The Making of African America

5 Aristide R. Zolberg, A Nation by Design: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America (Cambridge MA, 2006), 334. Also John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860—1925 (New Brunswick NJ, 1955); Philip Gleason, “American Identity and Americanization” in Stephan Thernstrom, ed., Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge MA, 1980); quoted in Mary C. Waters and Reed Ueda with Helen B. Murrow, eds., The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration since 1965 (Cambridge MA, 2007), 8. Congressman Emanuel Celler, a cosponsor of the legislation, declared “there will not be, comparatively, many Asians or Africans entering the country ... since the people of Africa and Asia have very few relatives here, comparatively few could immigrate from those countries because they have no family ties to the U.S.” Congressional, Record, 89th Congress, 1st session, pp. 21, 758.

6 Washington Post, Oct. 4, 1965.

7 New York Times, Aug. 15, 2007, Nov. 29, 2007; David M. Reimers, Other Immigrants: The Global Origins of the American People (New York, 2005), chap. 9; April Gordon, “The New Diaspora—African Immigration to the United States,” Journal of Third World Studies 15 (1998), 79—103.

8 Quoted in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 8; Reimers, Other Immigrants, chap. 9.

9 With the close of the slave trade at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the proportion of black people of foreign birth in the United States began to decline. In 1910, it was less than four-tenths of 1 percent for the United States and some one-tenth of 1 percent for the South. U.S. Census Bureau, Negro Population: 1790—1915(Washington DC, 1918), 61.

10 Stanley Lieberson, “Selective Black Migration from the South: A Historical View” in Frank D. Bean and W. Parker Frisbie, eds., The Demography of Racial and Ethnic Groups (New York, 1978), 122; Karl E. Taeuber, “The Negro Population in the United States” in John P. Davis, ed., The American Negro Reference Book (Englewood Cliffs NJ, 1966), 109.

11 U.S. Census Bureau, Profileof the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 3. Many more people of African descent derived from the West Indies and other parts of the world, although they too made up only a small percentage of the post-1965 immigration.

12 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 10; David Dixon, “Characteristics of the African Born in the United States” (January 2006) in Migration Information Source (www.migrationinformation.org); Reimers, Other Immigrants, chap. 9; Gordon, “The New Diaspora,” 79—103; Yoku Shaw-Taylor and Steven Tuch, eds., The Other African Americans: Contemporary African and Caribbean Immigrants in the United States (Lanham MD, 2007). During the 1990s legal immigration from Ghana increased 380 percent and immigration from Nigeria increased 220 percent in New York City. Nancy Foner, ed., New Immigrants in New York (New York, 2001), 23.

13 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001).

14 Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 4; Reuel Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?’: Afro-Caribbean Immigrants, African Americans, and the Politics of Group Identity” in Nancy Foner, ed., Islands in the City: West Indian Migration to New York (Berkeley CA, 2001), 164.

15 Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,”’ 164; James R. Grossman, Ann Durkin Keating, Janice L. Reiff, eds., The Encyclopedia of Chicago (Chicago, 2004), 21, 281, 446, 476—77, 571—72; New York Times, Aug. 29, 2004.

16 Flore Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants in Black America: A Sociological and Sociolinguistic Portrait (Westport CT, 1996), 85—86.

17 New York Times, Aug. 29, 2004; Also see Washington Post, Feb. 24, 2002; New York Amsterdam News, Mar. 9, 2005.

18 New York Times, Aug. 29, 2004.

19 Washington City Paper, Nov. 5, 2004.

20 Washington City Paper, Nov. 5, 2004. For a more general discussion of the relationship between African Americans and Africans, see Violet M. Showers Johnson, “‘What, Then, Is the African American?’: African and Afro-Caribbean Identities in Black America,” Journal of American Ethnic History 28 (2008), 77—103.

21 Franklin’s Slavery to Freedom was first published in 1947. In 2007, a seventh edition, coauthored by Alfred A. Moss, Jr., appeared, and another edition, authored by Evelyn Higginbotham, is scheduled for publication in 2010.

22 No one has written more thoughtfully about the matter of “master narratives” than Nathan Huggins. See especially his “The Deforming Mirror of Truth: Slavery and the Master Narrative of American History,” Radical History Review 49 (1991), 25—48, and “The Afro-American, National Character, and Community: Toward a New Synthesis” in Brenda Smith Huggins, ed., Revelations: American History, American Myths (New York, 1995), 36—60, and “Integrating Afro-American History into American History” in Darlene Clark Hine, ed., The State of Afro-American History: Past, Present, and Future (Baton Rouge LA, 1986), 157—68.

23 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London, 1991).

24 King’s precise words were: “The moral arc of the universe bends at the elbow of justice.”

25 Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,”’ 178; quoted in Newsweek, July 16, 2007. For a powerful invocation of the differences between the African American and African perspective, see Saidiya V. Hartman, Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York, 2007).

26 Charlotte Sussman, “The Colonial Afterlife of Political Arithmetic: Swift, Demography, and Mobile Populations,” Cultural Critique 56 (2004), 117.

27 A point made with respect to European migrations in John Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Urban Immigration (Bloomington IN, 1985).

Chapter One: Movement and Place in the African American Past

1 Colin A. Palmer, “The Middle Passage” in Beverly C. McMillan, ed., Captive Passage: The Transatlantic Slave Trade and the Making of the Americas (Newport News VA, 2002), 53; Maria Diedrich, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and Carl Pedersen, eds., Black Imagination and the Middle Passage (New York, 1999); Palmer added that the Middle Passage “remains alive in the memories of the people of African descent, linking them across the geographic expanse of the diaspora.”

2 The number of Africans sent across the Atlantic to slavery in the Americas has been subject to considerable debate. The latest and most authoritative estimate is 10.7 million, with some 3.6 percent arriving in the territories that eventually became part of the United States. David Eltis, “The U.S. Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1644—1867: An Assessment,” Civil War History 54 (2008), 353.

3 Focusing on the four great migrations that frame the history of people of African descent in the United States does not reduce the significance of the dozens, perhaps hundreds, of lesser migrations. Historians have rightly marked some of these—the eighteenth-century movement from tidewater to piedmont, the early-nineteenth-century flight from Saint Domingue to the mainland of the United States (and the later one following the United States occupation of Haiti), the post-Civil War movement of black “carpetbaggers” from north to south, the late-nineteenth-century exodus from Mississippi to Kansas, and most especially the twentieth-century migrations from the Caribbean—as critical to any understanding of African American and American life. To the social transformation they wrought and the renaissances they initiated can be added similar transformations set in motion by smaller, generally ignored, migrations, as for example: the post-Revolutionary evacuation of the Northern countryside, the postemancipation westward drift, or the post-Civil Rights return to the South. Focusing on the four great migrations of African and African American peoples—the rivers, not the rills—does nothing to diminish the importance of the lesser migrations; indeed the great migrations cannot be understood apart from these smaller ones. But trying to address all of these movements reduces the African American past to one great itinerancy—a sort of endless peregrination—and expunges the sense of place that so informed black life.

4 George P. Rawick, ed., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, 41 vols. (Westport CT, 1972—79), ser. 1, vol. 10, pt. 5, 226—227; American Slave, ser. 1, vol. 12, pt. 2, 119.

5 Henry Louis Gates, Jr., “New Negroes, Migration, and Cultural Exchange” in Elizabeth Hutton Turner, ed., Jacob Lawrence: The Migration Series (Washington DC, 1993), 17—21; Jutta Lorensen, “Between Image and Word, Color and Time: Jacob Lawrence’s The Migration Series,” African American Review 40 (2006), 572. Another black artist deeply touched by the movement north was Walter Ellison, whose 1935 Train Station also gave a sense of the central role of movement in African American life. Jamie W. Johnson, “Instructional Resources: Journeys Through Art: Tracing the Great Migration in Three American Paintings,” Art Education 55 (2002), 25-31.

6 On African American literature and migration see Farah Jasmine Griffin, “Who Set You Flowin’?”: The African-American Migration Narrative (New York, 1995) and Lawrence Rodgers, Canaan Bound: The African American Great Migration Novel (Chicago, 1997).

7 Langston Hughes, The Big Sea: An Autobiography (New York, 1940), 23.

8 Langston Hughes, One-Way cket (New York, 1949), 61—62; “Sweet Home Chicago,” http://www.lyricsfreak.com/b/blues+brothers/sweet+home+chicago_20020736.html.

9 Among the more useful theoretical works on the significance of “place” is E. Relph, Place and Placelessness (London, 1976); David Harvey, Justice, Nature, and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge MA, 1996); Doreen Massey, Space, Place, and Gender (Minneapolis MN, 1994).

10 Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge MA, 1993).

11 Quoted in Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York, 2007), 305. For the role of fictive kin, see Sidney W. Mintz and Richard Price, The Birth ofAfrican-American Culture: An Anthropological Perspective (Boston, [1976] 1992), 62—79.

12 For insightful discussions of the “discourse and etiquette of place” within the context of the late-nineteenth-century South, see James R. Grossman, “ ‘Amiable Peasantry’ or ‘Social Burden’: Constructing a Place for Black Southerners” in Rick Halpern and Jonathan Morris, eds., American Exceptionalism?: US Working-Class Formation in an International Context (New York, 1997), 221—43, and Angel David Nieves and Leslie M. Alexander, “We Shall Independent Be”: African American Place Making and the Struggle to Claim Space in the United States (Boulder CO, 2008).

13 Clifton Taulbert, The Last Train North quoted in Malaika Adero, ed., Up South: Stories, Studies, and Letters of this Century’s Black Migrations (New York, 1993), xii.

14 Quoted in Walter Johnson, “Introduction” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (New Haven CT, 2005), 2.

15 Toni Morrison, “Rootedness: The Ancestor in African American Fiction” in Mari Evans, ed., Black Women Writers: A Critical Evaluation (Garden City NY, 1984), 339-45.

16 The point is made forcefully by Marc S. Rodriguez, “Placing Human Migration in Comparative Perspective” in Rodriguez and Anthony T. Grafton, eds., Migration in History: Human Migration in Comparative Perspective (Rochester NY, 2007), ix-x.

17 J. Lorand Matory, Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism, and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Princeton NJ, 2005), 3.

18 Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge MA, 1982).

19 Frederick Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (New York, 1881), 97; New York Times, Nov. 28, 1863, quoted in Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York, 1979), 307.

20 Quoted in Ira Berlin et al., eds., “The Terrain of Freedom: The Struggle over the Meaning of Free Labor in the U.S. South,” History Workshop 22 (1986), 127—28; Dylan C. Penningroth, The Claims of Kinfolk: African American Property and Community in the Nineteenth-Century South (Chapel Hill NC, 2003), 158; Julie Saville, The Work of Reconstruction: From Slave to Wage Laborer in South Carolina, 1860—1870 (Cambridge UK, 1994), chap. 1; Julia Peterkin, Roll, Jordan, Roll (New York, 1933), II.

21 All quoted in James C. Cobb, Away Down South: A History of Southern Identity (New York, 2005), 268; also Helen Taylor, Circling Dixie: Contemporary Southern Culture through a Transatlantic Lens (New Brunswick NJ, 2001), 173. “Home,” reports Geneva Smitherman in her dictionary of African American colloquialisms (1994), is “a generic reference to any area south of the Mason-Dixon Line.... Thus, ‘My Momma nem went home last month,’ does not refer to the current home of the speaker, but to a place in the South where the speaker and her family are from.” Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner (Boston, 1994), 136. I would like to thank Elsa Barkley Brown for bringing this reference to my attention.

22 Gates, “New Negroes, Migration, and Cultural Exchange,” 20.

23 Cobb, Away Down South, especially chap. 10; Powledge quoted on p. 264.

24 Adero, ed., Up South: Stories, 55.

25 Robert N. Brown and John Cromartie, “Black Homeplace Migration to the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta: Ambiguous Journeys, Uncertain Outcomes,” Southeastern Geographer 46 (2006), 189—214. Quoted on 190—92.

26 Quoted in Cobb, Away Down South, 269.

27 Tony Burroughs, Black Roots: A Beginner’s Guide to Tracing the African American Family Tree (New York, 2001).

28 Richard Wright, Black Boy: A Record of Childhood and Youth (New York, 1966), 284. Similar sentiments were voiced by the Harvard-educated historian Elizabeth Arroyo, declaring that she felt “southern the same way an Irish American feels Irish. My roots are in the South, and southern worlds and ways are a part of me.” See Cobb, Away Down South, 287. See also Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1978), 364.

29 Piri Thomas, Down These Mean Streets (New York, 1967), 138. For a similar journey back to Africa, Saidiya V. Hartman, Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York, 2007). The general phenomenon is brilliantly addressed in James T. Campbell, Middle Passages: African American Journeys to Africa, 1787—2005 (New York, 2006). I would like to thank Julie Greene for the reference to Piri Thomas’s autobiography.

30 A point made with great concreteness by Anthony E. Kaye, Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South (Chapel Hill NC, 2007).

31 Morrison, “Rootedness,” 343.

32 The black belt refers to the three hundred mainly contiguous counties that stretched across the South from South Carolina to Texas in which, by the mid-nineteenth century, black people composed the majority.

33 Shane White and Graham White, Stylin’: African American Expressive Culture from Its Beginnings to the Zoot Suit (Ithaca NY, 1998), 37—62, 168—91.

34 Sterling Stuckey, Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America (New York, 1987), 3—5; Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill NC, 1998), 209—13; Benjamin Quarles, “The Revolutionary War as a Black Declaration of Independence” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville VA, 1983), 283—301; Eddie S. Glaude, Jr., Exodus!: Religion, Race, and Nation in Early Nineteenth-Century Black America (Chicago, 2000); Molefi Kete Asante, An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward an African Renaissance (Cambridge MA, 2007).

35 Brilliantly demonstrated by Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, the phrase is drawn from p. 43.

36 Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 6; Alan Lomax, “Folk Song Style,” American Anthropologist 61 (1959), 930; Ronald Radano, Lying up a Nation: Race and Black Music (Chicago, 2003), 96—102; LeRoi Jones, Blues People: The Negro Music in White America (New York, 1965), x. For Ralph Ellison, “the blues were a total way of life, and major expression of an attitude toward life,” see Shadow and Act (New York, 1964), 78. The same might be said for the spirituals in an earlier age and hip-hop in a later one. Also see James M. Trotter, Music and Some Highly Musical People (Chicago, [1880] 1969).

37 Brown and Cromartie, “Black Homeplace Migration,” 191. There is a long history of essentializing the musical nature of black people. Ronald Radano follows that strand of romantic thought in “Denoting Difference: The Writing of the Slave Spirituals,” Critical Inquiry 22 (1996), 506—44.

38 Toni Morrison makes the same point about the sermon in “Rootedness”; quoted in B. B. King with David Ruiz, Blues All Around Me: The Autobiography of B. B. King (New York, 1996), 17.

39 J. H. Kwabena Nketia, The Music of Africa (New York, 1974); Dena J. Epstein and Rosita M. Sands, “Secular Folk Music” in Mellonee V. Burnim and Portia K. Maultsby, eds., African American Music: An Introduction (New York, 2006), 37—43; John M. Chernoff, African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African Musical Idioms (Chicago, 1979), chap. 4; Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 6—7.

40 Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 140; Shane White and Graham White, The Sounds of Slavery (Boston, 2005), xix; Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 186; Joe W. Trotter, “The African American Worker in Slavery and Freedom” in The African American Experience: An Historiographical and Bibliographical Guide (Westport CT, 2001), 364.

41 What John and Alan Lomax said about the origins of the Blues—the unknown moment “when a lonely Negro man plowing in some hot, silent river bottom” raised his voice—can be extended to the spirituals, jazz, and hip-hop. American Ballads and Folks Songs (New York, 1924), 191.

42 Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations that Made the American People (Boston, 1952), 3.

43 Carl Russell Fish, “The Pilgrim and the Melting Pot,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 7 (1920), 187—205; Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America, 4th ed. (Chicago, 1969); quoted in Reed Ueda, “Immigration in Global Perspective” in Mary C. Waters and Reed Ueda with Helen B. Murrow, eds., The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration since 1965 (Cambridge MA, 2007), 27.

44 Steven Shulman, ed., The Impact of Immigration on African Americans (New Brunswick NJ, 2004), x; Allan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890—1920 (Chicago, 1967), 228—29; Nell I. Painter, “Forward” in Trotter, ed., Great Migration, viii.

45 Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, “Migrations, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives” in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, eds., Migration, Migration History, History (Bern, 1997), 11—14.

46 Rediker, The Slave Ship, 106; Stephanie E. Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge MA, 2007), 7—8.

47 Frank Thistlewaite, “Migration from Europe Overseas in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries” in Rudolph J. Vecoli and Suzanne M. Sinke, eds., A Century of European Migrations, 1830—1930 (Urbana IL, 1991); Mark Wyman, Round Trip America: The Immigrants Return to Europe, 1880—1930 (Ithaca NY, 1993).

48 John Cromartie and Carol B. Stack, “Reinterpretation of Black Return and Nonreturn Migration to the South, 1975—1980,” Geographical Review 79 (1989), 298.

49 Charles Tilly, “Transplanted Networks” in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ed., Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics (New York, 1990), 83. However, David Eltis sees chain migrations created by “shipping patterns and credit arrangements,” even where—in the case of the slave trade—the migrants lacked choice. David Eltis, “Free and Coerced Migration from the Old World to the New” in Eltis, ed., Coerced and Free Migration (Stanford CA, 2002), 27.

50 David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness, rev. ed. (London, 1999); Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge MA, 1998); Thomas Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890—1945 (New York, 2003).

51 Russell A. Kazal, “Revisiting Assimilation: The Rise, Fall, and Reappraisal of a Concept of American Ethnic History,” American Historical Review 100 (1995), 437—71, quoted on p. 444. Also see Philip Kasinitz, Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Politics of Race (Ithaca NY, 1992), 4—6.

52 Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City, 2nd ed. (Cambridge MA, 1970); Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the Seventies (New York, 1973).

53 Victoria Hattam connects race with heredity, body and blood, fixity, singularity, homogeneity, boundedness, and hierarchy, while ethnicity is identified with culture, language and religion, malleability, plurality, heterogeneity, openness, and equality. In the Shadow of Race: Jews, Latinos, and Immigrant Politics in the United States (Chicago, 2007), quoted on p. 2. Also see John Higham, “The Amplitude of Ethnic History: An American Story” in Nancy Foner and George M. Frederickson, eds., Not Just Black and White: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 2004), 61—82. “[I]t sometimes seems as if the people who study immigration or race or ethnicity—or all these together—inhabit two different intellectual worlds.” Stephen Cornell and Douglas Hartmann, “Conceptual Confusions and Divides: Race, Ethnicity, and the Study of Immigration,” ibid., p. 23.

54 Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness; also see note 47, above.

55 For a heroic attempt to do just this, see Dirk Hoerder, Cultures in Contact: World Migrations in the Second Millennium (Durham NC, 2002). The process remaking black society—“creolization”—is given a different name than the processes remaking of European American society—“transformation.” Rarely are these two concepts addressed collectively, although the processes they describe are precisely the same. Few scholars maintain that African American nationality, like white ethnicity, can be—and have been—reinvented in the course of the American past.

56 “Historians probably view,” writes David Eltis in a broad-ranging discussion of free and forced migrations, “most migrations as forced at some level as social and ecological conditions at the point of origins might be such that individuals have no choice but to leave.” Eltis, “Introduction” and “Free and Coerced Migration from the Old World to the New” in Eltis, ed., Coerced and Free Migration, 5—6, 49—60.

57 Although the slave trade remains the largest forced migration in human history, the number of forced migrations seems to be increasing. See Reed Ueda, “Immigration in Global Historical Perspective” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 20.

58 Alan Kraut, Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880—1921 (Arlington Heights, IL, 1982), 57; Peter C. Marzio, ed., A Nation of Nations: The People Who Came to America as Seen Through Objects and Documents Exhibited at the Smithsonian Institution (New York, 1976), 431, 438.

Chapter Two: The Transatlantic Passage

1 In the era of the transatlantic slave trade, “national” identities had little meaning to most of the peoples of Africa. The African economies and societies promoted parochial identifications with village and family. Large states existed in some parts of the continent, but they had a weak hold on individual men and women. Joseph Miller, “Central Africa during the Era of the Slave Trade, 1490s to 1850s” in Linda M. Heywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora (Cambridge UK, 2002), 35—39, 41—43, 48—49; James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in the African Portuguese World, 1441—1770 (Chapel Hill NC, 2003), 22—30; James Horn and Phillip D. Morgan, “Settlers and Slaves: European and African Migrations to Early Modern British America” in Elizabeth Mancke and Carole Shammas, eds., The Creation of the British Atlantic World (Baltimore MD, 2005), 40—41.

2 The confusion, sometimes purposeful, of the identity of captive Africans is manifest in the complaint made upon the arrival of a slave ship in Barbados: “Those ... by whom you stild good Gold Coast negroes we here found not to be so, but of several nations and languages as Alampo the worst Negroes, Papas & some of unknown parts & a few right Gold Coast negroes amongst them.” Quoted in Stephanie E. Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge MA, 2007), 106. Also Herbert S. Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge UK, 1999), 115. Klein emphasizes the ignorance of the European traders of the interior: “They only had the vaguest notions of the names of interior groups or their placement and relative importance.”

3 For some historians of Africa even these national affiliations like Igbo were a product of contact with Europeans. Elizabeth Isichei, A History of the Igbo People (New York, 1976).

4 Rolfe quoted in Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550—1812 (Chapel Hill NC, 1968), 73; also see John Thornton, “The African Experience of the ‘20. and Odd Negroes’ Arriving in Virginia in 1619,” William and Mary Quarterly 55 (1998), 421—34. For the struggle over what black people were called and what they called themselves, see Patrick Rael, Black Identity and Black Protest in the Antebellum North (Chapel Hill NC, 2002), chap. 3, and more generally Randall Kennedy, Nigger: The Strange Career of a Troublesome Word (New York, 2002).

5 Quoted in Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill NC, 1998), 67, n. 55.

6 Miller, “Central Africa in the Era of the Slave Trade” in Heywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations, 46—48; Sweet, Recreating Africa, 20-22.

7 Alexander X. Byrd, “Captives and Voyagers: Black Migrants Across the 18th Century World of Olaudah Equiano,” unpublished doctoral dissertation, Duke University, 2001; Byrd, “Eboe, Country, Nation, and Gustavus Vassa’s ‘Interesting Narrative,’ ” William and Mary Quarterly 63 (2006), 123—148; David Northrup, “Igbo and Myth Igbo: Culture and Ethnicity in the Atlantic World: 1600—1850,” Slavery and Abolition 21 (2000), 1—20; Kristin Mann, “Shifting Paradigms in the Study of the African Diaspora and of Atlantic History and Culture,” Slavery and Abolition 22 (2001), 3—21.

8 Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge MA, 1982), 53—54: John Thornton, African and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World: 1400—1800 (Cambridge MA, 1998), 13; Kopytoff and Miers, “African ‘Slavery’ as an Institution of Marginality” in Kopytoff and Miers, eds., Slavery in Africa, 3—69; Claire Robertson and Martin A. Klein, eds., Women and Slavery in Africa (Madison WI, 1977).

9 Kopytoff and Miers, “African ‘Slavery’ as an Institution of Marginality” in Kopytoff and Miers, eds., Slavery in Africa, 26-27; Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, 136; Manning, Slavery and African Life, 28, 46—47, 118, 160.

10 The distinction between societies with slaves and slave societies is elaborated in Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge MA, 1998), 9-13.

11 A. C. de C. M. Saunders, A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441—1555 (Cambridge UK, 1982), 60; Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York, 1986), 13.

12 Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic History, 2nd ed. (Cambridge UK, 1998), chaps. 1—3; B. W. Higman, “The Sugar Revolution,” Economic History Review 53 (2000), 213-36; Alberto Vieira, “Sugar Islands: The Sugar Economy of Madeira and the Canaries, 1450—1650” in Stuart Schwartz, ed., Tropical Babylons: Sugar and the Making of the Atlantic World, 1450—1680 (Chapel Hill NC, 2004), 42—84.

13 Curtin, Plantation Complex, chaps. 4—6; Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492—1800 (London, 1997), chaps. 3—10; quoted in Morgan Godwyn, The Negro’s and Indians Advocate (London, 1680), 101.

14 Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York, 2007), chap. 3; quoted in William Bosman, New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, 1705: Divided into the Gold, the Slave, and the Ivory Coasts (London, 1750), 364; Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, 61.

15 Joseph Miller, ”Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade: Statistic Evidence on Causality,“Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 (1981), 385-424 and Miller, African Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730—1830(Madison WI, 1988), 384-85; Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, 63—64; Klein, Atlantic Slave Trade, 155—57; quoted in Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave Trade, 19 and Klein, Atlantic Slave Trade, 156—157. Death became a central experience of the black people in the New World; see Vincent Brown, The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery (Cambridge MA, 2007).

16 Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, chap. 2, esp. 36—43; A. W. Lawrence, Trade Castles and Forts on West Africa (Palo Alto CA, 1964); Falconbridge, Account of the Slave Trade, 51—52.

17 Sylviane A. Diouf, ed., Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies (Athens OH, 2003); Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, chap. 2, especially 43—57; Eric Robert Taylor, If We Must Die: Shipboard Insurrections in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Baton Rouge LA, 2006). For an excellent discussion of insurrections, see Colin Palmer, ”The Slave Trade, African Slavers and the Demography of the Caribbean to 1750” in Franklin W. Knight, ed., General History of the Caribbean, 6 vols. (London, 1997), 3: 29—35.

18 W. Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail (Cambridge MA, 1997), 50—51; Herbert S. Klein, The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton NJ, 1978), 58—59; Ty M. Reese, “The Drudgery of the Slave Trade: Labor at the Cape Coast Castle, 1750—1790” in Peter A. Coclanis, ed., The Atlantic Economy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Organization, Operation, Practice, and Personnel (Columbia SC, 2005), 282—83; Stephanie E. Smallwood, “African Guardians, European Slave Ships, and the Changing Dynamics of Power in the Early Modern Atlantic,” William and Mary Quarterly 64 (2007), 679—716; Rediker, Slave Ship, 152, 190—91, 194, 268—67. For Denmark Vesey’s duty on his owner’s slave ship, see Douglas R. Egerton, He Shall Go Out Free: The Lives of Denmark Vesey (Lanham MD, 2004), 13.

19 Rediker, Slave Ship, esp. chaps. 5—8; Klein, The Transatlantic Slave Trade, 159.

20 Klein, The Transatlantic Slave Trade, chap. 6; Herbert S. Klein and Stanley L. Engerman, “Long-Term Trends in African Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade,” Slavery and Abolition 18 (1997), 36—48; Herbert S. Klein, Stanley L. Engerman, Robin Haines, and Ralph Shlomowitz, “Transoceanic Mortality: The Slave Trade in Comparative Perspective,” William and Mary Quarterly 58 (2001), 93—117; Kenneth F. Kiple and Brian T. Higgins, “Mortality Caused by Dehydration during the Middle Passage” in Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham NC 1992), 321-37.

21 Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself (London, 1789), reprinted in Vincent Carretta, ed., The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings (New York, 1995), 59; William D. Piersen, “White Cannibals, Black Martyrs: Fear, Depression, and Religious Faith as Causes of Suicide Among New Slaves,” Journal of Negro History 62 (1977), 147—51; Rediker, Slave Ship, 108, 117, 266. See Brown, The Reaper’s Garden, 136—144.

22 Rediker, Slave Ship, 9—10, 260, 306—7; Smallwood, Saltwater Slaves, chaps. 4—6; Elizabeth Donnan, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, 4 vols. (Washington DC, 1930), 1: 442 (quoted), 438; 2, 352, 359, 557, 634; William Snelgrave, A New Account of Some Ports of Guinea and the Slave Trade (London, 1734), 163. By the same token, the slave ship was also the place where black people distinguished themselves from whites, as they understood their captors as the enemy. The watchword of ship rebellions was “Kill the whites.” Quoted in David Eltis, Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge UK, 2000), 226—27.

23 Quoted in Bosman, New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, 394; Snelgrave, A New Account, 163; John Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brazil and the West Indies in His Majesty’s Ships, The ‘Swallow’ and ‘Weymouth’ (London, 1735), 41; Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa (London, 1799), 353-54.

24 Rediker, Slave Ship, 17—19, 120-21, 212—13, 289-91; quoted in John W. Blassingame, ed., Slave Testimony: Two Centuries of Letters, Speeches, Interviews, and Autobiographies (Baton Rouge LA, 1977), 227.

25 Colin A. Palmer, “The Middle Passage” in Captive Passage: The Transatlantic Slave Trade and the Making of the Americas (Newport News VA, 2002), 54; Klein and Engerman, “Long-Term Trends in African Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade,” 36—48; Klein, Engerman, Haines, and Shlomowitz, “ransoceanic Mortality,” 93—117. Estimates 40 percent of the captives died in crossing the Atlantic during the sixteenth century, 15 percent during the seventeenth century, and 5 to 10 percent in later years. Many more died while waiting for transit and in the journey across Africa; the total number who were enslaved may have been as high as twenty million.

26 Klein, The Transatlantic Slave Trade, 94—95, 130—160; Genevieve Fabre, “The Slave Ship Dance” in Maria Diedrich, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and Carl Pedersen, eds., Black Imagination and the Middle Passage (New York, 1999); Palmer, “The Middle Passage,” 60—65; quoted in Equiano, The Interesting Narrative, 56.

27 Donnan, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade, 1: 289—90, 2: 460; Piersen, “White Cannibals, Black Martyrs,” 155; J. M. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600—1815 (Cambridge UK, 1990), 241; Rediker, Slave Ship, 17—19, 120—21; 212-14, 289-91.

28 James A. Rawley, The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History (New York, 1981), 296; Rediker, Slave Ship, 128, 142—146, 151—52, 179, 203—4, 215-16, 241-44, 265-66; quoted in Donnan, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade, 1:463.

29 Smallwood, “African Guardians,” 679—716; Rediker, Slave Ship, 229, 349; Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 226—29; Klein, African Slavery in Latin American, 76—77; also see castle slaves in Johannes Postma and Victor Enthoven, Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585—1817 (Boston, 2003), 71—73; Miller, African Way of Death, 409—10.

30 Donnan, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade, 2: 357, 486; Rediker, Slave Ship, 149—50; Bernard Martin and Mark Spurrell, eds., The Journal of a Slave Trader (John Newton), 1750—1754 (London, 1962), 72.

31 Quoted in Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 229—30; Rediker, Slave Ship, 271—76, 297—98; Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, 103—9, quoted on 103.

32 Quoted in Rediker, Slave Ship, 101, 270—276; Snelgrave, A New Account, 49.

34 Taylor, If We Must Die; Rediker, Slave Ship, 259-62, 279-81; David Richardson, “Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade,” William and Mary Quarterly 58 (2001), 69—92; Klein, The Transatlantic Slave Trade, 159; Michael Craton, Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies (Ithaca NY, 1982), 24.

35 Quoted in Rediker, Slave Ship, 282, 284.

36 Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge MA, 1998), pt. 1; Linda M. Heywood and John K. Thornton, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585—1660 (Cambridge UK, 2007).

37 Berlin, Many Thousands Gone, pt. 2.

38 Alan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake 1680—1800 (Chapel Hill NC, 1986), 37—42, 65, 319—20; Kulikoff, “A ‘Prolifick’ People: Black Population Growth in the Chesapeake Colonies, 1700—1790,” Southern Studies 16 (1977), 391—96, 403—5; and Kulikoff, “The Origins of Afro-American Society in Tidewater Maryland and Virginia, 1700 to 1790,” William and Mary Quarterly 35 (1978), 229—31; Russell R. Menard, ”The Maryland Slave Population, 1658 to 1730: A Demographic Profile of Blacks in Four Counties, William and Mary Quarterly 32 (1975), 30—32.

39 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 37-42, 65, 319—24; Kulikoff, “A ‘Prolifick’ People,” 391—96, 403—5; Kulikoff, “Origins of Afro-American,” 229—31; Menard, “From Servants to Slaves,” Southern Studies 16 (1977), 366—69; Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H. Rutman, A Place in Time: Middlesex County, Virginia, 1650—1750(New York, 1984), 72; quoted in Marion Tinling, ed., The Correspondence of the Three William Byrds of Westover, Virginia, 1684—1776, 2 vols. (Charlottesville VA, 1977), 2: 487.

40 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 336—39, chap. 9, esp. 359—80; Kulikoff, “The Beginnings of the Afro-American Family in Maryland” in Aubrey C. Land et al., eds., Law, Society, and Politics in Early Maryland (Baltimore MD, 1977), 177—96; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 82.

41 Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 58; Peter Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York, 1974), xiv.

42 Peter A. Coclanis, The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low Country, 1670—1920 (New York, 1988), 64—65, 80—81; Peter H. Wood, “‘More Like a Negro Country’: Demographic Patterns in Colonial South Carolina, 1700—1740” in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds., Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies (Princeton NJ, 1975), 131—45; Wood, Black Majority, 13—91; Daniel C. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and the Slave Trade in Colonial South Carolina (Baton Rouge LA, 1981); Russell R. Menard, “Slave Demography in the Lowcountry, 1670—1740: From Frontier Society to Plantation,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 96 (1995), 291—302; Betty Wood, Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 1730—1775 (Athens GA, 1984), 91—98; James A. McMillan, The Final Victims: Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783—1810 (Columbia SC, 2004).

43 Jennifer L. Morgan, “Slavery and the Slave Trade” in Nancy A. Hewitt, ed., A Companion to American Women’s History (Oxford UK, 2002), 20—24; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 68—75, quoted on 71; Rediker, The Slave Ship, 101; David Eltis and Stanley L. Engerman, “Was the Slave Trade Dominated by Men?” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23(1992), 237-57.

44 David Eltis, Paul E. Lovejoy, and Davis Richardson, “Slave-Trading Ports: Toward an Atlantic Wide Perspective, 1676—1821” in Robin Law and Silke Stickrodt, eds., Ports of the Slave Trade (Bights of Benin and Biafra). Papers from the Centre for Commonwealth Studies, University of Stirling, June 1998 (Stirling UK, 1999), 12—34; David Eltis, “Free and Coerced Migration from the Old World to the New” in Eltis, ed., Coerced and Free Migration (Palo Alto CA, 2002), 49—50; Rediker, Slave Ship, chap. 3; Horn and Morgan, “Settlers and Slaves,” 38-39; David Northrup, Trade without Rulers: Pre-Colonial Economic Development in SouthEastern Nigeria (Oxford UK, 1978), 65—80; James F. Searing, West African Slavery and Atlantic Commerce: The Senegal River Valley, 1700—1860 (Cambridge UK, 1993); Boubacar Barry, Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge UK, 1998); Miller, African Way of Death; Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave, 12.

45 Diouf, ed., Fighting the Slave Trade; Taylor, If We Must Die. The high number of shipboard insurrections by Africans taken from the Senegambia coast may have led slave traders to look elsewhere for slaves, despite the proximity of Senegambia to Europe.

46 Littlefield, Rice and Slaves, 8-11; Coclanis, Shadow of a Dream, 60, 243—44, n. 44; W. Robert Higgins, “Charleston Terminus and Entrepot of the Colonial Slave Trade” in Martin L. Kilson and Robert Rotberg, eds., The African Diaspora: Interpretative Essays (Cambridge MA, 1976), 118—27; Philip Hamer et al., eds., Papers of Henry Laurens, 16 vols. (Columbia SC, 1968—2003), 1: 275, 294—95 (quoted), 331; 2: 179—82, 186, 357, 400—2, 423, 437; 4: 192—93.

47 The case for the Igbo preeminence in the Chesapeake region is made most vigorously by Douglas B. Chambers, “‘He is an African But Speaks Plain’: Historical Creolization in Eighteenth-Century Virginia” in Alusine Jalloh and Stephen Maizlish, eds., Africa and the African Diaspora (College Station TX, 1996), 100—33 and “‘My Own Nation’: Igbo Exiles in the Diaspora,” Slavery and Abolition 18 (1997), 73—97. Also Lorena S. Walsh, “The Differential Cultural Impact of Free and Coerced Migration to Colonial America” in David Eltis, ed., Coerced and Free Migration: Global Perspectives (Palo Alto CA, 2002), 129—35; Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links (Chapel Hill NC, 2005). Even if the Igbos dominated the region, there remains a question of exactly who the Igbos were. David Northrup points to the complex social divisions within Igbo culture in “Igbo and the Igbo Myth,” 1—20. For the collapse of African nationality into the term “New Negro,” see Michael Mullin, Africa in America: Slave Acculturation and Resistance in the American South and the British Caribbean, 1736—1831 (Urbana IL, 1992), 3.

48 Linda M. Heywood, “Introduction” in Heywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora, 12; Heywood and Thornton, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundations of the Americans, 1585—1660, chaps. 2—5; Hall, Slavery and African Ethnicity in the Americas.

49 Philip D. Morgan, “The Cultural Implications of the Atlantic Slave Trade: African Regional Origins, American Destinations and New World Developments,” Slavery and Abolition 18 (1997), 122—45; Morgan, “Trends in the Study of Early American Slavery of Potential Interest to Archaeologists” presented at the Digital Archaeological Archive of Chesapeake’s Slavery Steering Committee Workshop, International Center for Jefferson Studies, Charlottesville VA, Oct. 6, 2000; Rediker, Slave Ship, 212—13; Klein, Atlantic Slave Trade, 155—56.

50 Klein, Atlantic Slave Trade, 90—93, 104, 122—24; quoted in Rediker, Slave Ship, 279.

51 Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery, 65—66 and chap. 3; Klein, Transatlantic Slave Trade, 90—91. According to one leading student of the slave trade, “there is no recorded instance of a slave vessel sailing direct from Africa to a port on the North American mainland.” David Eltis, “The U.S. Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1644—1867: An Assessment,” Civil War History 54 (2008), 354.

52 Quoted in David Hackett Fischer and James C. Kelly, Away, I’m Bound Away: Virginia and the Westward Movement (Richmond VA, 1993), 60—68, quoted on 62.

53 Charles Tilly, “Transplanted Networks” in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ed., Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics (New York, 1990), 83—84; Douglass Massey et al., “Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal,” Population and Development Review 19 (1993), 448—62.

54 Carter to Robert Jones, Oct. 10, 1727 [misdated 1717], Oct. 24, 1729, quoted in Lorena Walsh, “A ‘Place in Time’ Regained: A Fuller History of Colonial Chesapeake Slavery through Group Biography” in Larry E. Hudson, Jr., ed., Working Toward Freedom: Slave Society and Domestic Economy in the American South (Rochester NY, 1994), 14; Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter’s Grove: A History of a Virginia Slave Community (Charlottesville VA, 1997), 34.

55 Gerald W. Mullin, Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (New York, 1972), chap. 2; Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 317—35; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 444-45.

56 Quoted in Equiano, The Interesting Narrative, 62 and in Billy Smith and Richard Wojtowicz, comps., Blacks Who Stole Themselves: Advertisements for Runaways in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728—1790 (Philadelphia, 1989), 56—57. Also Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia, Richard Morton, ed. (Chapel Hill NC, [1774] 1956), 75—76.

57 Lathan A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790, 4 vols. (Westport CT, 1983), 3: 468; W. Abbot and Dorothy Twohig, eds., The Papers of George Washington: Colonial Series, 10 vols. (Charlottesville VA, 1983—1985), 7: 65—66; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 444—51. Over time members of various African ethnic or nations groups cooperated: see ibid., 448.

58 Walsh, “The Differential Cultural Impact.” Also see Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 20—21, 524—30.

59 Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 560—80; Philip D. Morgan and Michael L. Nicholls, “Slaves in Piedmont Virginia, 1720-1790,” William and Mary Quarterly 46 (1989), 211—289; see also Charleston South Carolina and American General Gazette, Aug. 21, 1776; Charleston City Gazette, Aug. 17, 1790, Aug 21, 1776.

60 Steven Deyle makes the case that slave sales increased in frequency after the Revolution: Deyle, Carry Me Back: The Domestic Slave Trade in American Life (New York, 2005), 54. In the first half of the eighteenth century, the number of runaway advertisements that mention a previous owner is less than 10 percent; this increased to 28 percent in the 1790s.

61 Mullin, Flight and Rebellion, 87—88, 124—29; Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, 339—41; Herbert Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750—1925 (New York, 1976), 347; Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill NC, 1996), 357- 61; Sarah S. Hughes, “Slaves for Hire: The Allocations of Black Labor in Elizabeth City County, Virginia, 1782 to 1800,” William and Mary Quarterly 35 (1978), 260—86; Jonathan D. Martin, Divided Mastery: Slave Hiring in the American South (Cambridge MA, 2004).

62 John J. McCusker and Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607— 1789 (Chapel Hill NC, 1985), 123—33; Carville Earle and Ronald Hoffman, “Staple Crops and Urban Development in the Eighteenth Century,” Perspectives in American History 10 (1976), 7-78; Walsh, “Slaves and Tobacco in the Chesapeake,” 179—186; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 523.

63 Jean Butenhoff Lee, “The Problem of Slave Community in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake,” William and Mary Quarterly 43 (1986), 357; quoted in Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, chap. 9, quoted on 532 and also see 539—40. On the rootedness of eighteenth-century slaves, see Morgan, ibid., 519-30; Edwin Morris Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson’s Farm Book (Princeton NJ, 1953), 19.

64 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, chap. 9, and The Beginnings of the Afro-American Family, 177—96; Gutman, Black Family, 75—78; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, chap. 9.

65 Quoted in South-Carolina Gazette (Timothy) 1, Feb. 7, 1759 in Windley, comp., Runaway Slave Advertisements, 3: 170.

66 Phillips P. Moulton, ed., Journal and Major Essays ofJohnWoolman (New York, 1971), 65; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 544-46; Gutman, Black Family, esp. chaps. 2—6; Mary Beth Norton, Herbert G. Gutman, and Ira Berlin, “The Afro-American Family in the Age of Revolution” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of Revolution (Charlottesville VA, 1983), 181; Rhys Isaac, Landon Carter’s Uneasy Kingdom: Revolution and Rebellion on a Virginia Plantation (New York, 2004), chap. 13.

67 Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas (Charlottesville VA, 1993), chaps. 5—7, 10; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 246—49, 376, 574—79 601—9; Shane White and Graham White, Stylin’: African American Expressive Culture from its Beginnings to the Zoot Suit (Ithaca NY, 1998), chaps. 1—2; L. Baumgarten, “‘Clothes for the People’: Slave Clothing in Early Virginia,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts 14 (1998), 26—70; Barbara J. Heath, “Buttons, Beads, Buckles:Contextualizing Adornment Within the Boundaries of Slavery” in Maria Franklin and Garrett Fesler, eds., Historical Archeology, Identity Formation, and the Interpretation of Ethnicity (Williamsburg VA, 1999), 47—71.

68 Quoted in John Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, 2 vols. (London, 1708), 2: 121—22; Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development, and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica (Rutherford NJ, 1967), 146; Dana J. Epstein, Sinful Tunes and Spirituals: Black Folk Music to the Civil War (Urbana IL, 1977), 84; quoted in Charles Ball, Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball (Lewistown PA, 1837), 23; Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill NC, 1998), 189—91. Gomez notes that such antagonism existed into the nineteenth and perhaps into the twentieth century (at least in the minds of some scholars).

69 Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves, chaps. 8—9; quoted in Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, 191.

70 Epstein, Sinful Tunes and Spirituals, chaps. 2—3; Epstein with Rosita M. Sands, “Secular Folk Music” in Mellonee V. Burnim and Portia K. Maultsby, eds., African American Music: An Introduction (New York, 2006), 35—50; Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans: A History (New York, 1971), chaps. 2—3; quoted in Shane White and Graham White, The Sounds of Slavery: Discovering African American History Through Songs, Sermons, and Speech (Boston, 2005), 8.

71 S. Max Edelson, “Affiliation without Affinity: Skilled Slaves in Eighteenth-Century South Carolina” in Jack P. Greene, Rosemary Brana-Shute, and Randy J. Sparks, eds., Money, Trade, and Power: The Evolution of South Carolina’s Plantation Society (Columbia SC, 2001), 221-59; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 131, 136, 212—15, 225—36, 246, 545—46; Mullin, Flight and Rebellion, chap. 3; Joyce E. Chaplin, An Anxious Pursuit: Agricultural Innovation and Modernity in the Lower South, 1730—1815 (Chapel Hill NC, 1993), 270—74.

72 Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 425; Sylvia R. Frey, “‘The Year of Jubilee is Come’: Black Christianity in the Plantation South in Post Revolution America” in Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert, eds., Religion in a Revolutionary Age (Charlottesville VA, 1994), 94—124 and Sylvia R. Frey, Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton NJ, 1991), chap. 8; Russell E. Rickey, “From Quarterly to Camp Meeting: A Reconsideration of Early American Methodism,” MethodistHistory 23 (1985), 199—213, especially 205—6; Christine Leigh Heyrman, Southern Cross: The Beginnings of the Bible Belt (New York, 1997), 217—18.

73 Quoted in Roger Bruns, ed., Am I Not a Man and a Brother: The Antislavery Crusade of Revolutionary America, 1688—1788 (New York, 1977), 428; Herbert Aptheker, ed., A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 2 vols.(New York, 1951), I: 8-9.

74 Arthur Zilversmit, The First Emancipation: The Abolition of Slavery in the North (Chicago, 1967), chaps. 5—8; Gary B. Nash and Jean R. Soderlund, Freedom by Degrees: Emancipation in Pennsylvania and Its Aftermath (New York, 1991); Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: The End of Slavery in New York City, 1770—1810 (Athens GA, 1991); Leslie M. Harris, In the Shadow of Slavery:African Americans in New York City, 1626—1863 (Chicago, 2003), chap. 2.

75 Ira Berlin, Slaves Without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South (New York, 1974), chap.I, esp., 46—47.

76 Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, 51—53; Gary B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720—1840(Cambridge MA, 1988), 79-88, 99; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 451—52; Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H. Rutman, A Place in Time: Explicatus (New York, 1984), 100.

77 Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, chap. 3.

78 Frey and Wood, Come Shouting to Zion, chaps. 4—6; Eddie S. Glaude, Jr., Exodus!: Religion, Race, and Nation in Early Nineteenth-Century Black America (Chicago, 2000); Benjamin Quarles, “The Revolutionary War as a Black Declaration of Independence,” in Berlin and Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution, 283—305.

79 For the “Union Association,” see William H. Robinson, ed., The Proceedings of the Free, African Union Society and the African Benevolent Newport, Rhode Island, 1780—1824 (Providence RI, 1976), x-xi. Later, when many of the blacks migrated to Sierra Leone, partisan divisions were between the two largest religious factions, Methodists and Baptists. James W. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783—1870 (New York, 1976), 180.

80 Robinson, ed., Proceedings of the Free, African Union, x—xi; White, Somewhat More Independent, 166—71; Nash, Forging Freedom, 75—76. One of the first matters of business of Philadelphia’s Free African Society, founded in 1787, was to establish “a regular mode of procedure with respect to ... marriages.” William Douglass, Annals of the First African Church in the United States of America (Philadelphia, 1862), 34—42.

81 Allen, A Collection of Spiritual Songs quoted in Dorothy Porter, ed., Early Negro Writing, 1760—1837(Boston, 1971), 571; Southern, Music of Black Americans, 84—93; Southern, ed., Readings in Black American Music (New York, 1971), 52—61; “Hymnals of the Black Church,” Journal of Interdenominational Theological Seminary 14 (1987). For the dispute over the social purposes of Allen’s Hymnal, see Kenneth L. Waters, Sr., “Liturgy, Spirituality, and Polemic in the Hymnody of Richard Allen,” The North Star 2 (1999).

82 John F. Watson, “Methodist Error” in Southern, ed., Readings in Black American Music, 2nd. ed. (New York, 1983), 62—64; Mellonee V. Burnim, “Religious Music” in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 51—61.

83 Frey, Water from the Rock, chap. 6; Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston, 2006); Simon Schama, Rough Crossings: Britain, Slaves, and the American Revolution (New York, 1907); Walker, Black Loyalists, chap. 1, esp. p. 12; Ellen G. Wilson, The Loyal Black (New York, 1976), chaps. 2—3; Graham R. Hodges, ed., The Black Loyalist Directory: African Americans in Exile after the American Revolution (New York, 1996); Walker, The Black Loyalists; The Book of Negroes.

84 John W. Davis, “George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Preachers,” Journal of Negro History 3 (1918), 119—27; Pybus, Epic Journeys; Sidney Kaplan, The Black Presence in the Era of theAmerican Revolution (Washington, DC, 1973); James T. Campbell, Middle Passages: African American Journeys to Africa, 1787—2005 (New York, 2006), 29—30.

85 James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York, 2007); Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill NC, 1998).

86 Walker, The Black Loyalists, chap. 9, especially 207.

87 Quoted in Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London, 1962), 308. Sierra Leone, as its leading historian notes, was shaped early by the “social distinctions and peculiarities brought from North America.” Also see Walker, The Black Loyalists, chap. 9, esp. 195.

88 Aptheker, ed., A Documentary History of the Negro People, 1: 7—8.

89 Quoted in Walker, Black Loyalists, 339, 204—5.

90 Walker, Black Loyalists, esp. 251—252.

91 James Forten, Letters from a Man of Colour, on a late Bill before the Senate of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1813), 13.

Chapter Three: The Passage to the Interior

1 Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison WI, 1996); Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge MA, 1999); Robert H. Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce: The Transportation of the Interstate Slave Trade (Baton Rouge LA, 2003); Steven Deyle, Carry Me Back: The Domestic Slave Trade in American Life (New York, 2005); Edward E. Baptist, “‘Stol and Fitched Here’: Enslaved Migration, Ex-Slave Narratives, and Vernacular History” in Edward E. Baptist and Stephanie M. H. Camp, eds., New Studies in the History of American Slavery (Athens GA, 2006), 243-74 guide the discussion of the second great migration.

2 Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, chap. 1; Tadman, “The Interregional Slave Trade in the History and Myth-Making of the U.S. South” in Walter Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (New Haven CT, 2004), 123; Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 8; also see Edward E. Baptist, Creating an Old South: Middle Florida’s Plantation Frontier before the Civil War (Chapel Hill NC, 2002), 65—66.

3 On Georgia men, see Steven Deyle, Carry Me Back, chap. 2 and especially p. 63; Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 73.

4 Deyle, Carry Me Back, 90; Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 62—63, 73—74, 99—100, 154—60; Carol Wilson, Freedom at Risk: The Kidnapping of Free Blacks in America, 1780—1865 (Lexington KY, 1994), chap. 1; Gary B. Nash and Jean R. Soderlund, Freedom By Degrees: Emancipation in Pennsylvania and Its Aftermath (New York, 1991), 195—99.

5 Like the number of slaves who crossed the Atlantic in the first Middle Passage, the number of slaves transported to the Southern interior is also contested. Robert Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross (Boston, 1974), 47, estimate it at 835,000 between 1790 and 1860. Herbert G. Gutman and Richard Sutch, “The Slave Family: Protected Agent of Capitalist Masters or Victim of the Slave Trade?” in Paul A. David et al., eds., Reckoning with Slavery: A Critical Study in the Quantitative History of American Negro Slavery (New York, 1976), 99, put the total at “more than a million”; Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, chap. 2 and 237—47, estimates that interregional movement averaged some 200,000 slaves each decade between 1820 and 1860 and that the total for the period between 1790 and 1820 was at least 200,000. Also see Peter McClelland and Richard Zeckhauser, Demographic Dimensions of the New Republic: American Interregional Migration, Vital Statistics and Manumissions, 1800—1860 (New York, 1982), 159—64.

6 Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 12; Richard H. Steckel, “The African American Population of the United States” in Michael R. Haines and Richard H. Steckel, eds., A Population History of North America (Cambridge UK, 2000), 437—53.

7 Deyle, Carry Me Back, 144—45, 166—73; Thomas D. Russell, “Sale Day in Antebellum South Carolina: Slavery, Law, Economy, and Court-Supervised Sales,” unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, 1993; Russell, “A New Image of the Slave Auction: An Empirical Look at the Role of Law in Slave Sales and a Conceptual Reevaluation of Slave Property,” Cardozo Law Review 18 (1996), 493—523.

8 Wilma A. Dunaway, The African-American Family in Slavery and Emancipation (Cambridge UK, 2003), 20, 42—45; quoted in Baltimore American, Feb. 21, 1860; Max L. Grivno, “‘There Slavery Cannot Dwell’: Agriculture and Labor in Northern Maryland, 1790—1860,” unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Maryland, 2007; T. Stephen Whitman, The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland (Lexington KY, 1997), chaps. 1,4.

9 Quoted in Nicholas B. Wainwright, ed., A Philadelphia Perspective: The Diary of Sidney George Fisher Covering the Years 1834—1871 (Philadelphia, 1967), 188—89; George P. Rawick, comp., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, 41 vols. (Westport CT, 1972—79) ser. 1, vol. 6, 72; Gudmestad, Troublesome Commerce, 44—45. See slaves sold for impertinence and sauciness. Deyle, Carry Me Back, 469; Noreen T. Jones, Born a Child of Freedom, Yet a Slave: Mechanisms of Control and Strategies of Resistance in Antebellum South Carolina (Middleton CT, 1990), 3, 174—75.

10 Deyle, Carry Me Back, 100—108.

11 Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 20—21.

12 Baptist, Creating an Old South, 69—70; Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 25—31; McClelland and Zeckhauser, Demographic Dimensions, 8; Jonathan P. B. Pritchett and Herman Freudenberger, “A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market,” Journal of Economic History 52 (1992), 110; Steven Miller, “Plantation Labor Organization and Slave Life” in Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas (Charlottesville VA, 1993), 157. Computed from the published U.S. census: Census for 1820 (Washington DC, 1821); Fifth Census... 1830 (Washington DC, 1832); Sixth Census ... 1840 (Washington DC, 1841); Seventh Census of the United States 1850 (Washington DC, 1853); Population of the United States in 1860 (Washington DC, 1862).

13 Computed from the published U.S. census: Censusfor1820;Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South (New York, 1996), 177—78; Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 10—11.

14 David L. Lightner, “The Interstate Slave Trade in Antislavery Politics,” Civil War History 36 (1990), 119—36; Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 180—84, 212—216. On slave breeding, see Richard Sutch, “The Breeding of Slaves for Sale and the Westward Expansion of Slavery, 1830-1860” in Stanley Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds., Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies (Princeton NJ, 1975), 173-210; Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, “The Slave Breeding Thesis” in Fogel and Engerman, eds., Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery: Technical Papers, 2 vols. (New York, 1992), 2: 455-72.

15 Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 25-31; McClelland and Zeckhauser, Demographic Dimensions, 8; Pritchett and Freudenberger, “A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market,” 110; Miller, “Plantation Labor Organization and Slave Life,” 157. Computed from the published U.S. census; see note 12, above. On the sexual balance, see Baptist, Creating the Old South, 69-70. 16 Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 211-12; Tadman, “The Interregional Slave Trade” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle, 117-142; Herbert G. Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750—1925 (New York, 1976), 145-48; Cheryll Ann Cody, ”Sale and Separation: Four Crises for Enslaved Women on the Ball Plantation, 1764-1854” in Larry Hudson, Jr., Working Toward Freedom: Slave Society and the Domestic Economy of the American South (Rochester NY, 1994), 119-42.

17 Ira Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves (Cambridge MA, 2003), 170-71.

18 Baptist, Creating an Old South, 63-65. Susan O‘Donovan’s recent work makes evident the transience of the slave population, not only through sale but also through the system of hire and self-hire and in the nature of the slave’s work, which allowed—even required—that they move from place to place. “Trunk Lines, Land Lines, and Local Exchanges: Operationalizing the Grapevine Telegraph,” courtesy of the author.

19 John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger, Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation (New York, 1999), 225, 398; Rawick, comp., American Slave, ser. 2, vol. 16, pt. 1: 116; Charles Ball, Fifty Years in Chains, or, The Life of an American Slave (New York, 1859), 130-2.

20 Ball, Fifty Years in Chains, chaps. 1-3, quoted on 141-42.

21 Rawick, comp., American Slave, supp., ser. 1, vol. 5: 284-85, 320-21; Dunaway, The African-American Family, 33-36; Gudmestad, A Troublesome Commerce, 93-84, 100-101; Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 68-70, 237-38, 298-300. After more than a century of decline, the slave mortality rate began increasing in the second and third decades of the nineteenth century. Robert William Fogel, Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery (New York, 1989), 127-28, 142-48.

22 Tadman, “The Interregional Slave Trade,” 126.

23 Deyle, Carry Me Back, 111, 187, chap. 4, esp. 231, 240; William Wells Brown, Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave (Boston, 1847), chap. 6.

24 Edward E. Baptist, “‘Cuffy,’ ‘Fancy Maids,’ and ‘One-Eyed Men’: Rape, Commodification, and the Domestic Slave Trade in the United States,” American Historical Review 106 (2001), 1-55; quoted in John Brown, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and Escape of John Brown, A Fugitive Slave, F. N. Boney, ed. (Savannah GA, 1972), 95; Deyle, Carry Me Back, 126-27; Tadman, Speculators and Slaves, 125-27; Johnson, Soul by Soul, 113-115, 154-55.

25 Jesse Torrey, Jr., A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United States, 2nd ed. (Ballston Spa MD, 1818), 55-56, 61, 67; Rawick, comp., American Slave, supp., ser. 2, vol. 7B: 24-64; Brown, Narrative of William W. Brown, 45; Ball, Fifty Years in Chains, 30; E. S. Abdy, Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States, 3 vols. (London, 1835), 2: 179-80; Carl David Arfwedson, The United States and Canada in 1832, 1833, and 1834, 2 vols. (London, 1834), 2: 429. One Arkansas planter found her slaves were deeply depressed and “so dissatisfied that they lost all ambition for almost anything” quoted in Donald P. McNeilly, Old South Frontier: Cotton Plantations and the Formation of Arkansas Society (Fayetteville AR, 2000), 51; Abraham Lincoln, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Roy P. Basler, ed., 9 vols. (New Brunswick NJ, 1953-1955), 1: 259-61.

26 Anthony E. Kaye, Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South (Chapel Hill NC, 2007), 65.

27 Deyle, Carry Me Back, 253-69; Phillip Troutman, “Grapevine in the Slave Market: African American Geopolitical Literacy and the 1841 Creole Revolt” in Johnson, ed. The Chattel Principle, 203-233; Edward D. Jervey and C. Harold Huber, “The Creole Affair,” Journal of Negro History 65 (1980), 196-211; Howard Jones, “The Peculiar Institution and National Honor: The Case of the Creole Slave Revolt,” Civil War History 21 (1975), 28-50; J. Winston Coleman, Slavery Times in Kentucky (Chapel Hill NC, 1940), 173-75; Charles S. Sydnor, Slavery in Mississippi (New York, 1933), 149-50; George William Featherstonhaugh, Excursions through the Slave States (New York, 1844), 37; Gudmestad, Troublesome Commerce, chap. 6.

28 Quoted in Ball, Fifty Years in Chains, 48-49.

29 Baptist, Creating an Old South, 78-79.

30 Mrs. George P. Coleman, ed., Virginia Silhouettes (Richmond VA, 1934), Oct. 24, 1842; Rawick, comp., American Slave, supp., ser. 2, vol. 1A: 319; ser. 2, vol. 1: 14, 354-55: ser. 1, vol. 12: 335; Ulrich B. Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South (Boston, 1929), 212; Stevenson, Life in Black and White, 179; James Williams, Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave (Boston, 1838), 32-33; Nehemiah Adams, A South-side View of Slavery (Boston, 1854), 73; Charles Lyell, A Second Visit to the United States of North America, 2 vols. (New York, 1849), 1: 209-10. Also see Blassingame, ed., Slave Testimony, 13-14.

31 Rawick, comp., American Slave, vol. 18, 156-57, 288; also ser. 1, vol., 7, 302.

32 Daina Ramey Berry, “‘We’m Fus’ Rate Bargain’: Value, Labor, and Price in a Georgia Slave Community” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle, 54-55; Ira Berlin, Marc Favreau, and Steven F. Miller, eds., Remembering Slavery: African Americans Talk About their Personal Experiences of Slavery and Emancipation (New York, 1998), 149-51.

33 Coleman, ed., Virginia Silhouettes, Oct. 24, 1842; Blassingame, ed., Slave Testimony, 96-97.

34 Todd H. Barnett, “Virginians Moving West: The Early Evolution of Slavery in the Bluegrass,” Filson Club Historical Quarterly 73 (1999), 221-23, 239-43.

35 Blassingame, ed., Slave Testimony, 22-23; Robert S. Starobin, ed., Blacks in Bondage: Letters of American Slaves (New York, 1974), 58; Rawick, comp., American Slave, ser. 1, vol. 6: 72-73; ser. 2, vol. 15: 248-49; Hawkins Wilson to the Chief of the Freedmen’s Bureau at Richmond, 11 May 1867, enclosing Hawkins Wilson to Sister Jane, Letters Received, ser. 3892, Bowling Green VA Assistant Commissioner, RG 105, National Archives.

36 Mary Furguson, Dec. 18, 1936, Born in Slavery Collection, Library of Congress (http://memory.loc.gov/).

37 Quoted in Michael Mullin, ed., American Negro Slavery: A Documentary History (Columbia SC, 1976), 214-16; Joan E. Cashin, A Family Venture: Men and Women on the Southern Frontier (New York, 1991), 70 (quoted), 74, 116; Starobin, ed., Blacks in Bondage, 57.

38 Starobin, ed., Blacks in Bondage, 57.

39 Quoted in Charles L. Perdue, Jr., Thomas E. Barden, and Robert K. Phillips, eds., Weevils in the Wheat: Interviews with Virginia Ex-slaves (Charlottesville VA, 1976), 206.

40 O’Donovan, “Trunk Lines, Land Lines, and Local Exchanges,” 21.

41 Richard H. Steckel, “The African American Population of the United States, 1790-1920” in Haines and Steckel, eds., Population History of North America (Cambridge UK, 2000); also see Richard Follett, “Heat, Sex, and Sugar: Pregnancy and Childbearing in the Slave Quarters,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28 (2003), 510-539.

42 Cashin, A Family Venture, 72; T. Lindsay Baker and Julie P. Baker, eds., The WPA Oklahoma Narratives (Norman OK, 1996), 82; Rawick, comp., American Slave, vol. 4, pt. 2: 115, also supp., ser. 2, vol. 5A: 1762-63; McNeilly, Old South Frontier, 31.

43 Kaye, Joining Places, chap. 3; Campbell, “As ‘A Kind of Freeman’?” and Roderick A. McDonald, “Independent Economic Production by Slaves on Antebellum Louisiana Sugar Plantations” in Berlin and Morgan, eds., Cultivation and Culture, 243-74, 275-302; Charles S. Sydnor, A Gentleman of the Old Natchez Region, Benjamin L. C. Wailes (Westport CT, [1938] 1970), 101-104; Christopher Morris, Becoming Southern: The Evolution of a Way of Life, Warren County and Vicksburg, Mississippi, 1770—1860 (New York, 1995), 75-76; Ball, Fifty Years in Chains, 131-33, quoted on 131, 147-48.

44 Gutman, The Black Family; Ann Patton Malone, Sweet Chariot: Slave Family and Household Structure in Nineteenth-century Louisiana (Chapel Hill NC, 1992). Sally Anne Chambers, who grew up in Louisiana, recalled how slaves turned to the business of family on Saturdays and Sundays: “De women do dey own washing den. De menfolks tend to de gardens round dey own house. Dey raise some cotton and sell it to massa and git li‘l money dat way.” Rawick, comp., American Slave, ser. 1, vol. 4, pt. 1-2, 215.

45 Gutman, Black Family; Baptist, Creating the Old South, 81-82.

46 Gutman, Black Family, chaps. 2, 5; Cheryll Ann Cody, “Naming, Kinship, and Estate Dispersal: Notes on Slave Family Life on a South Carolina Plantation, 1786 to 1833,” William and MaryQuarterly 39 (1982), 192-211; Morris, Becoming Southern, 68-83.

47 Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggle in the Rural South, from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge MA, 2003), 36.

48 Albert J. Rabateau, Slave Religion: The “Invisible Institution” in the Antebellum South (New York, 1978); Sylvia R. Frey and Betty Wood, Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830 (Chapel Hill NC, 1998), chaps. 4—5; Eddie S. Glaude, Jr., Exodus!: Religion, Race, and Nation in Early Nineteenth-Century Black America (Chicago, 2000); Berlin, Generations of Captivity, 203—6.

49 In the early nineteenth century, African Americans touched by the “Second Awakening” attended camp meetings and, given the level of illiteracy, doubtless sang without hymnals. Also many songs were composed on the spot and elaborated in the field or in religious gatherings. They were called “spiritual songs” and the term “sperichil” appeared for the first time in 1867 in William Francis Allen, Charles P. Ware, and Lucy McKim Garrison, Slave Songs of the United States (New York, [1867] 1951); also see Thomas Wentworth Higginson, “Negro Spirituals,” Atlantic Monthly 19 (1867), 685—94; Sterling Stuckey, Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America (New York, 1987), chap. 1; Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1977), 17, 19—30, 59,159—70; Gilbert Chase, America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present, 3rd ed. (Urbana IL, 1987), chap. 4, quote on 215. Dena J. Epstein, Sinful Tunes and Spirituals: Black Folk Music to the Civil War (Urbana IL, 1977); Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans (New York, 1971), chaps. 6—7.

50 A good selection of the spirituals can be found on the Internet. See for example www.hymnlyrics.org (although no dates of attribution are provided).

51 James Oakes, The Ruling Race: A History of American Slaveholders (New York, 1982), 77; Donald Schaefer, “A Statistical Profile of Frontier and New South Migration: 1850—1860,” Agricultural History 59 (1986), 563—578; Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York, 1986), 25. Analysis of the records of the Freedman’s Bank and Trust Company, courtesy of Susan O’Donovan, “Mapping Freedom’s Terrain: The Political and Productive Landscape of Wilmington, North Carolina,” 16.

52 Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York, 1979); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863—1877 (New York, 1988), esp. chap. 3; Ira Berlin et al., eds., Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation [hereafter cited as Freedom], 5 vols. (Cambridge UK and Chapel Hill NC, 1983—), ser. 3, vol. 1, esp., chap. 5.

53 W. E. B. DuBois, Black Reconstruction in America: An Essay toward the History of the Part Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860—1880 (New York, 1935), chaps. 1—5; Foner, Reconstruction, chaps. 1—3; Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long, chaps. 1—4; Freedom, quoted in ser. 2, 615—16; ser. 1, vol. 1: 23—27.

54 Foner, Reconstruction, chap. 5; Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1.

55 U.S. Census Bureau, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington DC, 1975), I: part 2, p. 22.

56 Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1: 23—24, and docs. 6, 15—22, 23 (quoted), 36, 67, 132, 162.

57 William Cohen, At Freedom’s Edge: Black Mobility and the White Southern Quest for Racial Control, 1861—1915 (Baton Rouge LA, 1991), 28—38; Theodore B. Wilson, The Black Codes of the South (Tuscaloosa AL, 1965), chap. 5; Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1, 29—30, 81—84, also docs. 28, 33, 37, 43—45.

58 Gerald D. Jaynes, “Blacks in the Economy from Reconstruction to World War I” in William R. Scott and William G. Slade, eds., Upon These Shores: Themes in the African American Experience to the Present (New York, 2000), 168. Between 1860 and 1910, the south Atlantic states’ share of African Americans declined from 46 to 42 percent, while the southwestern states increased from 15 to 20 percent. U.S. Census Bureau, Negro Population of the United States, 1790—1915 (Washington DC, 1918), table 13; James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago, 1989), 22—23. The northward movement of black Southerners was also small and selective: Elizabeth H. Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty: Boston, 1865—1900 (New York, 1979), 89.

59 U.S. Census Bureau, Negro Population, 1790—1915 (Washington DC, 1918), 65; Steckel, “African American Population of the United States” in Haines and Steckel, eds., Population History of North America, 465; Simon Kuznets, ed., Population Redistribution and Economic Growth in the United States, 1870—1950, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1957—1964), 3: 90; Edward L. Ayers, Promise of the New South: Life after Reconstruction (New York, 1992), chap. 3, pp. 68—72; Cohen, At Freedom’s Edge, chap. 9, p. 254; Edwin S. Redkey, Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890—1910 (New Haven CT, 1969), 57; James T. Campbell, Middle Passages: African American Journeys to Africa, 1787—2005 (New York, 2006), chaps. 3-4, esp. p. 103; Thomas C. Cox, Blacks in Topeka, Kansas, 1865—1915: A Social History (Baton Rouge LA, 1982); Hahn, A Nation Under our Feet.

60 Kuznets, ed., Population Redistribution and Economic Growth, 3: 90; Cohen, At Freedom’s Edge, 295—296.

61 Negro Population, 64; Karl E. Taeuber, “The Negro Population in the United States” in John P. Davis, ed., The American Negro Reference Book (Englewood Cliffs NJ, 1966), 107; Thomas J. Woofter, Negro Migration: Changes in Rural Organization and the Population of the Cotton Belt (New York, 1969), 134; O‘Donovan, “Mapping Freedmen’s Terrain,” 16.

62 Historical Statistics of the United States, 22.

63 David Barrow, “A Georgia Plantation,” Scribner Monthly 21 (1881), 830-36; D. W. Meinig, The Shaping ofAmerica, 4 vols. (New Haven CT, 1986—2004), 3:190—95; Charles S. Aiken, “New Settlement Patterns of Rural Blacks in the American South,” Geographical Review 75 (1985), 383—404; Milton B. Newton, Jr., “Settlement Patterns as Artifacts of Social Structure” in Miles Richardson, ed., The Human Mirror: Material and Spatial Images of Man (Baton Rouge LA, 1974), 339—61; Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina During Reconstruction, 1861—1877 (Chapel Hill NC, 1965), 278.

64 Dylan C. Penningroth, The Claims of Kinfolk: African American Property and Community in the Nineteenth-Century South (Chapel Hill NC, 2003), 158; Julie Seville, The Work of Reconstruction: From Slave to Wage Worker in South Carolina, 1860—1870 (Cambridge UK, 1994), chap. 1.

65 Quoted in Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1: 25, 46—52 and chap. 9; Frederick Law Olmsted, The Cotton Kingdom: A Traveler’s Observations on Cotton and Slavery, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., ed. (New York, 1984), 81; Ira Berlin et al., eds., “The Terrain of Freedom: The Struggle over the Meaning of Free Labor in the U. S. South,” History Workshop 22 (1986), 127—28.

66 Quoted in Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana IL, 1984), 42—43; Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1: chap. 3—4; Foner, Reconstruction, 102—110, 153—170; Claude F. Oubre, Forty Acres and a Mule: The Freedmen’s Bureau and Black Land Ownership (Baton Rouge LA, 1978); quoted in Major [James Roy] to Bvt. Lieut. Col. W. L. Berger, 9 Dec. 1865, filed with Major James P. Roy to Bvt. Lieut. Col. W. L. M. Burger, 1 Feb. 1866, Letters Received, Dept. of SC, RG 393, Pt. 1 [C-1385], National Archives. Bracketed number refers to the files at the Freedmen and Southern Society Project at the University of Maryland.

67 Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1, chaps. 3—4. The outlines of the new labor system appeared even before the war was over in the occupied South; see Freedom, ser. 1, vol. 1, chaps. 1—3; Freedom, ser. 1, vol. 2; Louis S. Gerteis, From Contraband to Freedman: Federal Policy toward Southern Blacks, 1861—1865 (Westport CT, 1973); Foner, Reconstruction, 78—84; Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long, chaps. 4—6.

68 Freedom, ser. 3, vol. 1, chaps. 1—5, 7—8; Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long, 4-8; Gerald David Jaynes, Branches Without Roots: Genesis of the Black Workingclass in the American South, 1862—1882 (New York, 1986), chaps. 2—4; Roger L. Ransom and Richard Sutch, One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences ofEmancipation (New York, 1977), chaps. 3-4; Thavolia Glymph, ”Freedpeople and Ex-Masters Shaping a New Order in the Post-Bellum South, 1865—1868” in Glymph and John J. Kushma, eds., Essays on the Postbellum South Economy (College Station TX, 1985), 48—72.

69 Harold D. Woodman, New South, New Law: The Legal Foundations of Credit and Labor Relations in the Postbellum Agricultural South (Baton Rouge LA, 1995); Jaynes, Branches Without Roots, chap. 10.

70 Quoted in Eric Foner, Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and its Legacy (Baton Rouge LA, 1983), 61; Harold D. Woodman, “Post-Civil War Southern Agricultural and the Law,” Agricultural History 53 (1979), 319—37; Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York, 1999), chap. 3.

71 Litwack, Trouble in Mind, esp. chap. 4.

72 Litwack, Trouble in Mind, esp. chaps. 5—6; Edward L. Ayers, Vengeance and Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth-Century American South (New York, 1984), chap. 6; Alexander C. Lichtenstein, Twice the Work of Free Labor: The Political Economy of Convict Labor in the New South (London, 1996); Pete Daniel The Shadow of Slavery: Peonage in the South, 1901—1969 (Urbana IL, 1972); Martha A. Myers, Race, Labor, and Punishment in the New South (Athens OH, 1998).

73 Litwack, Trouble in Mind, 128; C. Vann Woodward, The Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge LA, 1971), 205—6; Neil Fligstein, Going North: Migration of Blacks and Whites from the South, 1900—1950 (New York, 1950), 131; Joe William Trotter, Jr., The African American Experience (Boston, 2001), 303. Quoted in Grossman, Land of Hope, 109.

74 Quoted in Jay R. Mandle, The Roots of Black Poverty: The Southern Plantation Economy after the Civil War (Durham NC, 1978), 20.

75 Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation (Chicago, 1934), 11; Wright, Old South, New South, 65, 98; Mandle, The Roots of Black Poverty, 20; Thomas J. Woofter, Negro Problems in Cities (Garden City NY, 1928), 88—89, 105.

76 Wright, Old South, New South, 119—20.

77 James R. Grossman, “A Chance to Make Good, 1900—1929” in Robin D. G. Kelley and Earl Lewis, eds., To Make Our World Anew: A History of African Americans (New York, 2000), 358.

78 C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya, The Black Church in the African American Experience (Durham NC, 1994), chap. 5.

79 For the linkage between the blues and the commitment to migration in search of freedom that would transform the African landscape, see Waldo F. Martin, “The Sounds of Blackness: African-American Music” in William R. Scott and William G. Shade, eds., Upon These Shores: Themes in the African American Experience (New York, 2000), 260—61; Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 202—97; William Barlow, “Looking Up at Down”: The Emergence of Blues Culture (Philadelphia, 1989), chaps. 1—2; Jeff Todd Tilton, Early Down-home Blues: A Musical and Cultural Analysis (Urbana IL, 1975); David Evans, “Blues: Chronological Overview” and Susan Oehler, “The Blues in Transcultural Context” both in Mellonee V. Burnim and Portia K. Maultsby, eds., African American Music: An Introduction (New York, 2006), 97—126; Chase, America’s Music, chap. 27.

80 Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, esp. 221—22; Barlow, “Looking Up at Down,” chaps. 1—4; LeRoi Jones, Blues People: The Negro Experience in White America and the Music that Developed From It (New York, 1968), chap. 1; William Ferris, Jr., Blues from the Delta (London, 1970), 11—55.

81 http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/delta/2541/blflewis.htm.

82 Steckel, “The African American Population of the United States” in Haines and Steckel, eds., Population History of North America, 464; Wright, Old South, New South, 98, 200—5.

83 Leslie H. Fishel, Jr., “The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870—1900,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (1955), 466—89; Desmund King and Stephen Tuck, “De-Centering the South: America’s Nationwide White Supremacist Order After Reconstruction,” Past and Present 194 (2007), 213—53; Joe William Trotter, Jr., “Blacks in the Urban North: The ‘Underclass Question’ in Historical Perspective” in Michael B. Katz, ed., The “Underclass” Debate: Views from History (Princeton NJ, 1993), 59—60; Edward Meeker and James Kau, “Racial Discrimination and Occupational Attainment at the Turn of the Century,” Explorations in Economic History 14 (1977), 250—76; Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty, 128, 134—36; quoted in Joe William Trotter, Jr., Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915—1945(Urbana IL, 1985), 30—31.

84 Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation quoted in Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long, 169.

85 Booker T. Washington, Up From Slavery: An Autobiography (New York, 1897), 219; also see Washington, “The Rural Negro and the South,” Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections 41 (1914), 123; Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856—1901 (NewYork, 1972), 213-19; Grossman, Land of Hope, 81—82; Cohen, Freedom’s Edge, 249. Even after black people began to move north in large numbers, the presumption of their attachment to the South remained. In 1923, Atlantic Monthly summarized the conventional wisdom: “The Negro race was found almost entirely within the Southern states, and it was always assumed that it would probably remain there” in E. T. H. Shaffer, “A New South—The Negro Migration,” Atlantic Monthly 132 (Sept. 1923), 403.

86 Guido Van Rijn, “Coolidge’s Blue: African American Blues on Prohibition, Migration, Unemployment, and Jim Crow” in Robert Springer, ed., Nobody Knows Where The Blues Come From: Lyrics and History (Jackson MS, 2006), 151—63.

Chapter Four: The Passage to the North

1 U.S. Census Bureau, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington DC, 1975), 22; Richard Easterlin, ”The Population of the United States since 1920” in Michael R. Haines and Richard H. Steckel, eds., A Population History of North America (Cambridge UK, 2000), 642; J. Trent Alexander, “Demographic Patterns of the Great Migration (1915—1940)” and “Demographic Patterns of the Great Black Migration (1940—1970)” both in Steven A. Reich, ed., Encyclopedia of the Great Black Migration, 2 vols. (Westport CT, 2006), 1: 236—43.

2 My understanding of the third passage includes what has been called the “Great Migration”—the movement northward that accompanied World War I and extends through the Great Depression, World War II, and beyond, or roughly the years between 1910 and 1970, at which point the movement of black people between North and South reversed course.

3 Carole Marks, Farewell—We‘reGood and Gone: The Great Black Migration (Bloomington IN, 1989), 1; George A. Davis and O. Fred Donaldson, Blacks in the United States: A Geographic Perspective (Boston, 1975), 34—37; Hope Eldridge and Dorothy Swaine Thomas, Population Redistribution and Economic Growth, 1870—1950 (Philadelphia, 1964), 90; James N. Gregory, The Southern Diaspora: How the Great Migrations of Black and White Southerners Transformed America (Chapel Hill NC, 2005), 14; Thomas J. Woofter, Negro Migration: Changes in Rural Organization and the Population of the Cotton Belt (New York, 1920), 134. The counties which compose the Alabama black belt are: Autauga, Bullock, Dallas, Greene, Hale, Lowndes, Macon, Marengo, Montgomery, Perry, Russell, Sumter, and Wilcox.

4 Blaine Brownell and David Goldfield, Urban America: From Downtown to No Town (Boston, 1979), 259—63; Joe W. Trotter, Jr., ed., The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington IN, 1991), 482; James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago, 1989), 48; Historical Statistics of the United States, pt. 1: 95. Because of the differences in origins, size, and direction between migrations that accompanied the first and second world wars, some historians and demographers have treated them as distinct events. See, for example, Alexander, “Demographic Patterns of the Great Black Migration (1915—1940)” and “Demographic Patterns of the Great Black Migration (1940—1970)” both in Reich, ed., Encyclopedia of the Great Black Migration, 1: 236—43.

5 Rex R. Campbell, Daniel M. Johnson, and Gary J. Strangler, “Return Migration of Black People to the South,” Rural Sociology 39 (1974), 514—28; Reynolds Farley and Walter R. Allen, The Color Line and the Quality ofLifein America (New York, 1989), 117—28; John Cromartie and Carol B. Stack, “Reinterpretation of Black Return and Nonreturn Migration to the South, 1975—1980,” Geographical Review 79 (1989), 300; Carol Stack, Call to Home: African Americans Reclaim the Rural South (New York, 1996); Michael A. Stoll, “African Americans and the Color Line” in Reynolds Farley and John Hagga, eds., The American People: Census 2000 (New York, 2005), 402—3; Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 39—40; Gregory, “The Southern Diaspora and the Urban Dispossessed: Demonstrating the Census Public Use Microdata Samples,” Journal of American History 82 (1995), 130.

6 The six million total is a net migration rate and does not include those who migrated to the North and returned to the South. Many black Southerners migrated North, but returned to the South—thus participating in the northward migration.

7 Davis and Donaldson, Blacks in the United States, 30—31; Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 17—18; Steckel, “The African American Population of the United States” in Haines and Steckel, eds., A Population History of North America, 465; Reynolds Farley, Growth of the Black Population: A Study of Demographic Trends (Chicago, 1970), 50.

8 Brownell and Goldfield, Urban America, 260; Karl E. Taeuber “The Negro Population in the United States” in John P. Davis, ed., The American Negro Reference Book (Englewood Cliffs NJ, 1966), 116—34; Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, 103—4; Gregory, “The Southern Diaspora and the Urban Dispossessed,” 117; Howard Dodson and Sylviane A. Diouf, In Motion: The African-American Migration Experience (Washington DC, 2004), 136; Peter Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way: Southern Blacks’ Migration to Pittsburgh, 1916—1930 (Urbana IL, 1987), 1.

9 Brownell and Goldfield, Urban America, 260; Frank Hobbs and Nicole Stoops, Demographic Trends in the Twentieth Century (Washington DC, 2002), 260.

10 In analyzing the cause of the Great Migration, scholars have given different weight to the various pushes and pulls which set it in motion; my account is drawn from the following: Grossman, Land of Hope; Gregory, Southern Diaspora; Marks, Farewell; Florette Henri, Black Migration: Movement North, 1900—1920 (Garden City NY, 1975); Neil Fligstein, Going North: Migration of Blacks and Whites from the South, 1900—1950 (New York, 1981); Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way; Kimberley L. Phillips, AlabamaNorth: African-American Migrants, Community, and Working-Class Activism in Cleveland, 1915—45 (Urbana IL, 1999); Trotter, ed., The Great Migration in Historical Perspective.

11 Phillips, AlabamaNorth, 57; Roi Ottley, The Lonely Warrior: The Life and Times of Robert S. Abbott (Chicago, 1955).

12 Davis and Donaldson, Blacks in the United States, 35; Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York, 1986), 95—96, 203—5.

13 Grossman, Land of Hope, 30; quoted in E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago, 1966), 210, and R. H. Leavell, “The Negro Migration from Mississippi” in Leavell et al., Negro Migration in 1916—17 (Washington DC, 1919), 17. Also see Marks, Farewell, chap. 3.

14 Wright, Old South, New South, 203—5; Marks, Farewell, chap. 3; quoted in Leavell, “The Negro Migration from Mississippi,” 17, and Marks, “In Search of the Promised Land: Black Migration and Urbanization, 1900—1940” in William R. Scott and William G. Slade, eds., Upon These Shores: Themes in the African American Experience, 1600 to the Present (New York, 2000), 188.

15 William M. Tuttle, Jr., Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919 (New York, 1970), 74—107; Grossman, Land of Hope, chap. 2; Phillips, AlabamaNorth, 53.

16 Wright, Old South, New South, chap. 7, esp. 231—33; Pete Daniel, Breaking the Land: The Transformation of Cotton, Tobacco, and Rice Cultures since 1880 (Urbana IL, 1985); Historical Statistics of the United States, pt. 1, 109—153.

17 Wright, Old South, New South, 223—34.

18 Daniel, Breaking the Land, chaps. 2—4; Gilbert C. Fite, Cotton Fields No More: Southern Agriculture, 1865—1980(Lexington KY, 1984), chaps. 8—9; Neil Fligstein, “The Transformation of Southern Agriculture and the Migration of Blacks and Whites, 1930—1950,” International Migration Review 17 (1983), 273; Craig W. Heinicke, “African American Migration and the Mechanized Cotton Harvesting, 1950—1960,” Explorations in Economic History 31 (1994), 501—20; Historical Statistics of the United States, pt. 1, 109—153; Grossman, Land of Hope, 48; Brownell and Goldfield, Urban America, chaps. 10—11.

19 Edward L. Ayers, The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction (New York, 1993), chap. 6; Neil R. McMillen, Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow (Urbana IL, 1989); Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age ofJimCrow (New York, 1998); Grossman, Land of Hope, 16—19; quoted in Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 225.

20 Quoted in Theodore Rosengarten, All God’s Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw (New York, 1974), 27.

21 Ira de A. Reid, “Special Problems of Negro Migration During the War” in Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, Postwar Problems of Migration (New York, 1947), 155; Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 37; quoted in Grossman, Land of Hope, 3.

22 Peter Gottlieb, “Rethinking the Great Migration: A Perspective from Pittsburgh” in Trotter, ed., The Great Migration, 74. For a similar development in Flint, Michigan, see Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 29. Also Trotter, eds., The Great Migration, 482.

23 Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 365, n. 27; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York, 1985), 153—60; Darlene Clark Hine, ”Black Migration to the Urban Midwest: The Gender Dimension, 1915—1945” in Trotter, ed., The Great Migration, 127—46; Leslie Brown, “African American Women and Migration” in S. Jay Kleinberg, Eileen Boris, and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., The Practice of U.S. Women’s History: Narrative, Intersections, and Dialogues (New Brunswick NJ, 2007), 204; Beverly A. Bunch-Lyons, Contested Terrain: African American Women Migrate from the South to Cincinnati, 1900—1950 (New York, 2002), 23—42; quoted in Elizabeth Rauh Bethel, Promiseland: A Century ofLifein a Negro Community (Philadelphia, 1981), 122.

24 Taeuber “The Negro Population in the United States” in Davis, ed., American Negro Reference Book, 112—113; Wright, Old South, New South, 96—97; Clyde V. Kiser, Sea Island to City: A Study of St. Helena Islanders in Harlem and Other Urban Centers (New York, 1967), 117, 131, 144; Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 39, 149.

25 Marks, Farewell, 34—48; C. Horace Hamilton, “Educational Selectivity of Net Migration from the South,” Social Forces 38 (1959), 33—42; Stewart E. Tolnay, “Educational Selection in the Migration of Southern Blacks, 1880—1990,” Social Forces 77 (1998), 487—514; Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 28, 30-33; Wright, Old South, New South, 246—55; Elizabeth H. Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty: Boston, 1865—1900 (New York, 1979), chap. 3. On literacy of the first immigrants and decline over time see Stanley Lieberson, “Selective Black Migration from the South: A Historical View” in Frank D. Bean and W. Parker Frisbie, eds., The Demography of Racial and Ethnic Groups (New York, 1978), 122. For the migration of musicians, see Burton W. Peretti, The Creation of Jazz: Music, Race, and Culture in Urban America (Urbana IL, 1992), 43—45.

26 Malaika Adero, ed., Up South: Stories, Studies, and Letters of this Century’s African-American Migrations (New York, 1993), xvii; also Dwayne E. Walls, The Chicken Bone Special (New York, 1970).

27 Grossman, Land of Hope, 112—13; quoted from Armstrong, Satchmo: My Life in New Orleans (New York, 1954), 229—30.

28 Henri, Black Migration, 66; Marks, Farewell, 36—37; Abraham Epstein, The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh (New York, [1918] 1969), 35.

29 Grossman, Land of Hope, 2, 109—111; quoted in Richard Wright, Black Boy (Chicago, 1947), 181.

30 Abraham Epstein, The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh (New York, [1918] 1969), 27.

31 Marks, Farewell, chap. 2, esp. 20—21; Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way, 49—55; Phillips, AlabamaNorth, 54—55. For an explication of the theory of chain migrations, see John McDonald and Leatrice McDonald, “Chain Migration, Ethnic Neighborhood Formation, and Social Networks,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 42 (1964), 82—97, and for how migrating pioneers make movement more accessible and cheaper for those who follow, see Douglas Massey, “Why Does Immigration Occur?” in Charles Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh DeWind, eds., The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience (New York, 1999), 45.

32 Grossman, Land of Hope, chap. 3; also see Henri, Black Migration, chap. 2.

33 Grossman, Land of Hope, chap. 3; Cromartie and Stack, “Reinterpretation of Black Return and Non Return Migration,” 299—309.

34 Phillips, AlabamaNorth, 62—63; Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 39—41, 160—62.

35 For a discussion of so-called stage or step migration, see J. Trent Alexander, “The Great Migration in Comparative Perspective: Interpreting the Urban Origins of Southern Black Migrants to Depression-Era Pittsburgh,” Social Science History 22 (1998), 349—37; Taeuber, “The Negro Population in the United States” in Davis, ed., American Negro Reference Book, 129—130; and for repeated migration, see Julie DaVanzo, “Repeat Migration in the United States: Who Moves Back and Who Moves On?,” Review of Economics and Statistics 65 (1983), 552—59; Wright, Black Boy, 221; Leslie Brown, “African American Women and Migration,” 204.

36 Emmett J. Scott, Negro Migration during the War (New York, 1969), 106, 134; quoted in Dotson and Diouf, In Motion, 120; Henry Louis Gates, Jr., “New Negroes, Migration, and Cultural Exchange” in Elizabeth Hutton Turner, ed., Jacob Lawrence: The Migration Series (Washington DC, 1993), 17—21; Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way, 3-45; Gerald D. Jaynes, “Blacks in the Economy from Reconstruction to World War I” in Scott and Slade, eds., Upon These Shores, 185. DuBois had noted the same phenomenon early in the twentieth century. Michael B. Katz and Thomas J. Sugrue, W. E. B. DuBois, Race, and the City: The Philadelphia Negro and Its Legacy (Philadelphia, 1998), 76.

37 Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way, 29—31; Kiser, Sea Island to City, 154; Walls, The Chicken Bone Special.

38 Emitt J. Scott, ed., “Letters from Negro Migrants of 1916—1918,” Journal of Negro History 4 (1919), 334.

39 Otis Hicks, Greyhound Blues, http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/delta/2541/bllslim.htm#Greyhound466.

40 Grossman, Land of Hope, 113—115; quoted in Richard Wright, American Hunger (New York, 1977), 307.

41 Grossman, Land of Hope, 113—17.

42 Walter Licht, Getting Work: Philadelphia, 1840—1950(Cambridge MA, 1992), 32—33; Allan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890—1920 (Chicago, 1967), 29; Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, chap. 4; Warren C. Whatley and Gavin Wright, “Race, Human Capital, and Labour Markets in American History” in George Grantham and Mary MacKinnon, eds., Labour Market Evolutions: The Economic History of Market Integration, Wage Flexibility, and Employment Relation (New York, 1994), 280—81; David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana IL 1973), 217—22; Pleck, Black Migration, chap. 2; Joe William Trotter, Jr., The African American Experience (Boston, 2001), 311; quoted in W. E. B. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro (Philadelphia, 1899), 323.

43 August Meier, “Negro Class Structure and Ideology in the Age of Booker T. Washington,” Phylon 23 (1962), 258—66; Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880—1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor MI, 1963), esp. chap. 9; DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 310—21, 340—51; Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, chaps. 1, 5; Spear, Black Chicago, chap. 3; Marcy S. Sacks, Before Harlem: The Black Experience in New York City before World War I (Philadelphia, 2006); Katzman, Before the Ghetto, chaps. 4—6; Bart Landry, The New Black Middle Class (Berkeley CA, 1987), 19—20.

44 Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, 26—28, 75—78, 99—103, 114—40, 165—70, 236—43; Katzman, Before the Ghetto, chaps. 4—6; Licht, Getting Work, 32—33; St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York, 1945), chap. 9; Trotter, The African American Experience, 310; quoted in Spear, Black Chicago, 168 and Bayard Still, ed., Urban America: A History with Documents (Boston, 1974), 279.

45 Meier, “Negro Class Structure and Ideology in the Age of Booker T. Washington,” 258—66; Sacks, Before Harlem, 26—28; Sacks, “Re-creating Black New York at Century’s End” in Ira Berlin and Leslie M. Harris, eds., Slavery in New York (New York, 2005), 325—50; Katzman, Before the Ghetto; Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, chaps. 5—6.

46 Spear, Black Chicago, chaps. 9—10, quoted in p. 168; Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 73—76; Sacks, Before Harlem, 68—71; Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, chaps. 10—11 and note 51, below.

47 William H. Harris, The Harder We Run: Black Workers Since the Civil War (New York, 1982), 61—66; Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, chap. 9, especially 191, 199— 222 ; Spear, Black Chicago; 150—151; Licht, Getting Work, 45, 141; David M. Katzman, Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic Service in Industrializing America (New York, 1978), 204—19; Elizabeth Clark-Lewis, Living In, Living Out: African American Domestics in Washington, D.C., 1910—1940 (Washington DC, 1994); Trotter, African American Experience, 388; Brown, “African American Women and Migration,” 205.

48 August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW (New York, 1979); Elizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919—1939 (Cambridge UK, 1990), 18—19, 165—67, 205—7; Tuttle, Race Riot, 108—58; William A. Sundstrom, “The Color Line: Racial Norms and Discrimination in Urban Labor Markets,” Journal of Economic History 54 (1994), 382—96.

49 Gerald David Jaynes and Robin M. Williams, Jr., eds., A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington DC, 1989), 271 and chap. 6; Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow, 160—82; Katherine J. Curtis White, “Women in the Great Migration: Economic Activity of Black and White Southern-Born Female Migrants in 1920, 1940, and 1970,” Social Science History 29 (2005), esp. 427; Maurine W. Greenwald, Women, War and Work: The Impact of World War I on Women Workers (Westport CT, 1980), 20, 22—23.

50 Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, 166; Stanley Lieberson, Ethnic Patterns in American Cities (New York, 1963), 122-29; Karl E. Taeuber and Alma F. Taeuber, “The Negro as an Immigrant Group: Recent Trends in Racial and Ethnic Segregation in Chicago,” American Journal of Sociology 69 (1964), 374—82.

51 Quoted in Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, 163.

52 Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, chaps. 14, 19—22; David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York, 1981); Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, 91—156; Adam Green, Selling the Race: Culture, Community, and Black Chicago, 1940—1955 (Chicago, 2007).

53 Quoted in Alain Locke, ed., The New Negro: An Interpretation (New York, 1925), ix; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age ofFDR (Princeton NJ, 1983); Harold Gosnell, Negro Politicians: The Rise of Negro Politics in Chicago (Chicago, 1935); Jeanne Theoharis and Komozi Woodard, eds., Freedom North: Black Freedom Outside the South, 1940—1980 (New York, 2003); Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill NC, 1996), 105; Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York, 2008), chap. 4.

54 Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty, chaps. 4—6, esp. 44—58, 73—79, 177; Jervis Anderson, A. Philip Randolph: A Biographical Portrait (Berkeley CA, 1973), 240—60; John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture during World War 11(New York, 1976), 208—18; Kennedy, Freedom from Fear, 764—68, quoted in 7⁶7.

55 Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton NJ, 1996), 26—27; Meier and Rudwick, Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW, chaps. 1 and 3; William J. Collins, “African American Economic Mobility in the 1940s: A Portrait from the Palmer Survey,” Journal of Economic History 60 (2000), 756—81 and “Race, Roosevelt, and Wartime Production: Fair Employment in World War II,” American Economic Review 91 (2001), 272—86, esp. 272; Sundstrom, “The Color Line: Racial Norms and Discrimination,” 382—96; Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations and the Status of Women During World War 11 (Westport CT, 1981), 36—42; Louis Ruchames, Race, Jobs, and Politics: The Story of the FEPC (New York, 1953).

56 Landry, The New Black Middle Class, 54—55; Claudia D. Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History of American Women (New York, 1990), 145—47, 163; Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, 256, 264—65; quoted in Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944), 306.

57 Gregory, Southern Diaspora, 96, 97—99, see note 30, above; James T. Patterson, Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945—1974 (New York, 1996), 19, 382; David M. Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929—1945 (New York, 2005), 764—65; Katzman, Seven Days a Week, 65—78; Joe William Trotter, Jr., “Blacks in the Urban North: The ‘Underclass Question’ in Historical Perspective” in Michael B. Katz, ed., The “Underclass” Debate: Views from History (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 55—84; Sharon Harley, “‘Working for nothing but for a living’: Black Women in the Underground Economy” in Harley, ed., Sister Circle: Black Women and Work (New Brunswick NJ, 2002), 6—9; Brown, “African American Women and Migration,” 212; Greenwald, Women, War and Work, 22-27, 41—43, 114—115.

58 Landry, New Black Middle Class, 74; Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, 263—82; Benjamin P. Bowser, The Black Middle Class: Social Mobility and Vulnerability (Boulder CO, 2007), 71—72. For the importance of public service employment, see Michael B. Katz, Mark J. Stern, and Jamie J. Fader, “The New African American Inequality,” Journal of American History 92 (2005), 87—88.

59 Cohen, Making a New Deal, 147—58; Abram L. Harris, The Negro as a Capitalist: A Study of Banking and Businesses among American Negroes (Philadelphia, 1936); Landry, New Black Middle Class, chap. 2—3; Bowser, Black Middle Class, 71—74.

60 Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 412—29; Grossman, Land of Hope, chap. 5; Phillips, AlabamaNorth, 168—79; Spear, Black Chicago, 91—97, 174—79. Nick Salvatore traces the connections in his fine biography of C. L. Franklin, Singing in a Strange Land: C. L. Franklin, the Black Church, and the Transformation ofAmerica (Boston, 2005).

61 Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940—1960 (Chicago, 1998), 28; David M. P. Freund, Colored Property: State Politics and White Racial Politics in Suburban America Chicago, 2007), esp. chaps. 1—5; David M. P. Freund, “Marketing the Free Market: State Intervention and Politics of Prosperity in Metropolitan America” in Kevin M. Kruse and Thomas J. Sugrue, eds., The New Suburban History (Chicago, 2006), 16; Douglas S. Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge MA, 1993), chaps. 3—5; John F. Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal: Urban Planningin Philadelphia, 1920—1974 (Philadelphia, 1987).

62 Adam Fairclough, Better Day Coming: Blacks and Equality, 1890—2000 (New York, 2001), chaps. 9—10; William C. Berman, The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration (Columbus OH, 1970); Richard M. Dalfiume, Desegregation ofthe U.S. Armed Forces: Fighting on Two Fronts, 1939—1953 (Columbia MO, 1969).

63 Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, 263—82; Landry, New Black Middle Class, chaps. 2—3; Bowser, Black Middle Class, 71—74; Cohen, Making a New Deal, 147—58; Harris, The Negro as a Capitalist; Thomas J. Durant, Jr., and Joyce S. Louden, “The Black Middle Class in America: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives,” Phylon 47 (1986), 253—62.

64 Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, chaps. 9—10; Landry, New Black Middle Class, chap. 2, esp. 196—97; Sharon M. Collins, Black Corporate Executives: The Making and Breaking of a Black Middle Class (Philadelphia, 1997), 3—4; William H. Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America Since World War II, 6th ed. (New York, 2007), 431; Robin D. G. Kelley, “Into the Fire: 1970 to the Present” in Kelley and Earl Lewis, eds., To Make our World Anew: A History of African Americans (New York, 2000), 565—71. The occupational index of dissimilarity between black men and white men fell from 37 to 31 and that between black women and white women from 43 to 28. It would fall even more dramatically during the 1970s. Farley and Allen, The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America, 265.

65 Chafe, The Unfinished Journey, 423—26, 456, 466—67; William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago, 1987) and When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York, 1996), chaps. 1—5, appendix A; Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, chaps. 5—7; Christopher Jencks and Susan E. Mayer, “Residential Segregation, Job Proximity, and Black Job Opportunities” in Lawrence E. Lynn and Michael G. H. McGreary, eds., Inner-City Poverty in the United States (Washington DC, 1990), 187—222; Collins, Making and Breaking of a Black Middle Class, 5—6; also see Katz, ed., The “Underclass” Debate and Katz, Stern, and Fader, “The New African American Inequality,” 96.

66 In 1960, some 15 percent of black men over eighteen years of age were not participating in the labor force. That percentage would increase over the course of the twentieth century. Katz, Stern, and Fader, “The New African American Inequality,” 80—85, fig. 1, p. 82; John Blair and Rudy Fichtenbaum, “Changing Black Employment Patterns” in George C. Galster and Edward W. Hill, eds., The Metropolis in Black and White: Place, Power, and Polarization (New Brunswick NJ, 1992), 72—92; Wilson, Truly Disadvantaged; Sugrue, Origins of the Urban Crisis, chap. 5; Chafe, The Unfinished Journey, 424; Loïc J. D. Wacquant and William J. Wilson, “The Cost of Racial and Class Exclusion in the Inner City,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences 501 (1989), 8—25; Kelly, “Into the Fire” in Kelly and Lewis, eds., To Make Our World Anew, 562; William A. Darity, Jr., and Samuel L. Meyers, Jr., “The Impact of Labor Market Prospects on Incarceration Rates” in Robert Cherry and William M. Rodgers, III, eds., Prosperity for All? The Economic Boom and African Americans (New York, 2000), 279—307.

67 Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, 24—28; Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis, chaps. 2, 7; Patterson, Grand Expectations, 336—37, 382; Elijah Anderson, Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (Chicago, 1990), 56—76; Wilson, Truly Disadvantaged, 3—19; Kelly, “Into the Fire” in Kelly and Lewis, eds., To Make Our World Anew, 570—73. For the debate about the changing nature of inner-city African American life, see Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land: The Great Migration and How it Changed America (New York, 1991); Rhonda Y. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women’s Struggles Against Urban Inequality (New York, 2004); Sudhir A. Venkatesh, American Project: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto (Cambridge MA, 2000).

68 Andrew Wiese, Places of their Own: African American Suburbanization in the Twentieth Century (Chicago, 2004); Harold Rose, Black Suburbanization: Access to Improved Quality of Life or Maintenance of the Status Quo? (Cambridge, MA, 1976); Karl Taeuber, “The Negro Population in the United States” in Davis, ed., American Negro Reference Book, 130—34; John Logan, “The New Ethnic Enclaves in America’s Suburbs,” 2001, Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, www.S4.brown.edu/cen2000/suburban/SuburbanReport. The travail of the black middle class is outlined in Joe R. Feagin and Melvin P. Sikes, Living With Racism: The Black-Middle Class Experience (Boston, 1994).

69 Chafe, Unfinished Journey, 419—25; David M. Grant, Melvin L. Oliver, and Angela D. James, “African Americans: Social and Economic Bifurcation” in Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgmehr, eds., Ethnic Los Angeles (New York, 1996), 379—411.

70 Robin D. G. Kelley, Yo’ Mama’s Disfunktional!: Fighting the Culture Wars in Urban America (Boston, 1997); Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting‘Tilthe Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York, 2006).

71 Mellonee V. Burnim, “Religious Music” in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 61—73; Michael Harris, Rise of Gospel Blues: The Music of Thomas Andrew Dorsey in the Urban Church (New York, 1992); Bernice Johnson Reagon, ed., We’ll Understand It Better By and By: Pioneering African American Gospel Composers (Washington DC, 1992); Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1978), 174—89. A thoughtful meditation on the parsing of African American culture by class divisions can be found in Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “Rethinking Vernacular Culture: Black Religious and Race Records in the 1920s and 1930s” in Wahneema Lubiana, ed., The House That Race Built: Black American, U.S. Terrain (New York, 1997), 157—77.

72 David Evans, “Blues: A Chronological Overview” and Oehler, “The Blues in Transcultural Contexts” both in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 79—126; William Barlow, “Looking Up at Down”: The Emergence of Blues Culture (Philadelphia, 1989); Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness, 202—97. For the rise of the blues women, see Daphne Duval Harrison, Black Pearls: Blues Queens ofthe1920s (New Brunswick NJ, 1988).

73 Charles Keil, Urban Blues (Chicago, 1966); Evans, “Blues: A Chronological Overview” in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 79—126; Barlow, “Looking Up at Down,” chaps. 5—9.

74 Peter Guralnick, Dream Boogie: The Triumph of Sam Cooke (New York, 2005), 315—450; Brian Ward, Just My Soul Responding: Rhythm and Blues, Black Consciousness, and Race Relations (Berkeley CA, 1998), chap. 4; Portia K. Maultsby, “Rhythm and Blues” and “Soul” and Bernice Johnson Reagon, “Civil Rights Movement” all in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 245—91, 598—624.

75 Michael Taft, Talkin’to Myself:Blues Lyrics, 1921—1942 (New York, 2005).

76 Ingrid Monson, “Jazz, Chronological Overview” and Travis A. Jackson “Interpreting Jazz” both in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 145—184; Gilbert Chase, America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present, 3rd ed. (Urbana IL, 1987), chap. 28; Peretti, The Creation ofJazz;Paul F. Berliner, Thinking in Jazz: The Infinite Art of Improvisation (Chicago, 1994).

Chapter Five: Global Passages

1 David M. Reimers, Other Immigrants: The Global Origins of the American People (New York, 2005), esp. chap. 9; Karl E. Taeuber “The Negro Population in the United States” in John P. Davis, ed., The American Negro Reference Book (Englewood Cliffs NJ, 1966), 109; Philip Kasinitz, Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Politics of Race (Ithaca NY, 1992), chap. 1; Marilyn Halters, Between Race and Ethnicity: Cape Verdean American Immigrants, 1860—1965 (Chicago, 1993); quoted in Stanley Lieberson, “Selective Black Migration from the South: A Historical View” in Frank D. Bean and W. Parker Frisbiecorn, eds., The Demography of Racial and Ethnic Groups (New York, 1978), 122.

2 Aristide R. Zolberg, A Nation By Design: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America (Cambridge MA, 2006), 370—75. The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act established a 20,000 person per nation limit for the nations of the Eastern Hemisphere and with a total hemispheric allotment of 170,000 and a hemispheric limit for the Western Hemisphere of 120,000.

3 Zolberg, A Nation By Design, 326—33; Reimers, Other Immigrants, chap. 9, esp. 238; Dirk Hoerder, Cultures in Contact: World Migrations in the Second Millennium (Durham NC, 2002), 513—14.

4 Marilyn Halter, “Africa: West” in Mary C. Waters and Reed Ueda, eds., The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration since 1965 (Cambridge MA, 2007), 283-84; Abdi Kusow, “Africa: East” in ibid., 297—98. Halter, “Africa: West” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 283, suggests an undercount of immigrants in the United States. For the census category of “Hispanics—origins, of all races,” see Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, 525. In 2000, 11 percent of the foreign-born population from Latin America was black and some 3 percent was both Hispanic and black.

5 Mary C. Waters and Reed Ueda, “Introduction” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 5; John R. Logan and Glenn Deane, “Black Diversity in Metropolitan America,” Lewis Munford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, Aug. 15, 2003, 12; http://w3.uchastings.edu/wingate/PDF/Black_Diversity_final.pdf.

6 Waters and Ueda, “Introduction” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 5.

7 Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, 528; Sarah Collinson, Beyond Borders: Western European Migration Policy Towards the 21st Century (London, 1993), 36—37; April Gordon, “The New Diaspora—African Immigration to the United States,” Journal of Third World Studies 15 (1998), 84—85.

8 U.S. Department of Justice, Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (Washington DC, 1991, 1995); Reimers, Other Immigrants, 232—33, 250—60; Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 19—31; Milton Vickerman, Crosscurrents: West Indian Immigrants and Race (New York, 1999), 64; Calvin B. Holder, “West Indies: Antigua, Bahamas, Barbados, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guyana, Martinique, St. Kitts, Trinidad” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 675; Flore Zéphir, The Haitian Americans (Westport CT, 2004), chap. 4; Howard Dotson and Sylviane A. Diouf, In Motion: The African-American Migration Experience (New York, 2004), 176—83.

9 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 10; David Dixon, “Characteristics of the African Born in the United States” (January 2006); Elizabeth Grieco, “The African Foreign Born in the United States” (September 2004), and Jill Wilson, “African-born Residents of the United States” (August 2000), all in Migration Information Source (www.migrationinformation.org); Violet M. Showers Johnson, “‘What, Then, Is the African American?’ African and Afro-Caribbean Identities in Black America,” Journal of American Ethnic History 28 (2008), 82—83; Reimers, Other Immigrants, 232—33, 242; Halter, “Africa: West” and Kusow, “Africa: East” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 283, 296; John A. Arthur, The African Diaspora in the United States and Europe: The Ghanaian Experience (Burling-ton VT, 2008), 2—4. In 1960, about 35,000 Africans had registered in the United States. U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 10. Approximately 71,000 Ethiopians, 68,000 Ghanaians, 44,000 Kenyans, 43,000 Liberians, and 37,000 Somalis resided in the United States in 2000.

10 Dotson and Diouf, In Motion, 200. Similar undercounts of black immigrants from the Caribbean, especially Haitians: see Flore Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants in Black America: A Sociological and Sociolinguistic Portrait (Westport CT, 1996), 8, and Zéphir, Haitian Americans, chap. 4; Anthony V. Catanese, Haitian: Migration and Diaspora (Boulder CO, 1999), 87; John Logan, “Who Are the Other African-Americans? Contemporary African and Caribbean Immigrants in the United States” in Yoku Shaw-Taylor and Steven Tuch, eds., The Other African Americans: Contemporary African and Caribbean Immigrants in the United States (Lanham MD, 2007), 49—53.

11 Kofi K. Apraku, African Émigrés in the United States: A Missing Link in Africa’s Social and Economic Development (New York, 1991), chaps. 1, 4—5. That sojourners composed a large portion of the fourth passage does not distinguish them from previous generations of European immigrants, some 30 percent of whom also returned home. See Frank Thistlewaite, “Migration from Europe Overseas in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries” in Rudolph J. Vecoli and Suzanne M. Sinke, A Century of European Migrations, 1830—1930 (Urbana IL, 1991) and Mark Wyman, Round Trip America: The Immigrants Return to Europe, 1880—1930 (Ithaca NY, 1993).

12 Paul Stoller, Money Has No Smell: The Africanization of New York (Chicago, 2002); Arthur, African Diaspora, especially chaps. 3, 9; Reimers, Other Immigrants, 234—35: quoted in Francois Pierre-Louis, Jr., Haitians in New York City: Transnationalism and Hometown Associations (Gainesville FL, 2006), 1; also Michael J. Piore, Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor in Industrial Societies (Cambridge UK, 1979), 65.

13 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 27; Dixon, “Characteristics of the African Born in the United States.”

14 Reimers, Other Immigrants, chap. 9; Arthur, African Diaspora, 75-76; Halter, “Africa: West” and Kusow, “Africa: East” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 284—86 and 296; Agyemang Attah-Poku, The Socio-Cultural Adjustment: The Role of Ghanaian Immigrant Associations in America (Brookview VT, 1996) chap. 3.

15 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 37, 41; Reimers, Other Immigrants, 235—36, 246—47; F. Nii-Amoo Dodoo, “Assimilation Differences among Africans in America,” Social Forces 76 (1997), 527—46; Dixon, “Characteristics of the African Born in the United States”; Kusow, “Africa: East” and Holder, “West Indies” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 296—302 and 676,682—85; Apraku, African Émigrés, chap. 1.

16 Reimers, Other Immigrants, 237—38; Kusow, “Africa: East” and Lisa Konczal and Alex Stepick, “Haiti” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 301—2 and 445—57.

17 U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 47; Vickerman, Crosscurrents, chap. 2, esp. 67—75; Kristin F. Butcher, “Black Immigrants in the United States: A Comparison with Native Blacks and Other Immigrants,” Industrial Relations Review 47 (1994), 265—84; F. Nii-Amoo Dodoo and Baffour K. Takyi, “Africans in the Diaspora: Black-White Earnings Differences among America’s Africans,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, 25 (2002); Dixon, “Characteristics of the African Born in the United States”; Halter, “Africa: West” and Kusow, “Africa: East” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 291—93 and 299—300. For an excellent discussion of immigrant entrepreneurial activities in one city, see Marilyn Halter, ed., New Migrants in the Marketplace: Boston’s Ethnic Entrepreneurs (Amherst MA, 1995), esp. chaps. 4, 8. Mary C. Waters traces the long debate over the comparative success of Afro-West Indian immigrants and African American natives from the work of Ira de A. Reid (The Negro Immigrant: His Background Characteristics and Social Adjustment, 1899—1937 [New York, 1939]) early in the twentieth century through Thomas Sowell (“Three Black Histories” in Sowell, Essays and Data on American Ethnic Groups [Washington DC, 1978]), Dennis Forsythe (“Black Immigrants and the American Ethos: Theories and Observations” in Roy S. Bryce-Laporte and Delores M. Mortimer, eds., Caribbean Immigrants in the United States [Washington DC, 1976], 55—62), Stephen Steinberg (The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America [Boston, 1989]), Suzanne Model (“Caribbean Immigrants: A Black Successful Story,” International Migration Review 25 [1991], 248—76), and Jennifer L. Hochschild (Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation [Princeton NJ, 1995]), and adds her own analysis in Waters, Black Identities: West Indian Immigrants Dreams and American Realities (Cambridge MA, 1999), chap. 4. Also see Vickerman, Crosscurrents, 74—75.

18 Wilson, “African-born Residents of the United States,” Aug. 1, 2000, Migration Information Source (www.migrationinformantion.org); Baffour K. Takyi and Kwame Safo Boate, “Location and Settlement Patterns of African Immigrants in the U.S.: Demographic and Spatial Context” in Kwadwo Konadu-Agyemang, Baffour K. Takyi, and John Arthur, eds., The New African Diaspora in North America (Lanham MD, 2006), 50—68. Also William Finnegan, “New in Town: The Somalis of Lewiston,” The New Yorker, Dec. 11, 2006, 46—58.

19 Waters, Black Identities, 22—23; Jon D. Holtzman, NuerJourneys,Nuer Lives: Sudanese Refugees in Minnesota, 2nd ed. (Boston, 2007), chap. 2.

20 In 2000, 95 percent of Africans lived in metropolitan areas, with almost halfliving in ten cities, with the New York and Washington metropolitan areas having the largest agglomerations of Africans. U.S. Census Bureau, Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000 (Washington DC, 2001), 16—18; Wilson, “African-born Residents of the United States,” Aug. 1, 2000, Migration Information Source (www.migrationinformantion.org); Halter, “Africa: West” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 291—93, 299—300; Logan and Deane, “Black Diversity in Metropolitan American,” 1. For the immigrant population, see Reuel Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?’: Afro-Caribbean Immigrants, African Americans, and the Politics of Group Identity” in Nancy Foner, ed., Islands in the City: West Indian Migration to New York (Berkeley CA, 2001), 163—64; Reimers, Other Immigrants, 246—48.

21 Calvin B. Holder, “West Indies” in Waters and Eeda, eds., The New Americans, 291—93, 299—300, 675—86.

22 Reimers, Other Immigrants, 243—44; Logan and Deane, “Black Diversity in Metropolitan America,” 4.

23 Arthur, African Diaspora, 51—55; New York City Department of Planning, “Newest New Yorkers: Immigrant New York in the New Millennium” (2004), www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/census/nny.shtml; Marieme O. Daff, “Little Senegal: African in Harlem, Malcolm X Boulevard, America’s Dakar” (www.africultures.com/anglais/article_anglais/44senegal.htm); Jon D. Holtzman, NuerJourneys, Nuer Lives: Sudanese Refugees in Minnesota, 2nd ed. (Boston, 2008).

24 Arthur, African Diaspora, chap. 6; Agyemang Attah-Poku, The Socio-Cultural Adjustment Question: The Role of Ghanaian Immigrant Associations in America (Brookview VT, 1996), chaps. 4—6. For a discussion of “hometown associations,” see Pierre-Louis, Haitians in New York City.

25 Reimers, Other Immigrants, 245—46, 252—54.

26 Mary Waters, Black Identities, quoted on 47—48 and 57. For a sociological explication of this same phenomena, see Vickerman, Crosscurrents, 9—12.

27 James R. Grossman, Ann Durkin Keating, and Janice L. Reiff, eds., The Encyclopedia of Chicago (Chicago, 2004), 21, 281, 446, 476, 771, 775.

28 Hoerder, Cultures in Contact, 551; Johnson, “‘What, Then, Is the African American?’ ” 84—87.

29 Arthur, African Diaspora, chaps. 5—6. On Diallo, see various articles online in the New York Times (www.nytimes.com).

30 Reimers, Other Immigrants, 253—54; Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,’ ” 182—83; Vickerman, Crosscurrents, chap. 2.

31 Milton Vickerman, “Tweaking a Monolith: The West Indian Immigrant Encounter with ‘Blackness,”’ in Foner, ed., Islands in the City, 237—56.

32 James T. Campbell, Middle Passages:African American Journeysto Africa, 1787—2005 (New York, 2006); Penny Von Eschen, Satchmo Blows Up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge MA, 2004); Robin D. G. Kelley, “‘But a Local Phase of a World Problem’: Black History’s Global Vision, 1883—1950,” Journal of American History 86 (1999), 1045—77; Zachary Williams et al., “A History of Black Immigration in the United States” in Rachael Ida Buff, ed., Immigrant Rights in the Shadow of Citizenship (New York, 2008), 171; quoted in Tampa Tribune, 15 May 1998.

33 Arthur, African Diaspora, chap. 5; Holtzman, NuerJourneys, 117—19.

34 Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?’ ”; Louis, Haitians in New York City, 21—23, 117—34; quoted in Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants in Black America, 53; Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,”’ 165—67, 174—76.

35 Expressing a sense of privilege that residence in the United States provided, a Ghanaian immigrant observed, “I could not afford a car, television, or even a one-bedroom to lay my head at night when I was in Ghana. I drive a good used car, able to educate my children, and I have some money left to remit home. I do made much but even in this status, I earn more than what over 70 per cent of Ghanaians at home earn,” Arthur, African Diaspora, 78; quoted in Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants, 70, and Haitian Immigrants in Black America, 127.

36 Mary C. Waters, “Ethnic and Racial Groups in the USA: Conflict and Cooperation” in Kumar Rupesinghe and Valley Tishkov, eds., Ethnicity and Power in the Contemporary World (London, 1996); Vickerman, Crosscurrents, chap. 4.

37 Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,”’ 178, 186—87.

38 Milton Vickerman, “Tweaking a Monolith: The West Indian Immigrant Encounter with ‘Blackness,”’ in Foner, ed., Islands in the City, 237—56; “Jamaicans: Balancing Race and Ethnicity” in Foner, ed., The New Immigrants in New York; Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants, 86—94; quoted in Arthur, African Diaspora, 72—73, and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 20, 2006.

39 Quoted in Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?,”’ 178, 163. Rogers was referring to Afro-Caribbeans in New York City but his remarks can easily be extended to the United States at large. Also see Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants, chap. 4; Johnson, “‘What, Then, Is the African American?,”’ 77—103.

40 Tracie Reddick, “Africans vs. African-Americans: A Shared Complexion Does Not Guarantee Racial Solidarity,” www.library.yale.edu/~fboateng/akata.htm; Johnson, “‘What, Then, Is the African American?,’ 94—95; Harvard Crimson, Mar. 9, 2007; Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, www.jbhe.com/news_views/56_race_sensitive_not_helping.html; for other conflicts over resources, see Rogers, ”‘Black Like Who?’ ” Although subject to considerable debate, economists have generally agreed that, at least in the short term, immigration, although not specifically black immigration, “has harm[ed] the earnings and employment of African Americans”: Steven Shulman, ed., The Impact of Immigration on African Americans (New Brunswick NJ, 2004), quoted on xii.

41 Ibid.; and quoted in New York Amsterdam News, Feb. 3—9, 2005; Tracie Reddick, “Africans vs. African-Americans: A Shared Complexion Does Not Guarantee Racial Solidarity,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 20, 2006.

42 Logan and Deane, “Black Diversity in Metropolitan America,” 4—13; Rogers, “‘Black Like Who?’”; Kusow, “Africa: East” in Waters and Ueda, eds., The New Americans, 291—93, 299—300; Zéphir, The Haitian Americans, 129—30; Arthur, African Diaspora, 79; Lynette Clemetson, “For Schooling, A Reverse Emigration to Africa,” New York Times, Sept. 4, 2003; Zephir, Haitian Immigrants, 74—76, quoted in 71.

43 Trica Rose, Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America (Hanover NH, 1994), chap. 1—2; Dawn M. Norfleet, “Hip-Hop and Rap” in Mellonee V. Burnim and Portia K. Maultsby, eds., African American Music: An Introduction (New York, 2006), 353—57; Nelson George, Hip-Hop America (New York, 1998); Jeff Chang, Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip-Hop Generation (New York, 2005) Kelley, “Into the Fire,” 583—90; Fernando Orejueda, “Hip Hop” in William Ferris and Glenn Hinson, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture, forthcoming. I would like to thank Bill Ferris for sharing this reference.

44 Rose, Black Noise; Norfleet, “Hip-Hop and Rap” in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 57—68; Nelson George, Hip-Hop America (New York, 1998); Chang, Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip-Hop Generation; Kelley, “Into the Fire,” 583—90.

45 Rose, Black Noise; Norfleet, “Hip-Hop and Rap” in Burnim and Maultsby, eds., African American Music, 68—71; Nelson George, Hip-Hop America (New York, 1998); Chang, Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip-Hop Generation; Kelley, “Into the Fire,” 583—90; Orejueda “Hip Hop” in Ferris and Hinson, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture, forthcoming. The antisocial tradition runs deep in African American culture; see especially the story of Stagger Lee, which became a standard of nervous blues musicians. Cecil Brown, Stagolee Shot Billy (Cambridge MA, 2003).

46 Rose, Black Noise, 10—11.

47 Jennifer V. Jackson and Mary E. Cothran, “Black Versus Black: The Relationship Among African, African American and African Caribbean Persons,” Journal of Black Studies 33 (2003), 576—604.

48 Rogers, ”‘Black Like Who?,“’ 171—79, quoted on 178; Arthur, African Diaspora, chap. 5, esp. 69—71; Philip Kasinitz, Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Politics of Race (Ithaca NY, 1992); Zéphir, Haitian Immigrants, 78—82. Another student of West Indian immigrants in the United States notes that West Indians are “profoundly uncomfortable dealing with race, because, despite a history of colonialism, their societies socialize them to ignore it”; Vickerman, Crosscurrents, ix. 49 Rogers, “Black Like Who?” on people sharing multiple identities, 166—67.

Prologue

Chapter One: Movement and Place in the African American Past

Chapter Two: The Transatlantic Passage

Chapter Three: The Passage to the Interior

Chapter Four: The Passage to the North

Chapter Five: Global Passages

Epilogue