Essay on Negro Slavery, No. I
Submitted by the pseudonymous “Othello” of Baltimore, this essay was serialized in consecutive issues of the American Museum, a monthly magazine published in Philadelphia by Mathew Carey. The choice of pseudonym suggests a black author and the piece has often been attributed to Benjamin Banneker because the arguments here parallel many of those made in Banneker’s Letter to the Secretary of State (1791); see pp. 129–132 in this volume.
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AMIDST THE infinite variety of moral and political subjects, proper for public commentation, it is truly surprising, that one of the most important and affecting should be so very generally neglected. An encroachment on the smallest civil or religious privilege, shall fan the enthusiastic flame of liberty, till it shall extend over vast and distant regions, and violently agitate a whole continent. But the cause of humanity shall be basely violated, justice shall be wounded to the heart, and national honour, deeply and lastingly polluted, and not a breath or murmur shall arise, to disturb the prevailing quiesence, or to rouse the feelings of indignation against such general, extensive, and complicated iniquity.—To what cause are we to impute this frigid silence—this torpid indifference—this cold inanimated conduct of the otherwise warm and generous Americans?—Why do they remain inactive, amidst the groans of injured humanity, the shrill and distressing complaints of expiring justice, and the keen remorse of polluted integrity?—Why do they not rise up to assert the cause of God and the world, to drive the fiend injustice into remote and distant regions, and to exterminate oppression from the face of the fair fields of America?
When the united colonies revolted from Great-Britain, they did it upon this principle, “that all men are by nature, and of right ought to be free.”—After a long, successful, and glorious struggle for liberty, during which they manifested the firmest attachment to the rights of mankind, can they so soon forget the principles that then governed their determinations? Can Americans, after the noble contempt they expressed for tyrants, meanly descend to take up the scourge? Blush, ye revolted colonies, for having apostatized from your own principles.
Slavery, in whatever point of light it is considered, is repugnant to the feelings of nature, and inconsistent with the original rights of man. It ought therefore to be stigmatized for being unnatural; and detested for being unjust. ’Tis an outrage to providence, and an affront offered to divine Majesty, who has given to man his own peculiar image.—That the Americans, after considering the subject in this light—after making the most manly of all possible exertions in defence of liberty—after publishing to the world the principle upon which they contended, viz. “that all men are by nature and of right ought to be free,” should still retain in subjection a numerous tribe of the human race, merely for their own private use and emolument, is, of all things, the strongest inconsistency, the deepest reflexion on our conduct, and the most abandoned apostacy that ever took place, since the Almighty fiat spoke into existence this habitable world. So flagitious a violation can never escape the notice of a just Creator, whose vengeance may be now on the wing, to disseminate and hurl the arrows of destruction.
In what light can the people of Europe consider America, after the strange inconsistency of her conduct? Will they not consider her as an abandoned and deceitful country? In the hour of calamity, she petitioned heaven to be propitious to her cause. Her prayers were heard. Heaven pitied her distress, smiled on her virtuous exertions, and vanquished all her afflictions. The ungrateful creature forgets this timely assistance—no longer remembers her own sorrows—but basely commences oppressor in her turn.—Beware, America!——pause——and consider the difference between the mild effulgence of approving providence, and the angry countenance of incensed divinity!
The importation of slaves into America, ought to be a subject of the deepest regret, to every benevolent and thinking mind—And one of the greatest defects in the federal system, is the liberty it allows on this head. Venerable in every thing else, it is injudicious here; and it is to be much deplored, that a system of so much political perfection, should be stained with any thing that does an outrage to human nature. As a door, however, is open to amendment, for the sake of distressed humanity, of injured national reputation, and the glory of doing so benevolent a thing, I hope some wise and virtuous patriot will advocate the measure, and introduce an alteration in that pernicious part of the government.—So far from encouraging the importation of slaves, and countenancing that vile traffic in human flesh: the members of the late continental convention should have seized the happy opportunity of prohibiting for ever, this cruel species of reprobated villainy.—That they did not do so, will for ever diminish the lustre of their other proceedings, so highly extolled, and so justly distinguished, for their intrinsic value.—Let us, for a moment, contrast the sentiments and actions of the Europeans on this subject, with those of our own countrymen. In France, the warmest, and most animated exertions are making, in order to introduce the entire abolition of the slave-trade; and in England, many of the first characters of that country, advocate the same measure, with an enthusiastic philanthropy. The prime minister himself is at the head of that society; and nothing can equal the ardour of their endeavors, but the glorious goodness of the cause.—Will the Americans allow the people of England, to get the start of them in acts of humanity? Forbid it shame!
The practice of stealing, or bartering for human flesh, is pregnant with the most glaring turpitude, and the blackest barbarity of disposition.—For, can any one say, that this is doing as he would be done by? Will such a practice stand the scrutiny of this great rule of moral government? Who can, without the complicated emotions of anger and impatience, suppose himself in the predicament of a slave! Who can bear the thoughts of his relations being torn from him by a savage enemy; carried to distant regions of the habitable globe, never more to return; and treated there, as the unhappy Africans are, in this country? Who can support the reflexion of his father—his mother—his sister—or his wife—perhaps his children—being barbarously snatched away by a foreign invader, without the prospect of ever beholding them again? Who can reflect upon their being afterwards publicly exposed to sale—obliged to labour with unwearied assiduity—and, because all things are not possible to be performed, by persons so unaccustomed to robust exercise, scourged with all the rage and anger of malignity, until their unhappy carcases are covered with ghastly wounds, and frightful contusions? Who can reflect on these things, when applying the case to himself, without being chilled with horror, at circumstances so extremely shocking?—Yet hideous as this concise and imperfect description is, of the sufferings sustained by many of our slaves, it is nevertheless true; and so far from being exaggerated, falls infinitely short of a thousand circumstances of distress, which have been recounted by different writers on the subject, and which contribute to make their situation in this life, the most absolutely wretched, and completely miserable, that can possibly be conceived.—In many places in America, the slaves are treated with every circumstance of rigorous inhumanity, accumulated hardship, and enormous cruelty.—Yet, when we take them from Africa, we deprive them of a country which God hath given them for their own: as free as we are, and as capable of enjoying that blessing. Like pirates, we go to commit devastation on the coast of an innocent country, and among a people who never did us wrong.
An insatiable, avaricious desire to accumulate riches, co-operating with a spirit of luxury and injustice, seems to be the leading cause of this peculiarly degrading and ignominious practice. Being once accustomed to subsist without labour, we become soft and voluptuous; and rather than afterwards forego the gratification of our habitual indolence and ease, we countenance the infamous violation, and sacrifice at the shrine of cruelty, all the finer feelings of elevated humanity.
Considering things in this view, there surely can be nothing more justly reprehensible or disgusting, than the extravagant finery of many country people’s daughters. It hath not been at all uncommon to observe as much gauze, lace and other trappings, on one of those country maidens, as hath employed two or three of her father’s slaves, for twelve months afterwards, to raise tobacco to pay for. ’Tis an ungrateful reflexion, that all this frippery and affected finery, can only be supported by the sweat of another person’s brow, and consequently, only by lawful rapine and injustice. If these young females could devote as much time from their amusement, as would be necessary for reflexion; or, was there any person of humanity at hand who would inculcate the indecency of this kind of extravagance, I am persuaded they have hearts good enough to reject, with disdain, the momentary pleasure of making a figure, in behalf of the rational and lasting delight of contributing by their forbearance, to the happiness of so many thousand individuals.
In Maryland, where slaves are treated with as much lenity, as, perhaps, they are any where, their situation is to the last degree ineligible. They live in wretched cots, that scarcely secure them from the inclemency of the weather; sleep in the ashes or on straw; wear the coarsest clothing, and subsist on the most ordinary food that the country produces. In all things, they are subject to their master’s absolute command; and, of course, have no will of their own. Thus circumstanced, they are subject to great brutality, and are often treated with it. In particular instances, they may be better provided for in this state, but this suffices for a general description. But in the Carolinas, and in the island of Jamaica, the cruelties that have been wantonly exercised on those miserable creatures, are without a precedent in any other part of the world. If those who have written on the subject, may be believed, it is not uncommon there, to tie a slave up, and whip him to death.
On all occasions impartiality in the distribution of justice, should be observed. The little state of Rhode-Island, hath been reprobated by the other states, for refusing to enter into measures respecting a new general Government; and so far it is admitted that she is culpable. But if she is worthy of blame in this respect, she is entitled to the highest admiration for the philanthropy, justice and humanity, she hath displayed, respecting the subject I am treating on. She hath passed an act prohibiting the importation of slaves into that state, and forbidding her citizens to engage in the iniquitous traffic. So striking a proof of her strong attachment to the rights of humanity, will rescue her name from oblivion, and bid her live in the good opinion of distant and unborn generations.
Slavery, unquestionably, should be abolished, particularly in this country; because it is inconsistent with the declared principles of the American Revolution. The sooner, therefore, we set about it, the better. Either we should set all our slaves at liberty, immediately, and colonize them in the western territory; or, we should immediately take measures for the gradual abolition of it, so that it may become a known, and fixed point, that, ultimately, universal liberty, in these united states, shall triumph.—This is the least we can do, in order to evince our sense of the irreparable outrages we have committed, to wipe off the odium we have incurred, and to give mankind a confidence again, in the justice, liberality, and honour of our national proceedings.
It would not be difficult to shew, were it necessary, that America would soon become a richer and more happy country, provided this step was adopted. That corrosive anguish of persevering in any thing improper, which now embitters the enjoyment of life, would vanish as the mist of a foggy morn doth before the rising sun; and we should find as great a disparity between our present situation, and that which would succeed to it, as subsists between a cloudy winter, and a radiant spring.—Besides, our lands would not be then cut down for the support of a numerous train of useless inhabitants—useless, I mean, to themselves, and effectually so to us, by encouraging sloth and voluptuousness among our young farmers and planters, who might otherwise know how to take care of their money, as well as how to dissipate it.—In all other respects, I conceive them to be as valuable as we are—as capable of worthy purposes, and to possess the same dignity that we do, in the estimation of providence; although, the value of their work apart, for which we are dependent on them, we generally consider them as good for nothing, and, accordingly, treat them with the greatest neglect.
But, be it remembered, that their cause is the cause of heaven; and that the Father of them as well as of us, will not fail, at a future settlement, to adjust the account between us, with a dreadful attention to justice.
O T H E L L O.
Baltimore, May 10, 1788.