Notes
Introduction
1. Bernadette Hayes and Ian McAllister, ‘Public Support for Political Violence and Paramilitarism in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland’, Terrorism and Political Violence, vol. 17, no. 4, 2005, pp. 600–1.
2. Brendan O’Leary, ‘Mission Accomplished? Looking Back at the IRA’, Field Day Review, vol. 1, 2005, pp. 233–4.
3. Christopher Paul et al., Paths to Victory: Detailed Insurgency Case Studies, Washington, DC 2013, p. 329.
4. Ministry of Defence, Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland, Army Code 71842, July 2006, Foreword. The author of those words, Sir Mike Jackson, was an officer in the regiment that killed fourteen civilians in Derry in January 1972.
5. Ian Cobain, Cruel Britannia: A Secret History of Torture, London 2012; The History Thieves: Secrets, Lies and the Shaping of a Modern Nation, London 2016.
6. Tom Nairn, The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism, London 1977.
7. V. I. Lenin, National Liberation, Socialism and Imperialism: Selected Writings, New York 1968, p. 130 (emphasis in original).
1. Barry Flynn, Soldiers of Folly: The IRA Border Campaign 1956–1962, Cork 2009, p. 197.
2. Ibid., pp. 200–1.
3. Nancy Curtin, The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin 1791–1798, Oxford 1994, p. 21.
4. Nancy Curtin, ‘The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organization, 1794–6’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 24, no. 96, November 1985, pp. 476–84.
5. Curtin, The United Irishmen, pp. 136–9.
6. James Quinn, ‘The United Irishmen and social reform’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 31, no. 122, November 1998.
7. Curtin, The United Irishmen, p. 170.
8. James Quinn, ‘Theobald Wolfe Tone and the historians’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 32, no. 125, May 2000; Francis Shaw, ‘The Canon of Irish History: A Challenge’, Studies, vol. 61, no. 242, Summer 1972.
9. Christine Kenealy, Repeal and Revolution: 1848 in Ireland, Manchester 2009.
10. Owen McGee, The IRB: The Irish Republican Brotherhood from the Land League to Sinn Féin, Dublin 2005, pp. 28–9.
11. Donal McCartney, ‘The Church and the Fenians’, University Review, vol. 4, no. 3, Winter 1967.
12. Shin-Ichi Takagami, ‘The Fenian rising in Dublin, March 1867’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 29, no. 115, May 1995.
13. T. W. Moody and Leon Ó Broin, ‘The IRB Supreme Council, 1868–78’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 19, no. 75, March 1975, p. 314.
14. Donald Jordan, ‘John O’Connor Power, Charles Stewart Parnell and the centralization of popular politics in Ireland’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 25, no. 97, May 1986.
15. McGee, The IRB, pp. 66–9.
16. Ibid., pp. 120–36.
17. Matthew Kelly, ‘“Parnell’s Old Brigade”: the Redmondite–Fenian nexus in the 1890s’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 33, no. 130, November 2002.
18. James McConnel, ‘“Fenians at Westminster”: the Edwardian Irish Parliamentary Party and the legacy of the New Departure’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 34, no. 133, May 2004.
19. McGee, The IRB, pp. 298–9.
20. Ronan Fanning, Fatal Path: British Government and Irish Revolution 1910–1922, London 2013, pp. 32–40.
21. Diarmaid Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble: The Irish Revolution 1913–1923, London 2015, p. 107.
22. D. George Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland, London 1995, pp. 295–9.
23. Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble, p. 108.
24. Conor McCabe, ‘Irish Class Relations and the 1913 Lockout’, in David Convery, ed., Locked Out: A Century of Irish Working-Class Life, Sallins 2013, pp. 10–12.
25. Emmet O’Connor, ‘The age of the red republic: the Irish left and nationalism, 1909–36’, Saothar, no. 30, 2005, p. 74.
26. Emmet O’Connor, A Labour History of Ireland 1824–2000, Dublin 2011, pp. 91–5.
27. Fanning, Fatal Path, pp. 46–7.
28. Graham Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party: Protest, Pragmatism and Pessimism, Manchester 2004, pp. 36–8.
29. Fanning, Fatal Path, pp. 110–14.
30. Charles Townshend, Easter 1916: The Irish Rebellion, London 2005, pp. 39–46, 52–3.
31. Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble, p. 169; Townshend, Easter 1916, pp. 78–80.
32. Aindrias Ó Cathasaigh, ed., James Connolly: The Lost Writings, London 1997, pp. 185–92, 194–7, 201–4.
33. Desmond Greaves, The Life and Times of James Connolly, London 1972, pp. 371–93; Kieran Allen, The Politics of James Connolly, London 1990, pp. 134–60.
34. Fearghal McGarry, The Rising: Ireland: Easter 1916, Oxford 2010, pp. 213–26.
35. Michael Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party 1916–1923, Cambridge 1999, pp. 113–21.
36. Fiona Devoy McAuliffe, ‘Workers Show Their Strength: The 1918 Conscription Crisis’, in Convery, ed., Locked Out.
37. Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland, pp. 164–5.
38. Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble, p. 156.
39. Charles Townshend, The Republic: The Fight for Irish Independence, London 2013, pp. 157–9, 165–71.
40. Fanning, Fatal Path, pp. 241–2.
41. Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland, pp. 282–3, 310–18.
42. Townshend, The Republic, pp. 100, 144–8.
43. Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, Dublin 2002, pp. 177–97.
44. Michael Laffan, The Partition of Ireland, 1911–1925, Dublin 1983, p. 64.
45. Fanning, Fatal Path, pp. 217–21.
46. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland: Broken Images, Oxford 1995, pp. 36–9.
47. Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble, pp. 249–50.
48. Fanning, Fatal Path, pp. 293–4, 307.
49. Michael Hopkinson, Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War, Dublin 2004, pp. 32–3.
50. Townshend, The Republic, p. 362.
51. Ferriter, A Nation and Not a Rabble, pp. 260–2; Townshend, The Republic, pp. 404–6.
52. Hopkinson, Green Against Green, pp. 36–8; Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland, pp. 350–5.
53. Ronan Fanning, Éamon de Valera: A Will to Power, London 2015, pp. 133–8.
54. Gavin Foster, ‘Class dismissed? The debate over a social basis to the Treaty split and Irish civil war’, Saothar, no. 33, 2008.
55. O’Connor, A Labour History of Ireland, pp. 105–6.
56. Aindrias Ó Cathasaigh, ‘Getting with the programme: Labour, the Dáil and the Democratic Programme of 1919’, Red Banner, no. 35, March 2009, pp. 30–1.
57. Hopkinson, Green Against Green, p. 52.
58. Townshend, The Republic, p. 432.
59. Ibid., pp. 442–3.
60. Emmet O’Connor, Reds and the Green: Ireland, Russia and the Communist Internationals 1919–43, Dublin 2004, p. 67.
61. O’Connor, Reds and the Green, pp. 71–4.
62. Townshend, The Republic, pp. 446–7.
63. Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland, p. 355.
64. Diarmaid Ferriter, The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000, London 2004, pp. 294–5.
65. Brendan O’Leary and John McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland, London 1993, p. 108.
66. John Bowman, De Valera and the Ulster Question, 1917–73, Oxford 1982.
67. Ferriter, The Transformation of Ireland, p. 296; Cormac Ó Gráda, A Rocky Road: The Irish Economy since the 1920s, Manchester 1997, p. 91.
68. Conor McCabe, Sins of the Father: The Decisions That Shaped the Irish Economy, Dublin 2013, pp. 74–82.
69. Paul Bew, Ellen Hazelkorn and Henry Patterson, The Dynamics of Irish Politics, London 1989, pp. 145–6.
70. O’Connor, Labour History of Ireland, p. 140.
71. Fanning, Éamon de Valera, p. 155.
72. D. R. O’Connor Lysaght, ‘“Labour Must Wait”: The making of a myth’, Saothar, no. 26, 2001.
73. Richard Dunphy, The Making of Fianna Fáil Power in Ireland, 1923–1948, Oxford 1995.
74. Fanning, Éamon de Valera, pp. 187–98.
75. Ó Gráda, A Rocky Road, p. 109; McCabe, Sins of the Father, pp. 22–7.
76. Brian Hanley, The IRA, 1926–1936, Dublin 2002, p. 16.
77. O’Connor, Reds and the Green, pp. 128, 170–3.
78. Richard English, ‘Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 27, no. 105, May 1990, p. 51.
79. Ibid., pp. 54–6.
80. Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, London 2003, pp. 52–3, 60–5.
81. Joe Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society, Cambridge 1989, pp. 301–2.
82. Robert White, Out of the Ashes: An Oral History of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement, Dublin 2017, p. 34.
83. Ibid., p. 39.
84. Flynn, Soldiers of Folly, p. 197.
2. Fish through a Desert
1. Billy McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, in Des O’Hagan, ed., Liam MacMaolain: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Belfast 1976, p. 1.
2. An tÓglách, October–November 1967.
3. George Gilmore, Labour and the Republican Movement, Dublin 1966.
4. United Irishman, July 1967.
5. Kieran Conway, Southside Provisional: From Freedom Fighter to the Four Courts, Dublin 2014, p. 15.
6. Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party, 2010, p. 25.
7. Matt Treacy, The IRA, 1956–69: Rethinking the Republic, Manchester 2014, p. 15.
8. Peter Taylor, Provos: the IRA and Sinn Féin, London 1997, pp. 45–6.
9. Irish Times, 4 January 2014.
10. United Irishman, September 1965.
11. Ibid., July 1967.
12. NAI D/T 98/6/495.
13. Ibid.
14. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA, London 1997, p. 116.
15. United Irishman, July 1966.
16. Ibid., July 1968.
17. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 84–5, 88–90, 97–8.
18. Treacy, The IRA, 1956–69, p. 109.
19. Cathal Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, New Left Review, November–December 1970, p. 57.
20. Niamh Puirséil, The Irish Labour Party, 1922–73, Dublin 2007.
21. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, pp. 113–14.
22. Henry Patterson and Eric Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism since 1945: The Decline of the Loyal Family, Manchester 2007, p. 5; O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 114.
23. Ibid., p. 123.
24. Ibid., pp. 131–2.
25. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, pp. 56–7.
26. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 127.
27. Graham Ellison and Jim Smyth, The Crowned Harp: Policing Northern Ireland, London 2000, pp. 21–31.
28. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, pp. 129–31; John Whyte, Understanding Northern Ireland, Oxford 1990, p. 56.
29. Bob Rowthorn and Naomi Wayne, Northern Ireland: The Political Economy of Conflict, Cambridge 1988, p. 35.
30. Ellison and Smyth, The Crowned Harp, p. 36.
31. Rowthorn and Wayne, Northern Ireland, p. 209.
32. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 131.
33. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, pp. 108, 112, 154–5.
34. Henry Patterson, Ireland Since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict, London 2007, p. 44.
35. Liam O’Dowd, Bill Rolston and Mike Tomlinson, Northern Ireland: Between Civil Rights and Civil War, London 1980, p. 12.
36. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, p. 105.
37. Simon Prince and Geoffrey Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt: A New History of the Start of the Troubles, Newbridge 2012, p. 51.
38. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography, Belfast 1993, p. 132.
39. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, p. 151.
40. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes, London 1996, p. 176.
41. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, London 1972, p. 47.
42. Gerry Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, Dingle 1986, p. 12; McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, p. 8.
43. Rosita Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’: Ireland 1972, London 1972, p. 195. GHQ: General Headquarters, commanders appointed by the IRA’s chief of staff.
44. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 55–8.
45. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, p. 5.
46. United Irishman, May 1965.
47. Ibid., January 1967.
48. Members of the Irish community in Britain set up the Connolly Association in the 1940s to promote left-wing and republican ideas. Greaves was the editor of its newspaper, the Irish Democrat, for many years.
49. Desmond Greaves, Northern Ireland: Civil Rights and Political Wrongs, London 1969.
50. Communist Party of Northern Ireland, North Ireland: For Peace and Socialism, Belfast 1952, p. 12.
51. Brian Dooley, Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland and Black America, London 1998, p. 106.
52. Hazel Morrissey, ‘Betty Sinclair: A Woman’s Fight for Socialism, 1910–1981’, Saothar, no. 9, 1983.
53. United Irishman, September 1968.
54. Gerry Adams, ‘A republican in the civil rights campaign’, in Michael Farrell, ed., Twenty Years On, Dingle 1988, p. 44.
55. Gerry Foley, Ireland in Rebellion, New York 1970, p. 23.
56. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, pp. 13–14.
57. Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 135.
58. PRONI HA/32/2/27.
59. Steve Bruce, Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland, Oxford 2009, pp. 80–9.
60. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, p. 72. In fact, the IRA had no plan to organize large-scale disturbances on the fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising that year, but Unionist leaders like Clark assumed that they must have been preparing something.
61. United Irishman, November 1966. Bennett, who came from a Protestant background, had joined the Communist Party during the Second World War and worked alongside Desmond Greaves in the Connolly Association. He wrote an influential column for Dublin’s Sunday Press under the pen name ‘Claude Gordon’, focusing on the misdeeds of Stormont, and took part in the discussions that led to NICRA’s launch.
62. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 75–8.
63. Peter Taylor, Loyalists, London 1999, p. 43.
64. Conor Cruise O’Brien, States of Ireland, London 1974, p. 193.
65. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, p. 15.
66. United Irishman, December 1967.
67. The clearest summary of this perspective can be found in the ‘Freedom Manifesto’ issued by the Official republicans at the beginning of 1970: United Irishman, February 1970.
68. PRONI HA/32/2/27.
69. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 36–7.
3. Points of No Return
1. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, p. 85.
2. Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of the Troubles, Dublin 2007.
3. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 121.
4. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles, Basingstoke 2005, pp. 37–9.
5. Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 229.
6. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 18.
7. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
8. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–67’, p. 9.
9. Roy Johnston, A Century of Endeavour: A Biographical and Autobiographical View of the Twentieth Century in Ireland, Dublin 2003, p. 236.
10. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–67’, p. 9.
11. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 18.
12. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
13. PRONI CAB/4/1406.
14. Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland, Belfast 1969, para. 44 (hereafter Cameron Report).
15. Cameron Report, paras 186, 213.
16. Ibid., para. 54.
17. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, London 1993, p. 91.
18. Cameron Report, para. 165.
19. Ibid., paras. 102–16
20. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 99.
21. Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 164–7.
22. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 25–7.
23. PRONI CAB 9B/205/7.
24. PRONI CAB/4/141/3.
25. PRONI CAB 9B/309/1.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. PRONI CAB 9B/205/8.
29. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, pp. 206–8; Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, p. 193.
30. Cameron Report, para. 195.
31. Liam Baxter et al., ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, New Left Review, May–June 1969, p. 8.
32. In 1966, Farrell had spoken on behalf of an Irish student organization at a left-wing congress in Vienna and successfully proposed a motion demanding ‘immediate repeal’ of the Special Powers Act: United Irishman, July 1966.
33. Michael Farrell, ‘Long March to Freedom’, in Farrell, ed., Twenty Years On, p. 56.
34. Bernadette Devlin, The Price of My Soul, London 1969, pp. 117–18.
35. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 295.
36. Paul Arthur, The People’s Democracy 1968–73, Belfast 1974, pp. 38, 43.
37. Devlin, Straight Left, pp. 92–3.
38. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
39. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 64.
40. Ibid., pp. 66–7.
41. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 29–30, 35–6.
42. Cameron Report, para. 100.
43. O’Brien, States of Ireland, pp. 165–6; Joe Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society, Cambridge 1989, pp. 422–3; Taylor, Loyalists, p. 56; Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, pp. 204–7; Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 194–211.
44. Daniel Finn, ‘The Point of No Return? People’s Democracy and the Burntollet March’, Field Day Review, vol. 9, 2013.
45. Cameron Report, para. 101.
46. People’s Democracy, Comments on Cameron, Belfast 1969, para. 39.
47. Cameron Report, para. 183.
48. Liam de Paor, Divided Ulster, London 1971, p. 182. McCann was not actually a member of People’s Democracy at the time, but Cameron treated him as such throughout his report, and he was certainly a well-known associate of the march organizers.
49. Cameron Report, para. 96.
50. Ibid., para. 195.
51. Dooley, Black and Green, pp. 55–6.
52. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, p. 203.
53. O’Brien, States of Ireland, p. 148 (emphasis in original). Of course, O’Brien was quite wrong to imply that ‘Dixie’ had settled down to a ‘fairly peaceful’ trajectory of racial reform after Eisenhower sent in troops to enforce desegregation. SNCC organized the march from Selma to Montgomery almost a decade later, after its activists had endured years of murder, torture and arbitrary arrest at the hands of southern police forces and their civilian accomplices, while the federal government stood idly by: Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists, Cambridge, MA 2002, pp. 263–7.
54. Farrell seems not to have anticipated the IRA’s revival. In a pamphlet published towards the end of 1969, he attacked ‘militant anti-partitionists’ who wanted to impose a united Ireland by force, but the people Farrell had in mind were a coterie of Fianna Fáil politicians in the South: ‘The anti-partitionists’ alternative to the use of British troops to put down the Protestant extremists is the use of the Irish Army.’ Farrell did not raise the possibility that the northern Catholic ghettoes might produce their own anti-partitionist army: Michael Farrell, Struggle in the North, Belfast 1969, p. 32.
55. PRONI CAB/9/B/205/8.
56. PRONI CAB/4/1425.
57. Ibid.
58. PRONI CAB/4/1427.
59. Arthur, The People’s Democracy, p. 119. Republicans described PD’s agnostic stance towards the Irish border as a ‘pernicious doctrine’: United Irishman, March 1969.
60. Arthur, The People’s Democracy, p. 49.
61. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, pp. 171–2.
62. Taylor, Loyalists, pp. 59–61.
63. PRONI HA/32/3/1.
64. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 40.
65. Dooley, Black and Green, pp. 65–6.
66. Baxter et al., ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, p. 6.
67. Eamonn McCann, ‘Derry: Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’ (1969).
68. Ronan Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland, 1968–9’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, vol. 12, 2001, p. 71.
69. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 101–4.
1. At the time, Sinn Féin had no seats to take, so the question of attendance was purely hypothetical.
2. Taylor, Provos, p. 66.
3. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 125.
4. Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography, Dingle 1996, p. 104.
5. Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, pp. 57–8.
6. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–1967’, p. 11.
7. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 133–4.
8. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–1967’, p. 11.
9. Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, p. 59.
10. Ibid.
11. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 104.
12. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 155.
13. Patrick Bishop and Eamonn Mallie, The Provisional IRA, London 1988, pp. 92–3, 115.
14. Malachi O’Doherty, Gerry Adams: An Unauthorized Life, London 2017, pp. 44–5.
15. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, pp. 8–13.
16. Adams, ‘A Republican in the Civil Rights Campaign’, pp. 49–50; Before the Dawn, pp. 121–9. This conclusion is based to some extent on reading between the lines, since Adams has never discussed his role as an IRA commander.
17. Jim Monaghan, interview, 11 August 2011.
18. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 160.
19. Kevin Kelley, The Longest War: Northern Ireland and the IRA, London 1988, pp. 128–9.
20. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 155.
21. Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 103–5.
22. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 262.
23. Ar Aghaidh le Sinn Féin, Dublin 1968; Foley, Ireland in Rebellion, pp. 29–31.
24. This version of events first appeared in the United Irishman, and was then compiled in two pamphlets: Fianna Fáil: The IRA Connection and Fianna Fáil and the IRA (n.d.).
25. Fianna Fáil and the IRA, p. 27.
26. Taylor, Provos, p. 62; Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 130–1.
27. Taylor, Provos p. 63.
28. United Irishman, January 1970, September 1970.
29. Ibid., March 1970.
30. Mike Milotte, Communism in Modern Ireland: The Pursuit of the Workers’ Republic Since 1916, Dublin 1984, p. 278.
31. Communist Party of Ireland, A Democratic Solution, Belfast 1971.
32. Gerard Murray and Jonathan Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP: From Alienation to Participation, London 2005, pp. 10–13.
33. Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool’, p. 72. Callaghan’s habit of talking about Northern Ireland ‘as if we were some sort of external territory’ enraged Chichester-Clark. He would not have been reassured by the comments of the British foreign secretary, Michael Stewart, when his Irish counterpart called for the Apprentice Boys march to be banned: ‘A similar problem had arisen in Bermuda recently.’ Ibid., pp. 71–2.
34. Ibid., pp. 75–6.
35. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, pp. 78, 95, 102–3, 111.
36. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, p. 221.
37. Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland, paras 803–4.
38. Peter Taylor, Brits: The War Against the IRA, London 2002, p. 32.
39. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 142.
40. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 126.
41. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 121–3.
42. The derisory harvest of reform by the end of 1971 is summarized well in Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 300–1.
43. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 136–40.
44. NAI D/T 2001/6/513.
45. Operation Banner, para. 538.
46. Taylor, Provos, pp. 73–4; Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, p. 158.
47. PRONI CAB/9/G/89/2.
48. Thomas Hennessy, The Evolution of the Troubles 1970–72, Dublin 2007, pp. 28–31.
49. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 206.
50. Taylor, Provos, pp. 75–8.
51. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 226–7.
52. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 184.
53. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 131.
54. United Irishman, January 1970.
55. Ibid., April 1970.
56. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 215–17.
57. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 157.
58. Colm Campbell and Ita Connolly, ‘A Model for the “War Against Terrorism?” Military Intervention in Northern Ireland and the 1970 Falls Curfew’, Journal of Law and Society, vol. 30, no. 3, September 2003.
59. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography, Belfast 1993, p. 134.
60. Operation Banner, para. 829.
61. United Irishman, June 1971.
62. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 159.
63. PRONI CAB/4/1535. The bill in question resulted in one unsuccessful prosecution of a loyalist by the end of 1971.
64. Ciaran de Baróid, Ballymurphy and the Irish War, London 2000, pp. 49–57.
65. Ed Moloney, Voices from the Grave: Two Men’s War in Ireland, London 2010, pp. 70–1.
66. McCann, War and an Irish Town, pp. 129–30.
67. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, p. 185; Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 152–4.
68. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 135.
69. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 227–9.
70. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 156–7.
71. Tommy McKearney, The Provisional IRA from Insurrection to Parliament, London 2011, pp. 98–9.
72. Lorenzo Bosi, ‘Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969–1972’, Social Science History, vol. 36, no. 3, Fall 2012.
73. David Sharrock and Mark Devenport, Man of War, Man of Peace: The Unauthorized Biography of Gerry Adams, London 1997, p. 38.
74. Adams, Before the Dawn, pp. 43–4.
75. Fionnuala O’Connor, In Search of a State: Catholics in Northern Ireland, Belfast 1993, pp. 294–5.
76. Conway, Southside Provisional, pp. 67–71.
77. Taylor, Brits, p. 316.
78. Irish Times, 19 April 1972.
79. Irish Times, 12 May 1971; An Phoblacht, March 1970.
80. Irish Times, 11 February 1971.
81. Éire Nua: The Social and Economic Programme of Sinn Féin, Dublin 1972, pp. 55–6, 3–4.
82. Conway, Southside Provisional, p. 52.
83. Conway, whose Southern, middle-class background and grounding in student politics were entirely untypical of his fellow Volunteers, joined the Provos after being rejected by the Official IRA and rose to become their director of intelligence. He developed his own Marxist rationale for seeing the Provos as the more radical of the two factions: Southside Provisional, p. 21.
84. Irish Times, 19 April 1972.
85. Taylor, Brits, p. 58.
86. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, p. 116.
87. Ibid.
88. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 260.
89. United Irishman, May 1971.
90. Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 141–3.
91. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 209–10.
92. PRONI HA/32/2/51.
93. Michael Farrell, ‘Long March to Freedom’, in Farrell, ed., Twenty Years On, p. 63.
94. John Gray, interview, 29 January 2011; ‘Farrell, ‘Long March to Freedom’, p. 63.
95. Free Citizen, 23 July 1971.
5. The Year of Civil Resistance
1. The United Irishman editor Seamus Ó Tuathail smuggled out some of the first reports from Crumlin Road prison, to be published in the Irish Times. Another detainee, the People’s Democracy activist John McGuffin, later wrote a full-length book on the use of torture by the Army: The Guinea Pigs, London 1974.
2. Cobain, Cruel Britannia, pp. 138–47.
3. Ian Cobain, ‘Ballymurphy shootings: 36 hours in Belfast that left 10 dead’, Guardian, 26 June 2014.
4. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 166.
5. Margaret Urwin, A State in Denial: British Collaboration with Loyalist Paramilitaries, Cork 2016, p. 28.
6. Ibid., p. 94.
7. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, p. 137.
8. Taylor, Brits, pp. 67–8; Roy Foster, Luck and the Irish: A Brief History of Change, 1970–2000, London 2008, pp. 114–15.
9. Devlin, Straight Left, p. 157.
10. NAI DFA/2003/17/304.
11. Eamonn McCann, Bloody Sunday in Derry: What Really Happened, Dingle 1992, pp. 51–2.
12. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 170–1.
13. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 264. Brian Faulkner later claimed that Farrell and the other PD members arrested were also IRA Volunteers, without saying which faction he had in mind: ‘Many members of the IRA have belonged, or indeed still belong, to the Sinn Féin movement or the Republican organizations or to bodies like the People’s Democracy or the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. If a person is interned, however, it is solely because he is directly associated with the IRA.’ PRONI D/2890/5C/1.
14. Rosa Gilbert, ‘No Rent, No Rates: Civil Disobedience Against Internment in Northern Ireland, 1971–1974’, Studi irlandesi: A Journal of Irish Studies, no. 7, 2017, p. 27.
15. Gilbert, ‘No Rent, No Rates’, pp. 27–9.
16. Terry Robson, ‘Workerism and Republicanism: The Seduction of Armed Struggle’, in Pauline McClenaghan, ed., The Spirit of ’68: Beyond the Barricades, Derry 2009, pp. 116–17.
17. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 151.
18. Gilbert, ‘No Rent, No Rates’, p. 28.
19. Unfree Citizen, 14 January 1972.
20. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, p. 222.
21. United Irishman, December 1971.
22. Gilbert, ‘No Rent, No Rates’, p. 32.
23. NAI DFA/2003/13/6.
24. NAI DFA/2003/13/7.
25. NAI D/T/2002/8/483.
26. PRONI HA/32/2/54.
27. In January 1972, Roy Johnston announced his resignation from Goulding’s movement after the assassination of Unionist politician John Barnhill by the Official IRA. He joined the Communist Party soon afterwards: Irish Times, 18 January 1972.
28. Irish Times, 25 October 1971.
29. United Irishman, October 1971.
30. Starry Plough, 30 April 1973.
31. United Irishman, January 1972.
32. Taylor, Provos, p. 134.
33. United Irishman, January 1972.
34. Ibid., September 1971.
35. Irish Times, 19 July 1971.
36. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 157
37. Free Citizen, 28 May 1971; Unfree Citizen, 14 January 1972.
38. Baxter et al., ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, pp. 11–12. Eamonn McCann objected strenuously to the term ‘Catholic power’; Farrell explained that he meant it to be humorous.
39. Unfree Citizen, 15 October 1971.
40. Ibid.
41. People’s Democracy, People’s Democracy: What It Stands For, Its Attitudes, Dublin 1972, p. 10.
42. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 215.
43. United Irishman, January 1972.
44. Irish Times, 3 January 1972.
45. Ibid., 19 January 1972.
46. McCann, Bloody Sunday in Derry, pp. 62–63.
47. Irish Times, 24 January 1972.
48. Ibid., 26 January, 31 January 1972.
49. Ibid., 29 January 1972.
50. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 279–84.
51. Irish Times, 31 January 1972.
52. Murray Sayle, ‘Bloody Sunday Report’, London Review of Books, 11 July 2002. Sayle composed his report with Derek Humphry for the Sunday Times within days of the massacre, but legal concerns blocked its publication for another thirty years.
53. Irish Times, 2 February 1972.
54. White, Out of the Ashes, pp. 88–91.
55. Irish Times, 7 February 1972.
56. NAI DFA/2003/17/284.
57. NAI DFA/2003/13/22.
58. Bloody Sunday, 1972: Lord Widgery’s Report of Events in Londonderry, Northern Ireland, on 30 January 1972, London 2001, pp. 97–100.
59. United Irishman, February 1972.
60. Eamonn McCann, ‘Twisting the Truth about Bloody Sunday’, Socialist Worker, 16 June 2011.
61. Sayle, ‘Bloody Sunday Report’; Eamonn McCann, What Happened in Derry, London 1972, pp. 11–12.
62. Unfree Citizen, 3 March 1972. The Sunday Times Insight Team confirmed the plausibility of this account: ‘The magistrates’ courts were so clogged with cases hinging upon military testimony that the court-building in Chichester Street looked daily more like a barracks than a hall of justice.’ Ulster, p. 288.
63. Unfree Citizen, 3 March 1972.
64. Ibid., 8 October 1971.
65. United Irishman, May 1972.
66. Ibid., June 1972.
67. Starry Plough, no. 4, May–June 1972. The Officials also had to fend off some Red-baiting from their republican rivals, who described an abortive plan to establish street committees in ‘Free Derry’ as a plot to impose ‘Moscow-style communism’. The Plough’s reply gave a sense of the terse humour that characterized the paper: ‘When we advocated street committees we did not mean that neighbour should spy on neighbour. If any of our supporters have taken steps to plant sophisticated electronic bugging devices in the kitchen next door, please stop it. That is not what we meant. All those experimenting with micro-dots can knock it off, and anyone who has a high-powered telescope poking out of his bathroom window can get rid of it. That was not the idea.’
68. McCann, War and an Irish Town, pp. 162–6.
69. NAUK CJ 4/195.
70. United Irishman, June 1974.
71. Irish Times, 3 April 1972.
72. Taylor, Provos, pp. 138–9.
73. Ibid., pp. 137–8.
74. Kelley, The Longest War, pp. 180–1.
75. Andrew Mumford, ‘Covert Peacemaking: Clandestine Negotiations and Backchannels with the Provisional IRA during the Early “Troubles”, 1972–76’, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 39, no. 4, 2011, pp. 637–8.
76. Taylor, Provos, p. 142.
77. Ibid., p. 135; Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 205.
78. Mike Davis, Buda’s Wagon: A Brief History of the Car Bomb, London 2007, pp. 53–60.
79. Taylor, Provos, p. 134.
80. Davis, Buda’s Wagon, p. 10.
81. Malachi O’Doherty, The Telling Year: Belfast 1972, Dublin 2007, p. 204.
82. Starry Plough, no. 5, July–August 1972.
6. Roads Not Taken
1. Operation Banner, paras 106, 226–7.
2. English, Armed Struggle, pp. 162–4.
3. Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 265–6.
4. Irish Times, 24 September 1973.
5. Republican Clubs, Where We Stand: The Republican Position, Dublin 1972, p. 14.
6. Ibid., p. 7.
7. United Irishman, February 1973.
8. NAUK CJ/4/193.
9. Patterson, The Politics of Illusion, p. 159.
10. United Irishman, July 1973.
11. Gerry Foley, Problems of the Irish Revolution: Can the IRA Meet the Challenge? New York 1972. In the US, Foley belonged to the same party as George Breitman, whose pamphlet on the African-American struggle had been a touchstone for Michael Farrell at the time of the Burntollet march.
12. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 257–8.
13. United Irishman, January 1973.
14. Ibid., April 1973.
15. Official Sinn Féin, Document on Irish Liberation Submitted to World Congress of Peace Forces, Dublin 1973.
16. Intercontinental Press, 23 October 1978.
17. Unfree Citizen, 28 January 1974.
18. Michael Farrell and Phil McCullough, Behind the Wire, Belfast 1973, p. 13.
19. Republican News, 27 June, 25 August 1973.
20. Adams, Before the Dawn, pp. 215–16.
21. Unfree Citizen, 15 April 1974.
22. Kelley, The Longest War, p. 205.
23. Republican News, 8 March 1975.
24. Conway, Southside Provisional, p. 183.
25. Brian Feeney, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, Dublin 2002, pp. 273–4.
26. PRONI CAB/9/J/90/10.
27. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, pp. 148–9.
28. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, p. 226.
29. Dean Godson, Himself Alone: David Trimble and the Ordeal of Unionism, London 2004, p. 32.
30. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, p. 139.
31. Figures from the CAIN database of conflict-related deaths.
32. Martin Dillon and Denis Lehane, Political Murder in Northern Ireland, London 1973, p. 286.
33. Margaret Urwin, A State in Denial: British Collaboration with Loyalist Paramilitaries, Cork 2016, pp. 56–9.
34. Ibid., pp. 90–3.
35. Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 55–60.
36. Conway, Southside Provisional, pp. 178–9. The British police tortured six men into signing false confessions admitting responsibility for the bombings: the ‘Birmingham Six’ later became the focus of intense political controversy, along with other Irish victims of judicial malpractice, and were finally released in 1991.
37. Taylor, Brits, pp. 177–9.
38. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, ‘“Everyone Trying”, the IRA Ceasefire, 1975: A Missed Opportunity for Peace?’ Field Day Review, vol. 7, 2011.
39. David McKittrick and David McVea, Making Sense of the Troubles, London 2012, p. 131.
40. Irish Times, 21 December 1974.
41. Ibid., 11 February 1975.
42. Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 282–4.
43. Anne Cadwallader, Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland, Cork 2013, pp. 142–3.
44. Ibid., p. 117.
45. Ibid., pp. 306–7.
46. Taylor, Brits, pp. 184–6.
47. Irish Times, 20 October 1975.
48. Ibid., 2 December 1974.
49. Seamus Costello Memorial Committee, Seamus Costello 1939–77: Irish Republican Socialist, Dublin 1982, p. 58.
50. Starry Plough, April 1975.
51. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 284.
52. Between December 1974 and May 1975, the United Irishman published an extended political travelogue taking readers through the highlights of East European state socialism. It denounced the Hungarian revolt of 1956 as a ‘last-ditch stand’ by ‘fascist and right-wing elements who tried to turn back the clock of history’, and claimed that there was ‘very little opposition’ to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia twelve years later: ‘In fact many Czechs supported it.’
53. Irish Times, 14 December 1974.
54. Starry Plough, April 1975.
55. Irish Times, 15 March 1975.
56. Hibernia, 31 October 1975.
57. Irish Times, 14 December 1974, 7 April 1975.
58. Jack Holland and Henry McDonald, INLA: Deadly Divisions, Dublin 2010, pp. 109–11.
59. Irish Times, 15 March 1975.
60. NAUK CJ/4/2774.
61. Patterson, The Politics of Illusion, p. 164.
62. Irish Times, 25 February 1975.
63. Ibid., 28 February 1975.
64. Holland and McDonald, Deadly Divisions, pp. 57–9.
65. Irish Times, 7 March 1975.
66. Ibid., 9 April 1975.
67. Ibid., 7 April 1975.
68. Ibid., 29 April, 1 May 1975.
69. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 402–3.
70. Hibernia, 31 October 1975.
71. Starry Plough, December 1975.
72. Ibid., January 1976.
73. Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, London 2007, pp. 146–7; Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 315–17.
74. Irish Times, 14 November 1975.
75. Ibid., 6 November, 14 November 1975.
76. Ibid., 5 November 1975.
77. English, Armed Struggle, pp. 171–2.
78. Irish Times, 12 August 1972.
79. United Irishman, November 1975.
80. Seán Swan, Official Irish Republicanism 1962–1972, Dublin 2008, p. 401.
81. McGarry and O’Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland, pp. 161–6. While Clifford was BICO’s main authority on Ireland, another member of the group, Bill Warren, became well-known on the intellectual left for his writings on the development of global capitalism.
82. Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 29–30, 53.
83. Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Peter Gibbon, The State in Northern Ireland: Political Forces and Social Classes, Manchester 1979, pp. 18–19, 221.
84. Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party, Statement on Northern Ireland, Dublin 1979.
85. Workers’ Party, The Current Political Situation in Northern Ireland, Belfast 1983, p. 5.
86. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 401–21.
87. McAliskey, Johnnie White and their associates set up a short-lived group called the Independent Socialist Party after leaving the IRSP. The new organization identified a basic problem for any movement that tried to mobilize support on an all-Ireland basis: ‘Most Irish workers were born and bred in a partitioned country. Their problems they see as directly related to the state in which they live. Cork workers will be hard put to tie up their housing problems with the sectarian murders in Belfast.’ Independent Socialist Party, The Independent Socialist Party: An Introduction, Dublin 1977, p. 5.
88. Holland and McDonald, Deadly Divisions, pp. 126–7.
89. Irish Times, 11 October 1977.
90. Derek Dunne and Gene Kerrigan, Round Up the Usual Suspects: The Cosgrave Coalition and the Kelly Trial, Dublin 1984, p. 190.
91. Moloney, Voices from the Grave, p. 193.
92. Irish Times, 17 October, 20 October 1980.
7. The Broad Front
1. Republican News, 18 June 1977.
2. Unfree Citizen, September 1976.
3. Republican News, 11 September 1976.
4. Gerry Adams, Peace in Ireland: A Broad Analysis of the Present Situation, Belfast 1976, p. 13.
5. Peter Taylor, Beating the Terrorists? Interrogation in Omagh, Gough and Castlereagh, London 1980.
6. PRONI CENT/1/5/5.
7. Unfree Citizen, March 1976.
8. Ibid., July–August 1977.
9. ‘Appendix 4: Staff Report, 1977’, in Liam Clarke, Broadening the Battlefield: The H-Blocks and the Rise of Sinn Féin, Dublin 1987, p. 253.
10. Republican News, 17 June 1978.
11. NAUK CJ/4/2376. One of the foreign guests at the conference was the Greek Trotskyist Michalis Raptis, better known in far-left circles as Michel Pablo – although as Brian Trench noted, ‘few of the delegates can have had an idea of the historical resonance of his name’: Trench, ‘Provisional Pot-Pourri’, Magill, 1 November 1978. Pablo’s record as an arms-smuggler and sometime adviser for Algeria’s FLN guerrillas would have interested the Provos more than his role in the controversies of the Fourth International.
12. John Horgan, Irish Media: A Critical History since 1922, London 2001, pp. 148–9.
13. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 23 June 1979.
14. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 185–6.
15. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 10 February 1979.
16. Jim Gibney, interview, 31 August 2015.
17. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 9 August 1980.
18. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, London 1980, p. 176.
19. McCann, War and an Irish Town, pp. 175–6.
20. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 10 May 1980.
21. Ed Moloney, ‘The IRA’, Magill, 30 September 1980.
22. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 3 November 1979.
23. Patterson, The Politics of Illusion, p. 222; Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP, p. 152.
24. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 3 November 1979.
25. Ibid., 10 November, 3 November 1979.
26. Moloney, ‘The IRA’.
27. Republican News, 31 January 1976.
28. Unfree Citizen, March 1976.
29. Republican News, 8 April, 1 April 1978.
30. Vincent Browne, ‘There will be no more ceasefires – the Provisional IRA’, Magill, 1 August 1978.
31. ‘Appendix 4: Staff Report, 1977’, in Clarke, Broadening the Battlefield, pp. 251–2.
32. Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 320–3; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 157–61.
33. Moloney, ‘The IRA’.
34. Ed Moloney, ‘“We have worn down their will”’, Magill, 30 September 1980.
35. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 266.
36. Republican News, 25 February 1978.
37. NAUK FCO/87/976.
38. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 19 April 1980.
39. Unfree Citizen, July–August 1977.
40. Socialist Republic, February 1978.
41. Starry Plough, February 1978.
42. Socialist Republic, March–April 1978.
43. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, pp. 75–6.
44. Republican News, 4 February 1978.
45. F. Stuart Ross, Smashing H-Block: The Rise and Fall of the Popular Campaign Against Criminalization, 1976–82, Liverpool 2011, pp. 51–2.
46. Republican News, 2 September 1978.
47. Ross, Smashing H-Block, p. 53.
48. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 19 May 1979.
49. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 2 June 1979.
50. People’s Democracy, Prisoners of Partition: H-Block/Armagh, Dublin 1980, p. 9.
51. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 16 June 1979.
52. Ibid., 30 June 1979.
53. Ross, Smashing H-Block, p. 61.
54. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 27 October 1979.
55. Ross, Smashing H-Block, p. 61.
56. A group of female IRA prisoners in Armagh prison soon joined them under the leadership of Mairéad Farrell. The protest in Armagh had a major impact on the Irish feminist movement, which divided along pro- and anti-republican lines: Christina Loughran, ‘Armagh and Feminist Strategy: Campaigns Around Republican Women Prisoners in Armagh Jail’, Feminist Review, no. 23, June 1986. The broad front in support of republican prisoners became the National H-Block/Armagh Committee in response.
57. Gerry Foley, ‘Bernadette and the Politics of H-Block’, Magill, April 1981.
58. Taylor, Provos, pp. 235–6.
59. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 28 March 1981.
60. PRONI NIO/112/196A.
61. PRONI CENT/1/10/25.
62. Irish Times, 8 May 1981.
63. PRONI CENT/1/10/25.
64. Starry Plough, April 1981.
65. Ross, Smashing H-Block, pp. 164, 177.
66. PRONI CENT/1/10/36A.
67. People’s Democracy, From Reform to Collaboration: The History of Gerry Fitt, Belfast 1981.
68. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 30 May 1981.
69. Ibid., 16 May 1981.
70. Ibid., 15 August 1981.
71. PRONI NIO/12/197A.
72. PRONI NIO/12/254.
73. PRONI NIO/12/202.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid.
76. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 8 August 1981.
77. Ibid., 29 August 1981.
78. Ross, Smashing H-Block, p. 144.
79. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 29 August 1981. Carron’s by-election victory later became the focus of bitter controversy when Richard O’Rawe, who had been press officer for the prisoners during the hunger strike, claimed that the outside leadership turned down an acceptable deal when six of the ten hunger strikers were still alive. According to O’Rawe, they wanted to avoid a settlement before the Fermanagh–South Tyrone vote took place: O’Rawe, Blanketmen: An Untold Story of the H-Block Hunger Strike, Dublin 2005.
80. Irish Times, 29 August 1981.
81. PRONI CENT/1/10/32.
82. PRONI NIO/12/202.
83. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 10 October 1981. An INLA statement made a similar boast: ‘We now have a new generation of young people who were brought into the struggle during the hunger strike, and have brought new life into the INLA.’ Starry Plough, August 1982.
84. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 5 September 1981.
85. PRONI CENT/1/10/86A.
86. Socialist Republic, October 1982.
8. War by Other Means
1. PRONI CENT/1/11/51A.
2. PRONI CENT/1/11/59.
3. Michael Farrell, ‘The Provos at the ballot box’, Magill, 1 June 1983. Farrell had to move south in the early 1980s to escape the threat of assassination: UDA sources reported that his name was next on their list of targets after Bernadette McAliskey. He went on to become a distinguished lawyer and human rights campaigner.
4. PRONI CENT/1/12/8, CENT/1/12/19.
5. Farrell, ‘The Provos at the ballot box’.
6. Michael Farrell, ‘We have now established a sort of Republican veto’, Magill, 30 June 1983.
7. Michael Farrell, ‘The Armalite and the ballot box’, Magill, 30 June 1983.
8. Brendan O’Brien, The Long War: The IRA and Sinn Féin, Dublin 1999, p. 113.
9. Farrell, ‘We have now established a sort of Republican veto’.
10. Ibid.
11. Martin Collins, ed., Ireland After Britain, London 1985, p. 17.
12. Ken Livingstone, ‘Why Labour Lost’, New Left Review, July–August 1983.
13. PRONI CENT/1/12/2A.
14. Rowthorn and Wayne, Northern Ireland, pp. 115–19. The rate for Protestant men was only slightly worse than the UK average.
15. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 127–8.
16. Irish Times, 8 August 1983.
17. Ibid., 23 May 1984.
18. Ibid., 15 November 1983.
19. Ibid., 20 April 1984.
20. Ibid., 13 June 1984.
21. Ibid., 19 June 1984.
22. Ibid., 22 June 1984.
23. Gene Kerrigan, ‘The IRA has to do what the IRA has to do’, Magill, September 1984.
24. Ibid.
25. Taylor, Brits, pp. 219–20; O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 107–11.
26. Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 413–14; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 244–5; O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 129–30.
27. Irish Times, 29 December 1984.
28. Taylor, Brits, p. 265.
29. Irish Times, 23 November, 20 November 1984.
30. Ibid., 1 May 1985.
31. Ibid., 4 November 1985.
32. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, pp. 221–9.
33. PRONI ENV/37/1.
34. Irish Times, 15 January 1986.
35. PRONI CENT/1/17/38A.
36. Danny Morrison, The Hillsborough Agreement, Belfast and Dublin 1986, pp. 8–9, 15.
37. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 130–1; Clarke, Broadening the Battlefield, pp. 234–5; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 287–8.
38. Skirting the edge of self-parody, Adams later claimed that reports of the Convention’s move came ‘suddenly and unexpectedly’ to him: Gerry Adams, Hope and History: Making Peace in Ireland, Dingle 2003, p. 46.
39. Irish Times, 15 October 1986.
40. Sinn Féin, The Politics of Revolution: The Main Speeches and Debates from the 1986 Sinn Féin Ard-Fheis, Dublin 1986, pp. 26–7.
41. The Unionist leader David Trimble used the term ‘sleekedness’ to convey his intense dislike and distrust of Adams: Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 398–9. Ironically, Trimble’s preference for McGuinness, the other half of Sinn Féin’s peace-process double act, aligned him with many IRA Volunteers.
42. Kevin Toolis, Rebel Hearts: Journeys within the IRA’s Soul, London 1996, pp. 294–8.
43. Sinn Féin, The Politics of Revolution, pp. 6, 7, 10, 8, 12.
44. Ibid., pp. 14, 4, 6.
45. Ibid., p. 20.
46. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 336–7; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 289.
47. Sinn Féin, The Politics of Revolution, pp. 13–14.
48. United Irishman, July 1976; Workers’ Party, Security in Northern Ireland, Belfast 1989, p. 6.
49. Workers’ Party, The Workers’ Party and the Anglo-Irish Agreement, Dublin 1986, pp. 3–4; Workers’ Party, The Socialist Perspective on Northern Ireland and the Anglo-Irish Agreement, Dublin 1986, p. 10.
50. Workers’ Party, The Current Political Situation in Northern Ireland, p. 5.
51. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 205.
52. Jonathan Tonge, The New Northern Irish Politics? Basingstoke 2005, p. 89.
53. PRONI CENT/1/12/24.
54. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 524–6, 536–7.
55. Sinn Féin, The Politics of Revolution, p. 8.
56. Irish Times, 23 May 1984.
57. Sinn Féin, The Good Old IRA: Tan War Operations, Dublin 1985, p. 3.
58. Townshend, The Republic, p. 370.
59. Sinn Féin, The Good Old IRA, p. 3.
60. Ibid., p. 2.
61. O’Brien, The Long War, p. 129.
62. Figures from the CAIN database.
63. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 21.
64. Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick, The Fight for Peace: The Inside Story of the Irish Peace Process, London 1997, p. 48.
65. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 22.
66. Ibid., pp. 22–32.
67. Ibid., p. 22.
68. Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, p. 48.
69. O’Brien, The Long War, p. 141.
70. Kelley, The Longest War, pp. 376–7.
71. Starry Plough, November–December 1983.
72. Vincent Browne, ‘Inside the INLA’, Magill, August 1985.
73. Irish Republican Socialist Party, An Historical Analysis of the IRSP: Its Past Role, Root Cause of Its Problems and Proposals for the Future, Dublin 1987, p. 3.
9. Down a Few Rungs
1. Irish Times, 13 June 1988.
2. Ibid., 4 April 1988.
3. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, p. 154.
4. Irish Times, 14 November 1983.
5. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, p. 128.
6. Adams included Coughlan’s critique of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in his bibliography for The Politics of Irish Freedom.
7. Irish Times, 23 June 1986.
8. Ibid., 6 November 1986; Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP, p. 88.
9. Gerry Adams, ‘A Bus Ride to Independence and Socialism’ (1986), in Adams, Signposts to Independence and Socialism, Dublin 1988, p. 17.
10. Ross, Smashing H-Block, p. 180. For the same reason, traditionalists like Jimmy Drumm looked on the new members with suspicion, fearing they would begin to raise questions about the armed struggle itself: Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: Republicanism and Socialism in Modern Ireland, London 1989, p. 198.
11. ‘Sinn Féin Document No. 1’, 17 March 1988, in The Sinn Féin–SDLP Talks, January–September 1988, sinnfein.ie/files, accessed 22 July 2018.
12. ‘SDLP Document No. 1’, 17 March 1988, in ibid.
13. ‘Sinn Féin Document No. 2’, 19 May 1988, in ibid.
14. Irish Times, 6 September 1988.
15. Gerry Adams, A Pathway to Peace, Cork 1988, p. 60.
16. Irish Times, 26 September 1988.
17. Ibid., 28 November 1988.
18. Ibid., 9 January 1989.
19. Ibid., 18 January, 30 January 1989.
20. Fortnight, May 1989.
21. Irish Times, 30 January 1989.
22. Ibid., 19 June 1989.
23. Fortnight, December 1987.
24. Irish Times, 30 September, 6 October 1989.
25. Jim Gibney, ‘A Liberating Philosophy’, An Réabhlóid, December 1989–February 1990.
26. Irish Times, 22 January 1990.
27. Ibid., 3 February 1990.
28. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 334–5.
29. Irish Times, 5 February 1990.
30. Ibid., 9 November 1984.
31. Kader Asmal and Adrian Hadland, Politics in My Blood: A Memoir, Johannesburg 2011, pp. 65–6.
32. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, ‘The Longest Negotiation: British Policy, IRA Strategy and the Making of the Northern Ireland Peace Settlement’, Political Studies, vol. 63, no. 1, 2015.
33. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 16 November 1989.
34. PRONI NIO/10/9/13A.
35. Irish Times, 8 November 1989.
36. Ó Dochartaigh, ‘The Longest Negotiation’, p. 210.
37. Irish Times, 17 November 1990.
38. Adrian Guelke, ‘The Political Impasse in South Africa and Northern Ireland: A Comparative Perspective’, Comparative Politics, vol. 23, no. 2, January 1991, pp. 158–9.
39. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 25 June 1992.
40. Ibid.
41. Moloney, Voices from the Grave, pp. 425–7.
42. Sinn Féin, ‘Towards a Lasting Peace in Ireland’, in O’Brien, The Long War, p. 412.
43. Starry Plough, vol. 1, no. 2, 1991.
44. Sinn Féin, ‘Towards a Lasting Peace’, p. 411.
45. Adams, ‘A Bus Ride to Independence and Socialism’, pp. 13, 15.
46. Sinn Féin, ‘Towards a Lasting Peace’, p. 409.
47. Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP, pp. 122, 146.
48. Adams, Hope and History, p. 81; Martin Mansergh, ‘The Background to the Peace Process’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, vol. 6, 1995, p. 153.
49. ‘Draft 2: A Strategy for Peace and Justice in Ireland’, in Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, pp. 411–13.
50. ‘Draft 3: Document sent to John Hume and the Irish government by the republican movement, February 1992’, in ibid., p. 414 (emphasis added).
51. ‘Draft 5: June 1992 Sinn Féin draft’, in ibid., p. 416 (emphasis added).
52. Ibid.
53. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 290–1.
54. Adams, Hope and History, p. 112.
55. Fortnight, September 1988.
56. Figures from the CAIN database.
57. Irish Times, 27 January 1992.
58. Toolis, Rebel Hearts, pp. 198–9.
59. Irish Times, 24 December 1992.
60. Ibid., 4 March 1993.
61. After his release from prison in 1995, Morrison remained a vocal supporter of Gerry Adams but did not resume his position in the Sinn Féin leadership team, concentrating on a new career as a writer.
62. Danny Morrison, Then The Walls Came Down: A Prison Journal, Cork 1999, pp. 96–7.
63. Ibid., pp. 234–5.
64. Ibid., p. 263.
65. Ibid., p. 241.
66. Ibid., pp. 289–90.
67. Ibid., p. 289.
68. Ibid., p. 291–2.
69. Ibid., p. 293.
70. Martyn Frampton, The Long March: The Political Strategy of Sinn Féin, 1981–2007, Basingstoke 2008, pp. 86–7.
71. Figures from the CAIN database.
72. Irish Times, 9 September 1993.
73. Taylor, Loyalists, p. 234.
74. Ibid., pp. 217–19, 231–2; David Lister and Hugh Jordan, Mad Dog: The Rise and Fall of Johnny Adair and ‘C Company’, Edinburgh 2004, pp. 188–9, 193.
75. Irish Times, 23 March 1990, 9 September 1993, 2 October 1993, 8 November 1993; Adams, Hope and History, pp. 84–91.
76. Cobain, The History Thieves, pp. 198–200.
77. Irish Times, 30 January 1992, 4 February 1992.
78. Cobain, The History Thieves, pp. 188–90.
79. Mark McGovern, ‘Inquiring into Collusion? Collusion, the State and the Management of Truth Recovery in Northern Ireland’, State Crime Journal, vol. 2, no. 1, Spring 2013; ‘“See No Evil”: Collusion in Northern Ireland’, Race and Class, vol. 58, no. 3, January 2017.
80. Eamonn McCann, War and Peace in Northern Ireland, Dublin 1998, p. 131.
81. Irish Times, 2 April 2004.
82. Ibid., 26 April, 3 May, 10 May 1993.
83. Ibid., 30 June 1993.
84. Ibid., 2 October 1993.
85. Sunday Tribune, 7 November 1999.
86. Irish Times, 28 October 1993.
87. Ibid., 25 October 1993.
88. Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, pp. 173–5.
89. Sinn Féin, Setting the Record Straight, Dublin 1993, p. 26.
90. Irish Times, 26 April, 3 May, 22 September, 8 October 1993.
91. Ibid., 9 September 1993.
92. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 14 October 1993.
93. Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, pp. 213–31.
94. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 295–6.
95. ‘Draft 5: June 1992 Sinn Féin Draft’, p. 414.
96. ‘Joint Declaration 1993’, in O’Brien, The Long War, p. 421.
97. Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick, Endgame in Ireland, London 2001, p. 162.
98. Godson, Himself Alone, p. 115.
99. Gerry Adams, Free Ireland: Towards a Lasting Peace, Dingle 1995, pp. 216–17.
100. In contrast, the events of 1989–91 hit the Workers’ Party hard, with the bulk of its parliamentary group in Dublin breaking off to form a new organization, Democratic Left.
101. Gibney, ‘A Liberating Philosophy’.
102. Morrison, Then the Walls Came Down, pp. 30–1.
103. Feargal Cochrane, ‘Irish-America, the End of the IRA’s Armed Struggle and the Utility of “Soft Power”’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 44, no. 2, 2007.
104. Fortnight, October 1996.
105. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 7 July 1994.
106. Irish Times, 25 July, 28 July 1994.
107. Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, pp. 293–4.
10. Endgame
1. ‘TUAS Document: Summer 1994’, in Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 598–601.
2. Adams, Free Ireland, p. 229.
3. Ibid., pp. 230–1.
4. Eamon Collins, Killing Rage, London 1997, pp. 225–6, 231–2.
5. McCann, War and Peace in Northern Ireland, pp. 154–5.
6. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 426–7; Adams, Hope and History, pp. 181–3.
7. ‘TUAS Document’, p. 601.
8. Jonathan Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room: Making Peace in Northern Ireland, London 2008, p. 82; Sunday Times, 31 October 1999.
9. Fortnight, September 1994.
10. Irish Times, 29 August 1995.
11. Fortnight, January 1996.
12. Independent, 21 November 1994.
13. Irish Times, 12 July 1995.
14. Ibid., 31 August 1995.
15. Kevin Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin, Liverpool 2007, pp. 174–5.
16. Irish Times, 31 August 1995.
17. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 347–54; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 438–41.
18. Irish Times, 5 April 1996.
19. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 357–8.
20. Irish Times, 23 November 1996; O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 366–7; Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 445–54.
21. O’Brien, The Long War, p. 369.
22. Chris Ryder and Vincent Kearney, Drumcree: The Orange Order’s Last Stand, London 2001, pp. 163–75.
23. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 370–1.
24. Ryder and Kearney, Drumcree, pp. 133–4, 136, 247–8, 283, 295.
25. Mallie and McKittrick, The Fight for Peace, p. 382.
26. Irish Times, 31 May 1997; Adams, Hope and History, pp. 290–1.
27. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 353–4.
28. Trimble’s inner circle of advisers included two alumni of the Workers’ Party, Paul Bew and Eoghan Harris, who had shared his youthful enthusiasm for the ‘Orange Marxism’ of the British and Irish Communist Organization.
29. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 475–9; O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 378–80.
30. Taylor, Loyalists, pp. 240–1.
31. O’Brien, The Long War, pp. 384–5.
32. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, pp. 9–13, 79–80.
33. Michael Cox, Adrian Guelke and Fiona Stephen, eds, A Farewell to Arms? Beyond the Good Friday Agreement, Manchester 2006, pp. 496–507, 511–12.
34. Mallie and McKittrick, Endgame in Ireland, pp. 259–77.
35. Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 327–37.
36. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, p. 104; Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 330–1; Adams, Hope and History, p. 365.
37. O’Brien, The Long War, p. 386.
38. Fortnight, June 2000.
39. ‘Gerry Adams Presidential Address to Sinn Féin Ard Fheis 1998’, 10 May 1998: sinnfein.ie, accessed 9 August 2018.
40. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 480–3.
41. ‘Gerry Adams Presidential Address’.
42. Tonge, The New Northern Irish Politics?, pp. 34–5.
43. O’Leary, ‘Mission Accomplished?’ p. 235.
44. Collins, Killing Rage, pp. 219–20, 295–6.
45. Anthony McIntyre, Good Friday: The Death of Irish Republicanism, New York 2008, p. 88.
46. Paul Dixon, ‘Guns First, Talks Later: Neoconservatives and the Northern Ireland Peace Process’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 39, no. 4, November 2011.
47. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 494–5.
48. Ibid., pp. 505, 510–11.
49. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, pp. 314, 24–5.
50. Ibid., pp. 162–3.
51. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 574.
52. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, pp. 204, 220–1.
53. The preface to Dean Godson’s monumental biography of David Trimble, Himself Alone, thanks George W. Bush’s speechwriter David Frum and the Iraqi politician Ahmed Chalabi, along with more familiar figures on the British conservative scene such as Michael Gove and Boris Johnson. In a paper for an Israeli think tank with close ties to Likud, Godson bemoaned the reluctance of Blair’s government to use the 9/11 attacks ‘as an excuse to engage in a crackdown on its own insurrectionists’. He also deplored the idea that Northern Ireland’s unionist majority would be permitted to leave the UK if they so desired: ‘The British state is well-nigh unique in advertising, quite openly, that it does not really mind if it is dismembered.’ Dean Godson, ‘Lessons from Northern Ireland for the Arab-Israeli Conflict’, Jerusalem Viewpoints, no. 523, 1–15 October 2004.
54. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 510–11.
55. O’Brien, The Long War, p. 391.
56. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, pp. 192–3, 203.
57. Fortnight, January 2000.
58. Ibid., May 2002.
59. Irish Times, 25 January 2003.
60. Ibid., 25 April 2003.
61. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 543–4.
62. Ibid., p. 556.
63. Sunday Tribune, 30 January 2000.
64. Adams, Hope and History, p. 106.
65. Godson, Himself Alone, pp. 524–32, 605–7, 614–16, 629–31.
66. Steven King, ‘In from the Cold: The Rise to Prominence of the Democratic Unionist Party Since 2003’, Irish Review, no. 38, 2008, pp. 6–7.
67. Sinn Féin, The Politics of Revolution, pp. 8, 11.
68. Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin, p. 151.
69. Ryder and Kearney, Drumcree, pp. 245–9.
70. Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room, p. 132.
71. Ibid., passim.
72. Irish Times, 25 April 2003.
73. Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin, pp. 199–202.
74. Sunday Tribune, 1 October 2000.
75. Tonge, The New Northern Irish Politics? p. 258.
76. Irish Times, 14 May 2004.
77. Tonge, The New Northern Irish Politics? pp. 230–3.
78. Cobain, The History Thieves, pp. 205–7.
79. Irish Times, 23 January, 29 January 2007.
80. Ibid., 10 May 2002.
81. Gerry Adams, The New Ireland: A Vision for the Future, Dingle 2005, pp. 40–8
82. An Phoblacht, 17 May 2007.
83. Ibid., 15 March 2007.
84. Irish Times, 20 February 2006.
85. Ibid., 30 April 2007.
86. Ibid., 2 June 2007.
87. Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP, p. 261.
Epilogue
1. Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin, pp. 172–3.
2. Ibid., p. 177.
3. For political developments since 2008, see Daniel Finn, ‘Ireland on the Turn?’, New Left Review 67, Jan–Feb 2011, and ‘Irish Politics Since the Crash’, Catalyst, vol. 1, no. 2, Summer 2017.
4. An Phoblacht, 7 June 2008.
5. Eoin Ó Broin, Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism, London 2009. For a more detailed assessment of Ó Broin’s work, see Daniel Finn, ‘Republicanism and the Irish Left’, Historical Materialism, vol. 24, no. 1, 2016.
6. Ó Broin, Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism, pp. 292–95.
7. Ibid., pp. 296–7.
8. Ibid., p. 303.
9. Seán Ó Riain, The Rise and Fall of Ireland’s Celtic Tiger: Liberalism, Boom and Bust, Cambridge 2014.
10. ‘Gerry Adams Presidential Address to Sinn Féin Ard Fheis 2009’, 21 February 2009: sinnfein.ie, accessed 17 August 2018.
11. Paul Murphy et al., ‘Principles for a Left Alternative’, Irish Left Review, 28 May 2015. Sinn Féin also faced an electoral challenge in Northern Ireland from one of those groups, the People Before Profit Alliance. Nearly half a century after he first stood for election as a Labour candidate in Derry, Eamonn McCann won a seat for People Before Profit in the 2016 Assembly election.
12. Belfast Telegraph, 9 March 2015.
13. Stathis Kouvelakis, ‘Syriza’s Rise and Fall’, New Left Review 97, Jan–Feb 2016.
14. Irish Times, 15 November 2017.
15. David Gordon, The Fall of the House of Paisley, Dublin 2009.
16. Irish Times, 26 August 2015.
17. Patrick Radden Keefe, ‘Where the Bodies Are Buried’, New Yorker, 16 March 2015.
18. Corbyn, John McDonnell, Tony Benn and Ken Livingstone are the only British politicians that Gerry Adams speaks of with any great affection in his memoir Hope and History. The excavation of Corbyn’s relationship with the Provos took a comical turn in the 2017 general election, when right-wing activists claimed to have found proof that he attended the funeral of Bobby Sands. The scruffy, bearded figure standing behind Adams in the photograph was in fact Jim Gibney.
19. Ó Broin, Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism, p. 308.