, Milano, 1978.
45 See, for example, A. Stabile, ‘Ecco il volto della Sicilia abusiva’, La Repubblica, 20 Feb. 1986.
46 For the elections of 1983, Statistical Appendix, table 25.
47 G. Pasquino, ‘Mediazione e opportunismo’, Rinascita, vol. XLI (1984), no. 43, 3 Nov. p. 9. See also the menacing remarks about the electoral power of the shopowners, made by Giuseppe Orlando, the veteran leader of the major shopowners' federation, the Confcommercio, in an interview with G. P. Pansa (La Repubblica, 18 Oct. 1984): ‘Let's do some sums. The small businesses affected by Visentini's measures number four million. To these we must add another one million self-employed professionals (liberi professionisti). Total: five million. Multiply by at least two. New total: ten million electors, perhaps more. As you see, the problem is of enormous proportions. Certainly not all of them will spoil their ballot papers. But it is still a biblical flux that we're talking about!’ In the event, the elections of 1987 saw no such electoral protest.
48 D. Pasti, ‘Regione “bella addormentata”’, La Repubblica, 24 Oct. 1986.
49 F. Miracco, ‘In morte della legge Galasso’, Il Manifesto, 15 Jan. 1989.
50 P. Ginsborg, ‘Berlinguer's legacy’, London Review of Books, vol. VI (1984), no. 18, 4 Nov.
51 For an opposite view J. La Palombara, Democracy, Italian Style, New Haven, CT, 1987.
52 Statistical Appendix, tables 26 and 27.
53 U. Ascoli, ‘Il sistema italiano di welfare’, in U. Ascoli, Welfare State all'italiana, pp. 39ff.
54 S. Malatesta, ‘Il santuario dell'amore pietrificato del Vesuvio’, La Repubblica, 20 Aug. 1988.
55 G. Ruffolo, ‘Aux armes les citoyens!’, Micromega, no. 4 (1986), p. 7.
56 P. Di Nicola, ‘Cittadini in marcia’, L'Espresso, vol. XXXIII (1987), no. 47, pp. 22–3. The weekly column was called ‘Diritti smarriti’ (Lost Rights), and was published from Feb. 1987 onwards.
57 P. Forcellini, ‘La macchina in panne’, L'Espresso, vol. XXXII (1986), no. 35, 7 Sept., pp. 185–6.
58 G. Amato, ‘Conto poco e lo so, vi racconto perché…’, La Repubblica, 23 July 1988. The title of the letter is La Repubblica's, not Amato‘s.
59 G. De Lutiis, ed., La strage. L'atto d'accusa dei giudici di Bologna, Roma, 1986, pp. 3–92 for the bomb at Bologna station, pp. 303–80 for Licio Gelli and the P2. See also L'Italia della P2, Milano, 1983.
60 For the background to Dalla Chiesa's assassination, see N. Dalla Chiesa, Delitto imperfetto, Milano, 1984; P. Arlacchi et al., Morte di un generale, Milano, 1982.
61 C. Staiano, ed., L'atto di accusa dei giudici di Palermo, Roma, 1986: for the development and transformation of the Mafia, R. Catanzaro, ‘Mafia, economía e sistema politico’, in U. Ascoli and Catanzaro, La società italiana degli anni Ottanta, pp. 255–79.
62 CENSIS, A metà decennio. Riflessioni e dati sull'Italia dall'80 al'85, Milano, 1986, pp. 87–8. For Domenico Sica's remarks, S. Bonsanti, ‘Quei prefetti non sono all'altezza’, La Repubblica, 16 Nov. 1988.
63 Pizzorno, ‘I ceti medi nel meccanismo del consenso’.
64 See the debate between G. De Michelis and L. Colletti, ‘Socialismo: nuova sinistra’, L'Espresso, vol. XXXII (1986), no. 42, 26 Oct.
65 S. Tarrow, ‘The crisis of the late 60s in Italy and France’, in Arrighi, Semi-peripheral development, p. 238.
66 A. O. Hirschman, Shifting Involvements, Princeton, NJ, 1982, p. 46: ‘I have come across much evidence that, in the West, each time economic progress has enlarged the availability of consumer goods for some strata of society, strong feelings of disappointment in, or of hostility toward, the new material wealth have come to the fore. Along with appreciation, infatuation and even addiction, affluence seems to produce its own backlash, almost regardless of what kinds of goods are newly and more abundantly marketed.’