Chapter 7: Limits to Empire
1. Dio 56.28.1: τήν τε προστασίαν τῶν κοινῶν τὴν δεκέτιν τὴν πέμπτην ἄκων δὴ ὁ Αὔγουστος ἔλαβε.
2. Dio 55.33.5: τὰς δὲ δὴ πρεσβείας τάς τε παρὰ τῶν δήμων καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων ἀφικνουμένας τρισὶ τῶν ὑπατευκότων ἐπέτρεψεν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοὺς χωρὶς ἕκαστον καὶ διακούειν τινῶν καὶ ἀπόκρισιν αὐτοῖς διδόναι, πλὴν τῶν ὅσα ἀναγκαῖον ἦν τήν τε βουλὴν καὶ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιδιακρίνειν; and 56.25.7.
3. Vell. Pat. 2.121.1: ut aequum ei ius in omnibus provinciis exercitibusque esset; Suet., Tib. 21.1; cf. Dio 55.13.2n.
4. He had held it since 4 CE.
5. Suet., Tib. 9.2; cf. Vell. Pat. 2.121.1–2.
6. Dio 57.3.1.
7. Drinkwater (1983), p.21.
8. Tab. Siar. Frag. 1.12: ordinato statu Galliarum.
9. Tab. Siar. Frag. 1.12; Suet., Cal. 8.3; Vell. Pat. 2.123.1. See Syme (1978), p. 58 and n. 5 and 6.
10. See Syme (1978), pp. 58–61;
11. Vell. Pat. 2.123.1: Quippe Caesar Augustus cum Germanicum nepotem suum reliqua belli patraturum misisset in Germaniam.
12. Vell. Pat. 2.123.1: Tiberium autem filium missurus esset in Illyricum ad firmanda pace quae bello subegerat.
13. Suet., Div. Aug. 97.3.
14. Dio 56.29.2.
15. Suet., Div. Aug. 98.2: Forte Puteolanum sinum praetervehenti vectores nautaeque de navi Alexandrina, quae tantum quod appulerat, candidati coronatique et tura libantes fausta omina et eximias laudes congesserant, per illum se vivere, per illum navigare, libertate atque fortunis per illum frui. Presumably his personal German guard and a cohort of Praetorians attended him.
16. Suet., Div. Aug. 98.
17. Suet., Div. Aug. 98.1 and 98.5; Dio 56.29.2.
18. Suet., Div. Aug. 98.5.
19. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.1: his natural father, C. Octavius Thurinus, also died in the room.
20. Suet., Div. Aug. 98.5; cf. Dio 56.31.1, who says Tiberius was already in Dalmatia according to some reputable sources, but that others insist he was actually with Augustus in his last hours, which is the version favoured by Suet., Div. Aug. 98.5, Tib. 21.1; Vell. Pat. 2.123.1–2; Tac., Ann. 1.5.3–4.
21. Dio 56.30.3; Suet., Div. Aug. 99.1.
22. Dio 56.29.5; cf. Dio 51.1.1. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.1 reverses the numbers to state Augustus would have been 76 had he lived another 35 days. On the dating see Swan (2004), pp. 304–05.
23. Dio 56.31.1: Dio relates the allegation that the news of Augustus’ death was withheld until Tiberius arrived. Tac., Ann. 1.5.3–4 alleges Livia worked secretly to ensure her son’s succession was trouble-free.
24. Suet., Div. Aug. 99.2: Unum omnino ante efflatam animam signum alienatae mentis ostendit, quod subito pavefactus a quadraginta se iuvenibus abripi questus est. Id quoque magis praesagium quam mentis deminutio fuit, siquidem totidem milites praetoriani extulerunt eum in publicum.
25. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.2; Dio 56.31.2.
26. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.2; Dio 56.34.2–3.
27. Suet., Tib. 23. See Levick (1976), p. 69–70 and n. 4.
28. Dio 56.31.3.
29. Dio 56.32.1. Suet., Div. Aug. 101.1: with Augustus, Polybius and another freedman Hilarion had each handwritten parts of the will.
30. Suet., Div. Aug. 101.2: praetorianis militibus singula milia nummorum, cohortibus urbanis quingenos, legionaris trecenos nummos: quam summam repraesentari iussit, nam et confiscatam semper repositamque habuerat. Cf. Dio 56.32.2: καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς μὲν δορυφόροις κατὰ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας δραχμάς, τοῖς δ᾽ ἀστικοῖς τὴν ἡμίσειαν, τῷ τε λοιπῷ τῷ πολιτικῷ πλήθει πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα δοθῆναι ἐκέλευσε . For the estimate see Champlin (1989), p. 160.
31. Dio 56.33.1–6 says there were four books; Suet., Div. Aug. 101.4 says there were three; Tac., Ann. 1.11.1–4 mentions just two.
32. Tac., Ann. 1.11.1–4 does not mention this document.
33. Dio 56.33.1; cf. Tac., Ann. 1.11.1–4 does not mention this document.
34. Suet., Div. Aug. 101.4: tertio breviarium totius imperii.
35. Dio 56.33.2: τὸ τρίτον τά τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τὰ τῶν προσόδων τῶν τε ἀναλωμάτων τῶν δημοσίων, τό τε πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς χρημάτων, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα ἐς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν φέροντα ἦν ; cf. Tac, Ann. 1.11.4: sua manu perscripserat. It was read out – perhaps for a second time – on 17 September: see Swan (2004), pp. 314–18, for a review of issues in reconciling the various accounts into a cogent chronology.
36. App., Bell. Civ. 1.105–106.
37. Dio 56.34.2.
38. Dio 56.34.2–3. The imago of Iulius Caesar was absent because he was a divinity. As Swan (2004), p. 340, notes, the use of designati as pall bearers was unique. Equestrians had carried the body of Nero Claudius Drusus: see Ch. 4, n. 145.
39. Dio 56.34.4; cf. Polyb. 6.54.1–2.
40. Dio 56.34.1–41.9; Suet., Div. Aug. 100.3.
41. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.3 says the body was carried on the shoulders of senators | ac senatorum umeris delatus. The bier normally followed the procession of the imagines, cf. Tac., Ann. 3.76.2.
42. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.2; cf. Arce, Funus 46–47. C. Asinius Gallus, consul 8 BCE, had proposed the route.
43. Dio 56.34.2.
44. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.2; Tac., Ann. 1.8.3. The Porta Triumphalis, ‘Triumphal Gate’, has never been located. On the distinction between the sphere where civilian law (domi) and martial law (militiae) applied see Drogula (2015), pp. 47–56.
45. Dio 56.42.2; Strabo, Geog. 5.236.
46. See Swan (2004), pp. 341–42, for different interpretations of Dio 56.42.2.
47. Dio 56.42.2; cf. Suet., Div. Iul. 84.4. For Roman military decorations see Maxfield (1981), pp. 55–100.
48. Dio 56.42.3 states that an eagle was released at this moment, but the story is problematic: neither Suetonius nor Tacitus mention it in their accounts. Instead Suet., Div. Aug. 100.2: a man of pretorian rank affirmed upon oath, that he saw his spirit ascend from the funeral pile to heaven | nec defuit vir praetorius, qui se effigiem cremati euntem in caelum vidisse iuraret. See Swan (2004), pp. 343–44.
49. Dio 56.42.4; cf. Suet., Div. Aug. 100.4. The ashes of Augustus joined those of Marcellus (Dio 53.30.5), Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus (54.28.5) and M. Agrippa (55.2.3).
50. Suet., Tib. 24.1: the statione militum was presumably one or more units of the Praetorian Cohorts, though it could have possibly been the Germani Corporis Custodes; cf. Dio 57.2.3.
51. Suet., Tib. 24.1; cf. Tib. 26.2.
52. Tac., Ann. 1.11.
53. See Corbett (1974), pp. 95–96.
54. Tac., Ann. 1.12–13; Suet., Tib. 25.3 and 38. See Charlesworth (1923).
55. Suet., Tib. 22.
56. Suet., Tib. 25.1, 25.3.
57. Suet., Tib. 25.1, 25.3.
58. Tac., Ann. 1.14.
59. Tac., Ann. 1.31, 1.37.
60. Tac., Ann. 1.31, 1.37–39, 1.45.
61. Tac., Ann. 1.35.
62. Tac., Ann. 1.36.
63. Tac., Ann. 1.34.
64. Tac., Ann. 1.35.
65. Tac., Ann. 1.35; Suet., Tib. 25.2.
66. Tac., Ann. 1.36.
67. Tac., Ann. 1.31: vernacula multitudo, nuper acto in urbe dilectu. From them it had spread to the other legions. Cf. Dio 57.5.4.
68. Dio 57.5.3; Tac., Ann. 1.37.
69. Tac., Ann. 1.45.
70. Suet., Tib. 25.2.
71. This Blaesus was not the suffect consul of 10 CE. Tac., Ann. 1.16. See Syme (1986), p. 144, n. 19.
72. Tac., Ann. 1.18–19.
73. Tac., Ann. 1.18–19.
74. Tac., Ann. 1.20.
75. Tac., Ann. 1.21–2.
76. Tac., Ann. 1.23.
77. Tac., Ann. 1.23.
78. Tac., Ann. 1.24.
79. Tac., Ann. 1.25.
80. Tac., Ann. 1.26–27.
81. Tac., Ann. 1.28.
82. Tac., Ann. 1.28–29.
83. Tac., Ann. 1.30.
84. Tac., Ann. 1.39.
85. Dio 57.5.6.
86. Dio 57.5.6; Tac., Ann. 1.39.
87. Tac., Ann. 1.39.
88. Tac., Ann. 1.41; Suet., Calig. 9.
89. Dio 57.5.7; Tac., Ann. 1.44.
90. Tac., Ann. 1.48.
91. Tac., Ann. 1.49.
92. Tac., Ann. 1.49.
93. CIL XIV, 3602 (Tibur) = ILS 950.
94. Tac., Ann. 1.50. See Ch. 6, n. 281.
95. Tac., Ann. 1.51.
96. Cf. Suet., Div. Iul. 67.2; Frontinus, Strategemata 1.9.4.
97. Suet., Calig. 4.
98. Dio 57.4.2, 57.6.4–5; Tac., Ann. 1.52.
Chapter 8: Assessment
1. RG 13.
2. ‘Autocrat’: Levick (2010), p. 311. ‘Between citizen and king’: Wallace-Hadrill (1982). ‘Monarch’: Alston (2015), p. 299; Bleicken (2015), pp. 612–13; the term preferred by Dio 53.17.1–2 but detested by the Romans themselves. Kienast (2009). ‘Military dictator’: Goldsworthy (2014), p. 478. ‘Rome’s first emperor’: Everett (2006). ‘Warlord’: Goldsworthy (2014), pp. 480–81; Fuhrmann (2010), p. 123. ‘Monarchy’: Alston (2015), p. 299; Bleicken (2015), p. 613. ‘Military regime’: Alston (2015), pp. 242–43.
3. Bleicken (2015), p. 613.
4. Dio 53.17.4; Tac., Ann. 1.1. See Ch. 2, n. 148.
5. Syme (1939a), pp. 311–13.
6. Alston (2015), p. 300.
7. Annals in Latin available to Augustus in his youth would have likely included those of Q. Fabius Pictor, Cn. Gellius, P. Mucius Scaevola and Sempronius Asellio. Their books, now mostly lost, only survive as fragments or as references in other written accounts. The works of Livy and Sallust were yet to be written. Augustus could also read Greek and would likely have had access to Herodotus and Thucydides. The influential Greek philosopher and natural scientist Aristotle wrote there was truth in the saying that he who has never learned to obey cannot be a good commander (Aristotle, Politics 3.1277b).
8. Polybius, Hist. 31.29.1: λοιποῦ δ᾽ ὄντος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀνδρείαν μέρους καὶ κυριωτάτου σχεδὸν ἐν πάσῃ μὲν πολιτείᾳ μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ, μεγίστην ἔδει καὶ τὴν ἄσκησιν περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ποιήσασθαι .
9. E.g. Asklepiodotos’ Taktika. For a discussion of ancient military handbooks see Campbell (1987).
10. Plutarch, Sulla 6.6, 14.1, 14.6, 17.1, 23.2, 37.1. The greatest extant Roman war reports are, without doubt, Iulius Caesar’s Commentaries on the Gallic War and Commentaries on the Civil War.
11. Listed as leadership traits by the Army of the United States in FM 6–22 (2006), pp. 2–4.
12. Army Regulations 600–100 (2007), p. 1. For a discussion of leadership in war see Vermillion (1987).
13. Galinsky (2012), pp. 23, 48 and 179.
14. For a discussion of the importance of the allusion for Augustus to Aeneas see Alston (2015), pp. 294–97; Galinksy (2012), pp. 144–48; and Hard (2003), p. 594.
15. Wardle (2005), pp. 190–91.
16. Tac., Ann. 1.9–10.
17. For a discussion of how the image of Kleopatra changed under Augustus see Wyke (2009).
18. Gruen (1996), p. 189.
19. RG 34: postquam bella civilia oxstinxeram, perconsensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex pea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.
20. On the evolution of the legal meaning of the term provincia see Drogula (2015), esp. pp. 346–68.
21. Drogula (2015), p. 308, notes this extended command also had precedents in Scipio Africanus (203 BCE), Antonius Creticus (74 BCE), Pompeius Magnus (77 BCE) and Acilius Glabrio (67 BCE).
22. RG 3.
23. Adapted from Peter Feaver, ‘What is Grand Strategy and Why Do We Need it?’, Foreign Policy, 8 April 2009 (online at http://foreignpolicy.com/2009/04/08/what-is-grand-strategy-and-whydo-we-need-it/ (accessed 29 February 2016))
24. Dio 53.19.2–4: πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἔς τε τὴν βουλὴν καὶ ἐς τὸν δῆμον πάντα, καὶ εἰ πόρρω που συμβαίη, ἐσεφέρετο: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πάντες τε αὐτὰ ἐμάνθανον καὶ πολλοὶ συνέγραφον, κἀκ τούτου καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια αὐτῶν, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα καὶ φόβῳ τινὰ καὶ χάριτι φιλίᾳ τε καὶ ἔχθρᾳ τισὶν ἐρρήθη, παρὰ γοῦν τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς τὰ αὐτὰ γράψασι τοῖς τε ὑπομνήμασι τοῖς δημοσίοις τρόπον τινὰ εὑρίσκετο. ἐκ δὲ δὴ τοῦ χρόνου ἐκείνου τὰ μὲν πλείω κρύφα καὶ δι᾽ ἀπορρήτων γίγνεσθαι ἤρξατο, εἰ δέ πού τινα καὶ δημοσιευθείη, ἀλλὰ ἀνεξέλεγκτά γε ὄντα ἀπιστεῖται: καὶ γὰρ λέγεσθαι καὶ πράττεσθαι πάντα πρὸς τὰ τῶν ἀεὶ κρατούντων τῶν τε παραδυναστευόντων σφίσι βουλήματα ὑποπτεύεται. καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο πολλὰ μὲν οὐ γιγνόμενα θρυλεῖται, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ πάνυ συμβαίνοντα ἀγνοεῖται, πάντα δὲ ὡς εἰπεῖν ἄλλως πως ἢ ὡς πράττεται διαθροεῖται. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς μέγεθος τό τε τῶν πραγμάτων πλῆθος δυσχερεστάτην τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτῶν παρέχεται .
25. Millar (1982), p. 2; Kagan (2006), pp. 352–54.
26. Livy, AUC 36.7.21: de ratione universi belli. For a discussion on terminology see Wheeler (1993b), pp. 217–18.
27. Harris (1979), p. 252.
28. Harris (1979), p. 253.
29. Harris (1979), p. 254. Mary Beard notes, ‘it was a culture in which it wasn’t war that broke out; it was peace that broke out’ (online at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCIfRY8wzfE – accessed 29 February 2016).
30. E.g. Plut., Crass. 18. For a discussion see Harris (1979), p. 252.
31. RG 1; cf. 35.
32. Gruen (1996), p. 188.
33. For a discussion of critical views of Luttwak see Wheeler (1993a and 1993b) discussing works by Issacs (1990), Mann (1974), Millar (1982) and Whittaker (1994).
34. Evolving strategy: Galinsky (2012), p. 89; Rich (2002), p. 164. Pragmatism: Gruen (1996), critiqued by Galinsky (2012), p. 88.
35. Gruen (1996), p. 188.
36. Luttwak (1996), pp. 7–50. For critiques of his ‘three system’ model see Campbell (2010); Kagan (2006); and Wheeler (1993a and 1993b).
37. Luttwak (1976), pp. 49–50.
38. Luttwak (1976), p. 192.
39. For other authors supporting this view see Gruen (1996), p. 194, n. 255.
40. Wheeler (1993a), p. 24.
41. Syme (1934b), p. 353; Wells (1972), p. 249.
42. For a discussion of Roman frontiers see Elton (1996), esp. p. 4 and 111; cf. Wheeler (1993a), p. 25.
43. RG 26: Omnium provinciarum populi Romani, quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes quae non parerent imperio nostro, fines auxi.
44. Galinsky (2012), p. 88; Gruen (1996), p. 189. On the role of policy in grand strategy see Kagan (2006), p. 348.
45. For a discussion of the comparison see Adams Holland (1947) and Avery (1957).
46. Gruen (1996), pp. 188–89.
47. Galinsky (2012), p. 89; Rich (2002), p. 154.
48. Tac., Ann. 1.9: mari Oceano aut amnibus longinquis saeptum.
49. Tac., Ann. 1.11: addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii.
50. For a full discussion of Augustus’ diplomacy with Parthia see Campbell (1993), pp. 213–28.
51. App., Bell. Civ. 2.110. Plut., Brut. 25; Caes. 58. Suet., Div. Iul. 44.
52. Joseph., Ant. Iud. 18.39–43. The slave girl Musa (or Mousa) was elevated by Frahâta to the status of most favoured wife; she bore him a son, known as Frahâtak or Phraataces (‘Little Phraates’) – an ancient romance with a fairy tale ending.
53. RG 27: Armeniam maiorum, interfecto rege eius Artaxe, cum possem facere provinciam, malui maiorum nostrorum exemplo regnum id Tigrani, regis Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigranis regis, per Ti. Neronem trader, qui tum mihi privignus erat. Et eandem gentem postea desciscentem et rebellantem domitam per Gaium filium meum regi Ariobarzani, regis Medorum Artabazi filio, regendam tradidi et post eius mortem filio eius Artavasdi. Quo interfecto, Tigranem qui erat ex regio genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id regnum misi.
54. Mattern (1999), p. 122 and 171; Gruen (1996), pp. 192–97.
55. Mattern (1999), pp. 217–18; Dobson (2009), p. 25; Rich (2002), pp. 161–62.
56. Dobson (2009), p. 25. Hostages: Caes., Bell. Gall. 2.35.1, 3.27.1–2, 4.21.5, 4.27.1 and 5–6, 4.31.1, 4.38.3, 5.22.4, 5.23.1. Obses also means a guarantee. Weapons: Caes., Bell. Gall. 1.27.3, 2.13.1, 2.31–33 (cf. 2.28.3), 3.22.1, 3.23.1, 7.12.3–4, 7.89.3.
57. RG 32; Suet., Div. Aug. 43.4. Significantly, ‘in his Res Gestae he wrote more about the pacification of Armenia and Parthia than of his policies in any other region’ notes Rose (2005), pp. 21–22.
58. Powell (2016).
59. Mattern (1999), pp. 175–76.
60. Mattern (1999), pp. 175–76 and 184–85.
61. Cicero, Off. 1.36: Ex quo intellegi potest nullum bellum esse iustum, nisi quod aut rebus repetitis geratur aut denuntiatum ante sit et indictum.
62. For a discussion of fetial law and ceremonial see Wiedemann (1986) and Powell (2010).
63. Suet., Div. Aug. 21.2: Nec ulli genti sine iustis et necessariis causis bellum intulit, tantumque afuit a cupiditate quoquo modo imperium vel bellicam gloriam augendi, ut quorundam barbarorum principes in aede Martis Ultoris iurare coegerit mansuros se in fide ac pace quam peterent, a quibusdam vero novum genus obsidum, feminas, exigere temptaverit, quod neglegere marum pignora sentiebat; et tamen potestatem semper omnibus fecit, quotiens vellent, obsides recipiendi. Neque aut crebrius aut perfidiosius rebellantis graviore umquam ultus est poena, quam ut captivos sub lege venundaret, ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricensimum annum liberarentur.
64. RG 3: Externas gentes, quibus tuto ignosci potuit, conservare quam excidere malui.
65. RG 27.
66. RG 26: Omnium provinciarum populi Romani, quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes quae non parerent imperio nostro, fines auxi. Gallias et Hispanias provincias, item Germaniam qua includit Oceanus a Gadibus ad ostium Albis fluminis pacavi. Alpes a regione ea, quae proxima est Hadriano mari, ad Tuscum pacari feci. nulli genti bello per iniuriam inlato. Cf. Tac., Ann. 1.9.
67. RG 26: Classis mea per Oceanum ab ostio Rheni ad solis orientis regionem usque ad fines Cimbrorum navigavit, ˜ quo neque terra neque mari quisquam Romanus ante id tempus adit, Cimbrique et Charydes et Semnones et eiusdem tractus alli Germanorum populi per legatos amicitiam mean et populi Romani petierunt.
68. RG 27: Aegyptum imperio populi Romani adieci.
69. Tac., Ann. 1.11: solam divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus. proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos.
70. Africa, Asia and Europe.
71. The insight is credited to A.D. Chandler Jr. (1962), Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of the American Industrial Enterprise, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
72. Drogula (2015), pp. 368–69. See also Ch. 2, n. 18. On the differences in duties of a deputy commander and his commander-in-chief see Caes., Bell. Civ. 3.51: ‘The duties of a legate and of a commander are different: the one ought to do everything under direction, the other should take measures freely in the general interest.’ | Aliae enim sunt legati partes atque imperatoris: alter omnia agere ad praescriptum, alter libere ad summam rerum consulere debet.
73. Drogula (2015), pp. 306–09 and 336.
74. Drogula (2015), pp. 310, 332–37.
75. Drogula (2015), pp. 309–10, who notes the Senate preferred to divide wars among several commanders with smaller jurisdictions, especially of those which could be lucrative, to avoid one man becoming wealthy from the assignment.
76. Dio 53.12.1–2, 53.13.4–7, 53.14.1–4; Strabo, Geog. 17.3.25; Suet., Div. Aug. 47.
77. Dio 53.13.2–3. Suet., Div. Aug. 36 notes Augustus introduced regulations that ‘magistrates should not be sent to the provinces immediately after laying down their office; that a fixed sum should be allowed the proconsuls for mules and tents, which it was the custom to contract for and charge to the State’ | ne magistratus deposito honore statim in provincias mitterentur, ut proconsulibus ad mulos et tabernacula, quae publice locari solebant.
78. Dio 53.13.3.
79. Ulpian, Dig. 1.18.13.pr. Pacata atque quieta.
80. Dio 53.13.5–6.
81. For a discussion of the army as a police force see Fuhrmann (2011), pp. 4–8.
82. Joseph., Bell. Iud. 2.117.
83. Dio 53.13.2–3; cf. Dio 55.28.1–2. Suet., Div. Aug 23.1.
84. Dio 53.13.2–4. Six fasces were normally the mark of a praetor. On the scholarly debate about the number of lictores assigned see Drogula (2015), pp. 335 and 369.
85. Dio 53.13.2–3.
86. Dio 53.13.2.
87. Joseph., Bell. Iud. 2.117, Ant. Iud. 18.1–2.
88. Drogula (2015), p. 370.
89. Tac., Ann. 1.3.
90. Syme (1939a), p. 360 and pp. 366–67.
91. Vell. Pat. 2.127.1–2: quibus novitas familiae haut obstitit quominus ad multiplicis consulatus triumphosque et complura eveherentur sacerdotia. Etenim magna negotia magnis adiutoribus egent interestque rei publicae quod usu necessarium est, dignitate eminere utilitatemque auctoritate muniri.
92. Tac., Ann. 1.3: domi res tranquillae, eadem magistratuum vocabula; iuniores post Actiacam victoriam, etiam senes plerique inter bella civium nati: quotus quisque reliquus qui rem publicam vidisset?
93. Syme (1939a), p. 328.
94. RG 8. See Syme (1939a), p. 362.
95. Suet., Div. Aug. 38.2: Liberis senatorum, quo celerius rei p. assuescerent, protinus a virili toga latum clavum induere et curiae interesse permisit militiamque auspicantibus non tribunatum modo legionum, sed et praefecturas alarum dedit; ac ne qui expers castrorum esset, binos plerumque laticlavios praeposuit singulis alis.
96. Syme (1939a), pp. 356–357 and 367.
97. Suet., Div. Aug. 46: Ac necubi aut honestorum deficeret copia aut multitudinis suboles, equestrem militiam petentis etiam ex commendatione publica cuiusque oppidi ordinabat.
98. Dio 52.25.7.
99. Suet., Div. Aug. 38.3.
100. Dio 55.9.10.
101. Suet., Div. Aug. 43.2: Sed et Troiae lusum edidit frequentissime maiorum minorumque puerorum, prisci decorique moris existimans clarae stirpis indolem sic notescere. In hoc ludicro Nonium Asprenatem lapsu debilitatum aureo torque donavit passusque est ipsum posterosque Torquati ferre cognomen.
102. Suet., Div. Aug. 25.4: Nihil autem minus perfecto duci quam festinationem temeritatemque convenire arbitrabatur. Crebro itaque illa iactabat: Σπευδε βραδέως. Ἀσφανς γἀρ ἐστ᾽ἀμείνον ή θρασὺς στρατηλάτης. Et: sat celeriter fieri quidquid fiat satis bene.
103. Suet., Div. Aug. 51.1.
104. Cic., Ad Att. 6.2.4; Cael. 18.42; de Nat. Deor. 2.37.92; 3.35.85; de Off. 3.25.96.
105. Agrippa: Powell (2015), p. 129, 150, 188 and 211. Tiberius: Cowan (2009), pp. 480–81, Levick??
106. Suet., Nero 4: Verum arrogans, profusus, immitis censorem L. Plancum via sibi decedere aedilis coegit; praeturae consulatusque honore equites R. matronasque ad agendum mimum produxit in scaenam. Venationes et in Circo et in omnibus urbis regionibus dedit munus etiam gladiatorium, sed tanta saevitia, ut necesse fuerit Augusto clam frustra monitum edicto coercere.
107. Suet., Div. Aug. 48. For the role of client kings see Braund (1984b), pp. 10–12 and 40–45.
108. Suet., Div. Aug. 38.1: Nec parcior in bellica virtute honoranda, super triginta ducibus iustos triumphos et aliquanto pluribus triumphalia ornamenta decernenda curavit.
109. Syme (1939a), p. 327.
110. E.g. ILS 918 (Tibur) = EJ 199.
111. Tac., Ann. 1.3.
112. For a discussion of the issues see Syme (1939a), pp. 308–09.
113. Suet., Div. Aug. 24.1: Disciplinam severissime rexit. Augustus frowned upon allowing officers to bring family members into army camps: ‘it was with great reluctance that he allowed even his legati to visit their wives, and then only in the winter season.’ | ne legatorum quidem cuiquam, nisi gravate hibernisque demum mensibus, permisit uxorem intervisere (Suet., Div. Aug. 24.1). Nevertheless, it seems Livia Drusilla often accompanied him on his travels.
114. Drogula (2015), pp. 48–49.
115. Suet., Div. Aug. 24.2: Decimam legionem contumacius parentem cum ignominia totam dimisit, item alias immodeste missionem postulantes citra commoda emeritorum praemiorum exauctoravit. Cohortes, si quae cessissent loco, decimatas hordeo pavit. Centuriones statione deserta, itidem ut manipulares, capitali animadversione puniit, pro cetero delictorum genere variis ignominis adfecit, ut stare per totum diem iuberet ante praetorium, interdum tunicatos discinctosque, nonnumquam cum decempedis, vel etiam cespitem portantes.
116. Suet., Div. Aug. 25.1: Neque post bella civilia aut in contione aut per edictum ullos militum commilitones appellabat, sed milites, ac ne a filiis quidem aut privignis suis imperio praeditis aliter appellari passus est, ambitiosius id existimans, quam aut ratio militaris aut temporum quies aut sua domusque suae maiestas postularet. Cf. Iulius Caesar’s use of quirites (‘citizens’) reported by Suet., Div. Iul. 70.
117. Suet., Div. Aug. 53.1; Orosius, Against the Pagans 6.22: domini appellationem ut homo declinauit.
118. Suet., Div. Aug. 67.1: Patronus dominusque non minus severus quam facilis et clemens multos libertorum in honore et usu maximo habuit, ut Licinum et Celadum aliosque. Though it should be noted Augustus never invited his freedman to dine with him, with the exception of one Menas: Suet., Div. Aug. 74.1.
119. Suet., Div. Aug. 51.1.
120. RG 3: victorque omnibus veniam petentibus civibus peperci.
121. Suet., Div. Aug. 67.1: Cosmum servum gravissime de se opinantem non ultra quam compedibus coercuit.
122. Suet., Div. Aug. 67.1.
123. Suet., Div. Aug. 66.2.
124. Suet., Div. Aug. 66.3.
125. Suet., Div. Aug. 25.4: Proelium quidem aut bellum suscipiendum omnino negabat, nisi cum maior emolumenti spes quam damni metus ostenderetur. Nam minima commoda non minimo sectantis discrimine similes aiebat esse aureo hamo piscantibus, cuius abrupti damnum nulla captura pensari posset.
126. Tac., Germ. 2: Quis porro, praeter periculum horridi et ignoti maris, Asia aut Africa aut Italia relicta Germaniam peteret, informem terris, asperam caelo, tristem cultu adspectuque, nisi si patria sit?
127. Tac., Germ. 1: Germania omnis a Gallis Raetisque et Pannoniis Rheno et Danuvio fluminibus, a Sarmatis Dacisque mutuo metu aut montibus separatur: cetera Oceanus ambit, latos sinus et insularum inmensa spatia complectens, nuper cognitis quibusdam gentibus ac regibus, quos bellum aperuit. Rhenus, Raeticarum Alpium inaccesso ac praecipiti vertice ortus, modico flexu in occidentem versus septentrionali Oceano miscetur.
128. On what is known about ancient maps see Brodersen (1995) and Syme (1988).
129. Pliny, Nat Hist. 3.17. For a discussion of the Orbis Terrarum see Powell (2015), pp. 135–37 and 185–86.
130. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 4.98: Toto autem mari ad Scaldim usque fluvium Germaniae accolunt gentes, haud explicabili mensura: tam inmodica prodentium discordia est. Graeci et quidam nostri | XXV | oram Germaniae tradiderunt, Agrippa cum Raetia et Norico longitudinem DCXXXVI, latitudinem CCXLVIII, Raetiae prope unius maiore latitudine, sane circa excessum eius subactae; nam Germania multis postea annis nec tota percognita est.
131. E.g. Strabo, Geog. 7.5.2–12.
132. Dzino (2008c), p. 699.
133. Tac., Ann. 4.5.
134. Dio 55.34.3: πρὸς μέντοι τὰς τῶν πολέμων διαχειρίσεις οὕτως ἔρρωτο ὥσθ᾽, ἵν᾽ ἐγγύθεν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς Δελμάταις καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς Παννονίοις πᾶν ὅ τι χρὴ συμβουλεύειν ἔχῃ, πρὸς Ἀρίμινον ἐξώρμησε .
135. Tac., Ann. 1.46. Suet., Div. Aug. 47.
136. Suet., Div. Aug. 49.3: Et quo celerius ac sub manum adnuntiari cognoscique posset, quid in provincia quaque gereretur, iuvenes primo modicis intervallis per militaris vias, dehinc vehicula disposuit. Commodius id visum est, ut qui a loco idem perferunt litteras, interrogari quoque, si quid res exigant, possint.
137. Seneca, Epp. 83.14. Millar (1982), p. 9.
138. Suet., Div. Aug. 84.1–2.
139. Suet., Div. Aug. 88: Quotiens autem per notas scribit, B pro A, C pro B ac deinceps eadem ratione sequentis litteras ponit; pro X autem duplex A. Cf. Dio 51.3.7. According to Suet., Div. Iul. 56.6 Caesar used a shift of three cipher.
140. Suet., Div. Aug. 50: In diplomatibus libellisque et epistulis signandis initio sphinge usus est, mox imagine Magni Alexandri, novissime sua, Dioscuridis manu scalpta, qua signare insecuti quoque principes perseverarunt. Ad epistulas omnis horarum quoque momenta nec diei modo sed et noctis, quibus datae significarentur, addebat.
141. Dio 51.3.5–6.
142. Suet., Div. Aug. 50: Ad epistulas omnis horarum quoque momenta nec diei modo sed et noctis, quibus datae significarentur, addebat.
143. Iulius Caesar submitted written reports in the form of a notebook rather than as a scroll according to Suet., Div. Iul. 56.6.
144. RG 31–33; Strabo, Geog. 4.5.3. See Millar (1982), pp. 11–12.
145. Keaveney (2007), pp. 71–77.
146. RG 3.
147. RG 28: Italia autem XXVIII colonias, quae vivo me celeberrimae et frequentissimae fuerunt.
148. For a discussion of the function of coloniae see Yeo (1959).
149. RG 15.
150. Caes., Bell. Gall. 1.52.
151. Goldsworthy (1996), pp. 140–41.
152. Dio 53.15.1.
153. Suet., Div. Aug. 38.2.
154. Tac., Ann. 1.9.
155. Tac., Hist. 1.55.
156. For the breakdown of the elements of the reconstructed budget see Alston (2014), p. 318.
157. Campbell (1984), pp. 162–63; cf. Alston (2014), pp. 316–17.
158. Duncan-Jones (1982), p. 6.
159. Duncan-Jones (1990), p. 44.
160. RG 17.
161. The centesima rerum venalium was introduced after the Civil War, the quinta et vicesima venalium mancipiorum was introduced in 7 CE and the vicesima hereditatum funded the Aerarium Militare of 6 CE.
162. Hispania Citerior: Jones (1972 and 1976); Noricum: Alföldy (1974), pp. 34, 37 and 50.
163. For a discussion of the political significance of the reforms see Raaflaub (2009), pp. 203–28.
164. Gilliver (2007), p. 185, cites legions raised in 86 BCE by Valerius Flaccus to fight Mithridates who had served twenty years when Pompeius Magnus arrived to assume command, whereas Metellus Creticus’ legions, formed to combat pirates in 68 BCE, served only three years.
165. Alston (2015), p. 317. Raising the length of service to twenty-five years would reduce the number still further to 110 men and cost just HS1.3 million (saving 32 per cent).
166. Keaveney (2007), p. 98.
167. Suet., Div. Aug. 49: ne aut aetate aut inopia post missionem sollicitari ad res novas possent.
168. Gilliver (2007), p. 186.
169. RG 16.
170. Gilliver, (2007), p. 190.
171. Webster (1994), p. 117.
172. Tac., Ann.1.20.
173. Vell. Pat. 2.120.3.
174. For a discussion of the positioning of forts along rivers see Sommer (2009), p. 111.
175. Dobson (2009), pp. 26–29.
176. For a discussion of site, topography and gates see von Schnurbein (2000), pp. 29–31.
177. For a discussion of internal buildings see von Schnurbein (2000), pp. 30–37.
178. CIL XIV, 3602 (Tibur) = ILS 950.
179. For a discussion of helmet evolution see D’Amato (2009), pp. 109–21; Bishop (2006), pp. 100–06.
180. For a discussion of body armour evolution see D’Amato (2009), pp. 122–44; Bishop (2006), pp. 95–100.
181. Suet., Div. Aug. 25.3: Dona militaria, aliquanto facilius phaleras et torques, quicquid auro argentoque constaret, quam vallares ac murales coronas, quae honore praecellerent, dabat; has quam parcissime et sine ambitione ac saepe etiam caligatis tribuit.
182. Suet., Div. Aug. 38.1.
183. CIL X, 4862 (Venafrum) = ILS 2690.
184. CIL V, 4365.
185. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 34.139; Dio 42.29.2, 44.51.1.
186. Ulpian, Dig. 48.6.1; cf. Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 4.48.1. On Roman law relating to ownership and carrying of weapons and the law of vis see Nippel (1995), p. 55.
187. Dio 52.21.1–2; Tac., l.c.; Suet., Div. Aug. 37.
188. Suet., Div. Aug. 43.1.
189. Suet., Div. Aug. 23.1.
190. RG 25.
191. Grünewald (2004), pp. 14–17; Shaw (1984), p. 6.
192. Suet., Div. Aug. 32.1: Pleraque pessimi exempli in perniciem publicam aut ex consuetudine licentiaque bellorum civilium duraverant aut per pacem etiam exstiterant. Nam et grassatorum plurimi palam se ferebant succincti ferro, quasi tuendi sui causa, et rapti per agros viatores sine discrimine liberi servique ergastulis possessorum supprimebantur, et plurimae factiones titulo collegi novi ad nullius non facinoris societatem coibant.
193. Suet., Div. Aug. 32.1: Igitur grassaturas dispositis per opportuna loca stationibus inhibuit, ergastula recognovit, collegia praeter antiqua et legitima dissolvit.
194. Dio 54.22.1–3.
195. Vell. Pat. 2.126.3. Cf. Epictetus 3.13.9. For a discussion of philosophers’ attitudes to war see Sidebottom (1993).
196. Orosius, Against the Pagans 6.22.
197. Gruen (2006), p. 188.
198. Praeneste: CIL XIV, 2898. Other examples: ILS 3787, 3789; IGRR IV, 1173.
199. Altar: CIL XII, 4335; for a discussion see Weinstock (1960), p. 56 and fig. 1 (p. 54). Colonia: Strabo, Geog. 3.2.15; this may be Pax Iulia (modern Beja) in Lusitania.
200. RG 13: Ianum Quirinum, quem claussum esse maiores nostri voluerunt, cum per totum imperium populi Romani terra marique esset parta victoriis pax.
201. RG 13: cum prius quam nascerer, a condita urbe bis omnino clausum fuisse prodatur memoriae, ter me principe senatus claudendum esse censuit. See Ch. 1, n. 284.
202. Orosius, Against the Pagans 6.22.
203. Baetican inscription: EJ 42 = ILS 103: Imp. Caesari Augusto P. P. Hispania Ulterior Baetica quod beneficio eius et perpetua cura provincia pacata est. Auri P. C. Koinon: EJ 98 line 36 = OGIS 458.
204. Dio 56.30.3.
205. For a more detailed guided tour of Augustan Rome see Favro (1996), pp. 252–80.
206. Wallace-Hadrill (1993), pp. 53–55 and fig. 17: he notes ‘there was no room on the plaque for future names, and the list was a museum piece’. For a full discussion of the architecture of the Forum Romanum at the time of Augustus see Gorski and Packer (2015), pp. 3–36.
207. Suet., Div. Aug. 29.
208. For a discussion of the verticality of Augustan architecture see Favro (1996), pp. 150–55.
209. For the significance of the Horologium-Solarium Augusti see Holliday (1990). The 21.79m (71.5 ft)-high obelisk was the gnomon of the solarium – a sundial for marking the hours of the day – designed by the mathematician Facundus Novius (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36.72). It was erected in Rome in 10 BCE on the twentieth anniversary of Augustus’ conquest of Egypt. In contrast to the hieroglyphs covering the obelisk itself, the rose-coloured Aswan granite base is inscribed in Latin. The last phrase of the inscription reads: ‘With Aegyptus having been brought under the control of the Roman People, he [Augustus] gave this gift to the Sun’ | Aegypto in potestatem Populi Romani redacta Soli donum dedit. It was originally erected in Heliopolis, Egypt in the early 6th century BCE by Neferibra Psamtik II. The monument is now known as Obelisk of Montecitorio.
210. RG 12: Cum ex Hispania Galliaque, rebus in iis provincis prospere gestis, Romam redi Ti. Nerone P. Quinctilio consulibus, aram Pacis Augustae senatus proreditu meo consacrandam censuit ad campam Martium, in qua magistratus et sacerdotes et virgines Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere decrevit.
211. Pax Augusta: De Grummond (1990), but Gruen (1996), p. 194, n. 253, is unconvinced. For the identification with Venus see Galinsky (1966), for Italia see Van Buren (1913). For advocates for Tellus and Ceres see De Grummond (1990), p. 663, n. 2.
212. De Grummond (1990), pp. 674–76 notes that the relief from Carthage in the Louvre, long recognized as closely related to the Ara Pacis in Rome, also shows Pax without the Horae, but with similar seasonal allusions, for which see Spaeth (1994) who argues for an identification with Ceres in both sculptures.
213. Gruen (1996), p. 194.
214. For the case for Numa see Rehak (2001).
215. For the processions and sacrifices associated with the Ara Pacis see Elsner (1991).
216. Verg,. Aen. 8.678–713.
217. Hor., Carm. 1.36.
218. Kleiner (2005), pp. 207–17.
219. For a discussion about the statue and its meanings see Zanker (1990), pp. 188–92. For the claim that the provenance of the statue is disputed see Klynne and Liljenstolpe (2000).
220. On the hand gesture see Graf (1991), p. 41 citing Quintilian, 11.100: ‘Wonder is best expressed as follows: the hand turns slightly upwards and the fingers are brought in to the palm, one after the other, beginning with the little finger; the hand is then opened and turned round by a reversal of this motion’. | est admirationi conveniens ille gestus, quo manus modice supinata ac per singulos a minimo collecta digitos redeunte flexu simul explicatur atque convertitur. Galinsky (2013), p. 76 suggests the statue shows Augustus addressing the troops at an adlocutio. Reeder (1997), pp. 90–94 suggests the right hand may once have held a laurel branch.
221. A later dupondius coin minted at Rome by Caligula (RIC I 57) depicts Germanicus Caesar in exactly this pose: standing, bare-headed and cuirassed, right-hand raised and the left holding an aquila. The inscription reads: ‘SIGNIS RECEPT DEVICTIS GERM S C’. Germanicus would seem to be presented mimicking his grandfather. In the Second Century CE, Florus identified the return of military standards from Parthia in 20 BCE as the turning point in the struggle for the Pax Augusta: ‘The Parthians too, as though they repented of their victory, voluntarily returned the standards which they had won at the time of Crassus’ defeat. Thus everywhere throughout the inhabited world there was firmly-established and uninterrupted peace or truce.’ | Parthi quoque, quasi victoriae paeniteret, rapta clade Crassiana signa ultro rettulere. Sic ubique certa atque continua totius generis humanis aut pax fuit aut pactio (Florus, 2.34; cf. Forus, 2.21 and Dio 54.8.2–3).
222. Tac., Ann. 1.9.5; 1.10.4: pacem sine dubio . . . verum cruentam.
223. RG 4: Ob res a me aut per legatos meos auspicis meis terra marique prospere gestas quinquageniens et quinquiens decrevit senatus supplicandum esse dis immortalibus.
224. Compare maps in Cairns (1970), p. 25 and 42.
225. Woolf (1993), p. 186 and pp. 189–90.