The siege of Nicaea (6 May–19 June 1097), capital of the Seljuk sultan of Rum, Kilij Arslan I, saw the western host assembled together for the first time. Although it bore the brunt of the action and the attempts to break the siege by Kilij Arslan, it failed to storm the city, whose surrender was eventually negotiated by Alexius I using his fleet to impose a complete blockade by land and water. Many crusaders appeared disgruntled at the consequent lack of booty, for which Alexius soon compensated by showering the commanders with gifts. The siege tested the crusaders’ mettle as soldiers and as allies, in their relations both with one another and of the whole army with Alexius. On those scores, the challenge was well met, the westerners displaying the ordered adaptability and ingenuity of tactics and military methods that came to characterise the rest of the long campaign. The four main narrators supplied their own distinctive accounts, reflecting their different loyalties and, in part, for the three western writers, the actual contrast in their personal experience of the siege.
Tancred and Richard of the Principality crossed the Hellespont secretly, because they did not want to take the oath to the emperor, and nearly all Bohemund’s forces went with them. Soon afterwards the count of St Gilles approached Constantinople, and he stayed on there with his forces. Bohemund stayed with the emperor in order to consult him about the supply of provisions to the people who had gone on beyond Nicaea, so Duke Godfrey was the first to go to Nicomedia, taking with him Tancred and all the others. They stayed there for three days, and when the duke saw that there was no road by which he could lead these people to Nicaea (for there were so many of them that they could not go by the route which the other [crusaders]* had followed) he sent ahead three thousand men with axes and swords so that they could go on and hack open a route for our pilgrims as far as the city of Nicaea. This route led over a mountain, steep and very high, so the pathfinders made crosses of metal and wood, and put them upon stakes where our pilgrims could see them. Eventually we came to Nicaea, which is the capital of Rum,† on Wednesday, 6 May, and there we encamped. Before my lord the valiant Bohemund came to us we were so short of food that a loaf cost 20 or 30 pence, but after he came he ordered plenty of provisions to be brought to us by sea, so goods poured in by both land and sea, and all Christ’s army enjoyed great abundance.
On Ascension Day‡ we began to lay siege to the town, and to build siege engines and wooden towers by means of which we could knock down the towers on the wall. We pressed the siege so bravely and fiercely for two days that we managed to undermine the wall of the city, but the Turks who were inside sent messengers to the others who had come to their help, telling them that they might come and enter, fearlessly and safely, by way of the south gate, for there was no one there to stand in their way or attack them. This gate, however, was blocked on that very day (the Saturday after Ascension Day) by the count of St Gilles and the bishop of Le Puy. The count, who came from the other side of the city with a very strong army, trusting in God’s protection and glorious in his earthly weapons, found the Turks coming towards the gate against our men. Protected on all sides by the sign of the Cross, he made a fierce attack upon the enemy and defeated them so that they took to flight and many of them were killed. The survivors rallied with the help of other Turks and came in high spirits, exulting in their certainty of victory, bringing with them ropes with which to lead us bound into Khorasan. They came along gleefully and began to descend a little way from the top of the mountain, but as many as came down had their heads cut off by our men, who threw the heads of the slain into the city by means of a sling, in order to cause more terror among the Turkish garrison.
After this the count of St Gilles and the bishop of Le Puy took counsel together how they could undermine a tower which stood over against their camp, so they set men to sap it, with arbalests and archers to protect them. The sappers dug down to the foundations of the wall and inserted beams and pieces of wood, to which they set fire, but because all this was done in the evening it was already night when the tower fell, and since it was dark our men could not fight with the defenders. That night the Turks arose in haste and rebuilt the wall so strongly that at daybreak there was no chance of defeating them at that point.
Soon afterwards Robert, count of Normandy, and Count Stephen* arrived with many others, and Roger of Barneville† followed them. Then Bohemund took up his station in front of the city, with Tancred next to him, then Duke Godfrey and the count of Flanders, next to whom was Robert of Normandy, and then the count of St Gilles and the bishop of Le Puy. The city was therefore so closely besieged by land that no one dared go out or in. Our men were all, for the first time, collected together in this place, and who could count such a great army of Christians? I do not think that anyone has ever seen, or will ever again see, so many valiant knights.
On one side of the city was a great lake, on which the Turks launched boats, and they went in and out bringing fodder and wood and many other things, so our leaders took counsel together and sent messengers to Constantinople to ask the emperor to have boats brought to Cibotus, where there is a harbour, and to have oxen collected to drag these boats over the mountains and through the woods until they reached the lake. The emperor had this done immediately, and sent his Turcopuli with them. His men would not launch the boats at once on the day on which they arrived, but they put out on the lake at nightfall, with the boats full of Turcopuli who were well armed. At daybreak there were the boats, all in very good order, sailing across the lake towards the city. The Turks, seeing them, were surprised and did not know whether it was their own fleet or that of the emperor, but when they realised that it was the emperor’s they were afraid almost to death, and began to wail and lament, while the Franks rejoiced and gave glory to God. Then the Turks, realising that their armies could do no more to help them, sent a message to the emperor saying that they would surrender the city to him if he would let them go free with their wives and children and all their goods. The emperor, who was a fool as well as a knave, told them to go away unhurt and without fear; he had them brought to him at Constantinople under safe conduct, and kept them carefully so that he could have them ready to injure the Franks and obstruct their crusade.
We besieged this city for seven weeks and three days, and many of our men suffered martyrdom there and gave up their blessed souls to God with joy and gladness, and many of the poor starved to death for the name of Christ. All these entered heaven in triumph, wearing the robe of martyrdom which they have received, saying with one voice, ‘Avenge, O Lord, our blood which was shed for thee, for thou art blessed and worthy of praise for ever and ever. Amen.’
We hastened to Nicaea, where Godfrey, Bohemund and other leaders, who were in the vanguard, besieged Nicaea, a city well protected by natural terrain and clever defences.* Its natural fortifications consisted of a great lake lapping at its walls and a ditch, brimful of run-off water from nearby streams, blocking entrance on three sides. Skilful men had enclosed Nicaea with such lofty walls that the city feared neither the attack of enemies nor the force of any machine. The ballistae* of the nearby towers were so alternately faced that no one could move near them without peril, and if anyone wished to move forward, he could do no harm because he could easily be struck down from the top of a tower.
In short, as we have said, Bohemund besieged the town from the north, the duke and the Germans from the east, the count and the bishop of Le Puy from the south; and for the record the count of Normandy was absent.† At this time we must record the following event. While the count of Toulouse wished to encamp there, the Turks marched down from the mountains in two bodies and fell upon our army. Doubtless they had made their plans with the hope that while one contingent fought Godfrey and the Germans encamped to the east, the other group of Turks would enter Nicaea through the south gate and go out by another gate and thereby easily rout our unsuspecting forces. But God, the customary scourge of wicked counsel, ruined their schemes so that it seems that he planned the battle according to the following outcome. God caused the count, who at that moment was about to make camp with his men, to attack that body of Turks which at the very same time was on the point of entering Nicaea. In the first charge Raymond routed and killed many of the Turks and then chased the remaining ones to a nearby mountain, while at the same time the Turks who had planned to rush the Germans were likewise put to flight and crushed.
Following this success, we built machines and stormed the wall, all to no purpose. The wall was almost impregnable, and the courageous defence with arrows and machines was frustrating. Finally, after five weeks of fruitless siege, through God’s will some troops of the entourage of Adhemar and Raymond after a skirmish pushed forward at great peril to the foot of a tower. Under the protection of a testudo [siege shelter] they sapped, undermined, and toppled it to the ground. The coming of night prevented the capture of Nicaea. By the next morning our efforts proved futile, because under the cover of darkness the defenders had restored the walls. Nicaea, gripped by fear, surrendered in great part because Greek ships which had been drawn overland now floated on the lake. Consequently, the Turks, isolated from their friends by this act, bowed to Alexius as they no longer hoped for help while they daily watched the Frankish army grow, a fact accented even more by the arrival of the count of Normandy.
Alexius had pledged to the princes and the Frankish people that he would hand over to them all of the gold, silver, horses and effects of all kinds which were in Nicaea; and he further stated that he would found there a Latin monastery and hospice for needy Franks. He also promised to give so much to every person in the army that every soldier would wish to serve him at all times. The Franks trusted these sincere words and praised the surrender. But once in possession of Nicaea, Alexius acted as such an ingrate to the army that as long as he might live people would ever revile him and call him traitor.
At this time we learned that when Peter the Hermit and his peasant hordes had arrived in Constantinople months before the main crusading force, Alexius had betrayed him by forcing Peter and his followers, unfamiliar with both the locale and the art of war, to cross the Straits with no defence against the Turks. So the Nicene Turks, sensing an easy kill, rapidly and easily butchered sixty thousand peasants and missed only the survivors who escaped their swords by taking refuge in a fortress. The victors, emboldened and made arrogant by their success, sent the captured weapons and crusaders to their noblemen and to Saracen leaders in distant places, and wrote throughout their lands that the Franks were unwarlike.*
When they who were besieging Nicaea heard, as has been said, of the arrival of our leaders, the count of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, they joyfully came out to meet us and escorted us to a place south of the city where we pitched our tents.
Once before,* the Turks had gathered in force hoping to drive the besiegers away from the city if possible or else to defend it with their own soldiers more effectively. But they were fiercely thrown back by our men, nearly two hundred of them being killed. Moreover when they saw that the Franks were so inspired and so strong in military valour they retreated in haste into the interior of Romania [Anatolia] until such time as they should feel the occasion opportune for attacking again.
It was the first week in June when we, the last to arrive, reached the siege. At that time a single army was formed from the many that were there. Those skilled at reckoning estimated it to number six hundred thousand men accustomed to war. Of these, one hundred thousand were protected by coats of mail and helmets. In addition there were those not bearing arms, viz. the clerics, monks, women and children.†
What further then? If all who departed from their homes to undertake the holy journey had been present there doubtless would have been six million fighting men. But from Rome, from Apulia, from Hungary or from Dalmatia, some, unwilling to undergo the hardships, had returned to their homes. In many places thousands had been killed, and some of the sick who went on with us finally died. You could see many graves along the roads and in the fields where our pilgrims had been publicly buried.
It should be explained that for as long as we besieged the city of Nicaea food was brought in by ocean ships with the consent of the emperor. Then our leaders ordered machines of war to be made, battering-rams, scrofae, wooden towers and petrariae. Arrows were shot from bows and stones hurled from tormenta.* Our enemies and our own men fought back and forth with all their might. We often assailed the city with our machines, but because there was a strong wall facing us the assault would be brought to naught. Turks struck by arrows or stones often perished and Franks likewise.
Truly you would have grieved and sobbed in pity when the Turks killed any of our men in any way near the wall, for they lowered iron hooks by means of ropes and snatched up the body to plunder it. None of our men dared or were able to wrest such a corpse from them. After stripping the bodies the Turks would throw them outside [the walls].
Then with the aid of oxen and ropes we dragged some small boats from Cibotus over the land to Nicaea and launched them in the lake to guard the approach to the city lest the place be supplied with provisions.†
But after we had worn down the city by five weeks of siege and had often terrified the Turks with our attacks, they meantime held a council and, through intermediaries to the emperor, secretly surrendered the city to him, a city already hard-pressed by our power and skill.
Then the Turks admitted into it Turcopoles sent thither by the emperor. These latter took possession of the city with all the money in it in the name of the emperor just as he had commanded. Wherefore after all this money was seized the emperor ordered gifts to be presented to our leaders, gifts of gold and silver and raiment; and to the foot-soldiers he distributed copper coins which they call tartara. On that day when Nicaea was seized or surrendered in this manner the month of June had reached the solstice.‡
Anna Comnena’s detailed account of the siege of Nicaea, with her description of how her father engineered its successful conclusion, stands in marked contrast to the perfunctory record of the next crisis of the crusade at the battle of Dorylaeum (1 July). Once the western army marched out of Byzantine-held territory in the last days of June 1097, Anna’s interest and possibly knowledge flagged, reviving briefly but unreliably when she considered events at Antioch in 1097–8.
Bohemund and all the counts met at a place from which they intended to sail across to Cibotus, and with Godfrey they awaited the arrival of St Gilles who was coming with the emperor. Thus with their forces united they would set out along the road to Nicaea. However, their numbers were so immense that further delay became impossible – the food supplies were deficient. So they divided their army in two: one group drove on through Bithynia and Nicomedia towards Nicaea; the other crossed the strait to Cibotus and assembled in the same area later. Having approached Nicaea in this manner they allotted towers and intervening battlements to certain sections. The idea was to make the assault on the walls according to these dispositions; rivalry between the various contingents would be provoked and the siege pressed with greater vigour. The area allotted to St Gilles was left vacant until he arrived. At this moment the emperor reached Pelecanum, with his eye on Nicaea (as I have already pointed out). The barbarians inside the city meanwhile sent repeated messages to the sultan [Kilij Arslan I] asking for help, but he was still wasting time and as the siege had already gone on for many days, from sunrise right up to sunset, their condition was obviously becoming extremely serious. They gave up the fight, deciding that it was better to make terms with the emperor than to be taken by the Celts. Under the circumstances they summoned Butumites, who had often promised in a never-ending stream of letters that this or that favour would be granted by Alexius, if only they surrendered to him. He now explained in more detail the emperor’s friendly intentions and produced written guarantees. He was gladly received by the Turks, who had despaired of holding out against the overwhelming strength of their enemies; it was wiser, they thought, to cede Nicaea voluntarily to Alexius and share in his gifts, with honourable treatment, than to become the victims of war to no purpose. Butumites had not been in the place more than two days before St Gilles arrived, determined to make an attempt on the walls without delay; he had siege engines ready for the task. Meanwhile a rumour spread that the sultan was on his way. At this news the Turks, inspired with courage again, at once expelled Butumites. As for the sultan, he sent a detachment of his forces to observe the Frankish offensive, with orders to fight if they met any Celts. They were seen by St Gilles’s men from a distance and a battle took place – but it went ill for the Turks, for the other counts and Bohemund himself, learning of the engagement, set aside up to two hundred men from each company, thus making up a considerable army, and sent them immediately to help. They overtook the barbarians and pursued them till nightfall. Nevertheless, the sultan was far from downcast at this setback; at sunrise the next morning he was in full armour and with all his men occupied the plain outside the walls of Nicaea. The Celts heard about it and they too armed themselves for battle. They descended on their enemies like lions. The struggle that then ensued was ferocious and terrible. All through the day it was indecisive, but when the sun went down the Turks fled. Night had ended the contest.* On either side many fell and most of them were killed; the majority of the fighters were wounded. So the Celts won a glorious victory. The heads of many Turks they stuck on the ends of spears and came back carrying these like standards, so that the barbarians, recognising afar off what had happened and being frightened by this defeat at their first encounter, might not be so eager for battle in future. So much for the ideas and actions of the Latins. The sultan, realising how numerous they were and after this onslaught made aware of their self-confidence and daring, gave a hint to the Turks in Nicaea: ‘From now on do just what you consider best.’ He already knew that they preferred to deliver up the city to Alexius than to become prisoners of the Celts. Meanwhile St Gilles, setting about the task allotted to him, was constructing a wooden tower, circular in shape; inside and out he covered it with leather hides and filled the centre with intertwined wickerwork. When it was thoroughly strengthened, he approached the so-called Gonatas Tower. His machine was manned by soldiers whose job was to batter the walls and also by expert sappers, equipped with iron tools to undermine them from below; the former would engage the defenders on the ramparts above, while the latter worked with impunity below. In place of the stones they prised out, logs of wood were put in and when their excavations reached the point where they were nearly through the wall and a gleam of light could be seen from the far side, they set light to these logs and burned them. After they were reduced to ashes, Gonatas inclined even more, and merited its name [kneeling] even more than before. The rest of the walls were surrounded with a girdle of battering-rams and ‘tortoises’; in the twinkling of an eye, so to speak, the outer ditch was filled with dust, level with the flat parts on either side of it. Then they proceeded with the siege as best they could.
The emperor, who had thoroughly investigated Nicaea, and on many occasions, judged that it could not possibly be captured by the Latins, however overwhelming their numbers. In his turn he constructed helepoleis* of several types, but mostly to an unorthodox design of his own which surprised everyone. These he sent to the counts. He had, as we have already remarked, crossed with the available troops and was staying at Pelecanum near Mesampeli, where in the old days a sanctuary was built in honour of George, the great martyr. Alexius would have liked to accompany the expedition against the godless Turks, but abandoned the project after carefully weighing the arguments for and against: he noted that the Roman [Byzantine] army was hopelessly outnumbered by the enormous host of the Franks; he knew from long experience, too, how untrustworthy the Latins were. Nor was that all: the instability of these men and their treacherous nature might well sweep them again and again from one extreme to the other; through love of money they were ready to sell their own wives and children for next to nothing. Such were the reasons which prevented him then from joining the enterprise. However, even if his presence was unwise, he realised the necessity of giving as much aid to the Celts as if he were actually with them. The great strength of its walls, he was sure, made Nicaea impregnable; the Latins would never take it. But when it was reported that the sultan was bringing strong forces and all necessary food supplies across the [Ascanian] lake,* with no difficulty at all, and these were finding their way into the city, he determined to gain control of the lake. Light boats, capable of sailing on its waters, were built, hoisted on wagons and launched on the Cibotus side. Fully armed soldiers were put on board, under the command of Manuel Butumites. Alexius gave them more standards than usual – so that they might seem far more numerous than they really were – and also trumpets and drums. He then turned his attention to the mainland. He sent for Taticius and Tzitas. With a force of brave peltasts, two thousand in all, they were despatched to Nicaea; their orders were to load their very generous supply of arrows on mules as soon as they disembarked and seize the fort of St George; at a good distance from the walls of Nicaea they were to dismount from their horses, go on foot straight for the Gonatas Tower and there take up position; they were then to form ranks with the Latins and acting under their orders assault the walls. Obedient to the emperor’s instructions Taticius reported to the Celts that he had arrived with his army, whereupon everyone put on armour and attacked with loud shouts and war-cries. Taticius’ men fired their arrows in great volleys while the Celts made breaches in the walls and kept up a constant bombardment of stones from their catapults. On the side of the lake the enemy were panic-stricken by the imperial standards and the trumpets of Butumites, who chose this moment to inform the Turks of the emperor’s promises. The barbarians were reduced to such straits that they dared not even peep over the battlements of Nicaea. At the same time they gave up all hope of the sultan’s coming. They decided it was better to hand over the city and start negotiations with Butumites to that end. After the usual courtesies Butumites showed them the chryso-bull* entrusted to him by Alexius, in which they were not only guaranteed an amnesty, but also a liberal gift of money and honours for the sister and wife of the sultan. These offers were extended to all the barbarians in Nicaea without exception. With confidence in the emperor’s promises the inhabitants allowed Butumites to enter the city. At once he sent a message to Taticius: ‘The quarry is now in our hands. Preparations must be made for an assault on the walls. The Celts must be given that task too, but leave nothing to them except the wall-fighting round the ramparts. Invest the city at all points, as necessary, and make the attempt at sunrise.’ This was in fact a trick to make the Celts believe that the city had been captured by Butumites in fighting; the drama of betrayal carefully planned by Alexius was to be concealed, for it was his wish that the negotiations conducted by Butumites should not be divulged to the Celts. On the next day the call to battle was sounded on both sides of the city: on one, from the mainland, the Celts furiously pressed the siege; on the other Butumites, having climbed to the battlements and set up there the imperial sceptres and standards, acclaimed the emperor to the accompaniment of trumpets and horns. It was in this way that the whole Roman force entered Nicaea. Nevertheless, knowing the great strength of the Celts, as well as their fickle nature and passionate, impulsive whims, Butumites guessed that they might well seize the fort if they once got inside. The Turkish satraps in Nicaea, moreover, were capable, if they wished, of throwing into chains and massacring his own force – in comparison with the Romans they were numerous. Therefore he took possession of the keys of the city gate at once. There was at this time only one gate allowing people to enter or leave, the others having been closed through fear of the Celts just beyond the walls. With the keys of this particular gate in his hands, he determined to reduce the number of satraps by a ruse. It was essential to have them at his mercy, if he was himself to avoid a catastrophe. He sent for them and advised a visit to the emperor, if they wanted to receive from him large sums of money, to be rewarded with high distinctions and to find their names on the lists of annual pensioners. The Turks were persuaded and during the night the gate was opened; they were let out, a few at a time and at frequent intervals, to make their way across the nearby lake to Rodomer and the half-caste Monastras, who were stationed by St George’s fort.* Butumites’ orders were that the satraps should be forwarded to the emperor immediately they disembarked; not even for a brief moment were they to be detained, lest uniting with the Turks sent on behind them they might plot some mischief against the Romans. This was in fact a simple prediction, an intuitive remark which could only be attributed to the man’s long experience, for as long as the new arrivals were quickly sent on to Alexius the Romans were secure and no danger whatever hung over them; but when Rodomer and Monastras relaxed their vigilance they found themselves in peril from the barbarians whom they kept back. The Turks, as their numbers grew, planned to take one of two courses: either in the night they would attack and kill the Romans, or they would bring them as prisoners to the sultan. The latter was unanimously decided to be the better idea. They did attack in the night and took them away as their captives. The place they made for was the hilltop of Azala …† stades from the walls of Nicaea. Having arrived there they naturally dismounted to rest their horses. Now Monastras was a half-caste and understood the Turkish dialect; Rodomer, too, having been captured by the Turks long ago and having lived with them for a considerable time, was himself not unacquainted with their language. They tried hard to move their captors with persuasive arguments. ‘Why are you mixing a lethal potion for us, as it were, without deriving the slightest benefit for yourselves? When the others without exception are enjoying great rewards from the emperor and having their names enrolled for annual pensions, you will be cutting yourselves off from all these privileges. Well now, don’t be such fools, especially when you can live in safety without interference and return home exulting in riches. You may perhaps acquire new territory. Don’t throw yourselves into certain danger. Maybe you’ll meet Romans lying in ambush over there,’ pointing to mountain streams and marshy parts; ‘if you do, you’ll be massacred and lose your lives for nothing. There are thousands of men lying in wait for you, not only Celts and barbarians, but a multitude of Romans as well. Now if you take our advice, you will turn your horses’ heads and come to the emperor with us. We swear, as God is our witness, that you will enjoy countless gifts at his hands, and then, when it pleases you, you will leave as free men, without hindrance.’ These arguments convinced the Turks. Pledges were exchanged and both parties set out on their way to Alexius. On their arrival at Pelecanum, all were received with a cheerful smile (although inwardly he was very angry with Rodomer and Monastras). For the present they were sent off to rest, but on the next day all those Turks who were eager to serve him received numerous benefits; those who desired to go home were permitted to follow their own inclination – and they too departed with not a few gifts. It was only later that Alexius severely reprimanded Rodomer and Monastras for their folly, but seeing that they were too ashamed to look him in the face, he altered his attitude and with words of forgiveness strove to conciliate them. We will leave Rodomer and Monastras there. Let us come back to Butumites. When he was promoted duke of Nicaea at that time by the emperor, the Celts asked him for permission to enter the city: they desired to visit the sacred churches there and worship. Butumites, as I have already remarked, was well aware of the Celtic disposition and a visit en masse was refused. However, he did open the gates for groups of ten.
The emperor was still in the vicinity of Pelecanum. He wished those counts who had not yet sworn allegiance to give him their pledges in person. Written instructions were issued to Butumites to advise all counts not to begin the march to Antioch before doing homage to the emperor; this would be an opportunity for them to accept even greater gifts. Hearing of money and gifts, Bohemund was the first to obey Butumites’ advice. He immediately counselled all of them to return. Bohemund was like that – he had an uncontrollable lust for money. The emperor welcomed them with great splendour at Pelecanum. He was most sedulous in promoting their welfare. Finally he called them together and spoke: ‘Remember the oath you have all sworn to me and if you really intend not to transgress it, advise any others you know, who have not sworn, to take this same oath.’ They at once sent for these men and all, with the exception of Tancred, Bohemund’s nephew, assembled to pay homage. Tancred, a man of independent spirit, protested that he owed allegiance to one man only, Bohemund, and that allegiance he hoped to keep till his dying day. He was pressed by the others, including even the emperor’s kinsmen. With apparent indifference, fixing his gaze on the tent in which the emperor held the seat of honour (a tent more vast than any other in living memory), he said, ‘If you fill it with money and give it to me, as well as the sums you have given to all the other counts, then I too will take the oath.’ Palaeologus, zealous on the emperor’s behalf and finding Tancred’s words insufferable and hypocritical, pushed him away with contempt.* Tancred recklessly darted towards him, whereupon Alexius rose from his throne and intervened. Bohemund, for his part, calmed down his nephew, telling him it was improper to behave with disrespect to the emperor’s relatives. Tancred, ashamed now of acting like a drunken lout before Palaeologus and to some extent convinced by the arguments of Bohemund and the others, took the oath. When all had taken their leave of the emperor, Taticius and the forces under his command were ordered to join the Franks; Taticius’ duty would be to help and protect them on all occasions and also to take over from them any cities they captured, if indeed God granted them that favour.† Once more therefore the Celts made the crossing on the next day and all set out for Antioch. Alexius assumed that not all their men would necessarily follow the counts; he accordingly notified Butumites that all Celts left behind were to be hired to guard Nicaea. Taticius, with his forces, and all the counts, with their numberless hosts, reached Lefke in two days. At his own request Bohemund was in charge of the vanguard, while the rest followed in column of march at a slow pace. When some Turks saw him moving rather fast on the plain of Dorylaeum* they thought they had chanced upon the whole Celtic army and treating it with disdain they at once attacked. That crazy idiot, Latinus, who had dared to seat himself on the imperial throne, forgetting the emperor’s advice stupidly rode out in front of the rest (he was on the extreme end of Bohemund’s line). Forty of his men were killed then and he himself was seriously wounded. He turned in flight and hurried back to the centre – visible proof, although he would not admit it in words, of Alexius’ wise counsel. Bohemund, seeing the ferocity of the Turks, sent for reinforcements, which quickly arrived. From then on the battle was hotly contested, but the terrible conflict ended in a victory for the Romans and Celts.† After that the march continued, but with the contingents in touch with one another. They were met near Hebraice‡ by the sultan Tanisman§ and Hasan, who alone commanded eighty thousand fully armed infantry. It was a hard-fought battle, not only because of the vast numbers involved, but also because neither side would give way. However, the Turks were fighting with more spirit and Bohemund, commanding on the right wing, realised this. So, detaching himself from the rest of the army, he made a headlong onslaught on Kilij Arslan himself, charging ‘like a lion exulting in his might’, as the poet says. This had a terrifying effect on the enemy and they fled. The Celts, remembering the emperor’s instructions, did not pursue them very far, but they occupied the Turkish entrenchment and rested there for a short time. They again fell in with the Turks near Augustopolis,* attacked and routed them completely. After that the barbarians faded away. The survivors from the battle were scattered in all directions, leaving behind their women and children and making certain of their own safety in flight; in future they had not even the strength to look the Latins in the face.
The battle of Dorylaeum (1 July 1097) tested the western army almost to destruction. Fought, as scholars now convincingly propose, some thirty miles north of Dorylaeum (Eskisehir), the narrow escape at the hands of the Turks under Kilij Arslan I demonstrated certain crucial military truths. The western army’s columns were spread over many miles, marching up to two days apart. The vanguard, under Bohemund, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, became detached from the rest. Entering a narrow valley, they were ambushed by the Turks who almost overran the Christians as they desperately attempted to defend a hastily constructed armed camp next to a marsh. Only determined and skilled leadership by Bohemund in particular held the line together long enough for the rest of the crusader forces under Count Raymond, Bishop Adhemar, Hugh of Vermandois and Godfrey of Bouillon to arrive on the field and, by an outflanking manoeuvre, to turn the tide of battle so decisively that the Turks fled, leaving their own camp to be plundered by the Christians at will. The lessons taken from this alarming and, as the accounts suggest, frightening encounter included the understanding of the need for closer formation on the march; recognition of the outstanding ability of Bohemund as a field commander; and awareness of the Turkish tactics of harrying, ambush and the feint by their lightly armed cavalry. Quickly the westerners learned to adapt to local military as well as physical conditions. But the whole enterprise had almost fallen at its second hurdle. Of the three eyewitness accounts, the Gesta author (with Bohemund) and Fulcher of Chartres (with Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois) viewed the battle from the perspective of the beleaguered vanguard, while Raymond of Aguilers – whose account is notable for omitting a description of the privations experienced in central Anatolia – reflects the Provençal army’s relief operation that finally swung the battle the crusaders’ way.
When the city had surrendered, and the Turks had been taken to Constantinople, the emperor was exceedingly glad because the city was put under his authority, and he ordered alms to be distributed bountifully to our poor pilgrims. On the first day after we left the city we came to a bridge, and there we stayed for two days. On the third day, before dawn, our men arose, and because it was dark they could not see to keep together, but divided into two bands, and thus they travelled for two days. In one band were the brave Bohemund, Robert the Norman and the gallant Tancred, with many others; in the other were the count of St Gilles and Duke Godfrey, the bishop of Le Puy, Hugh the Great and the count of Flanders, with many others.
On the third day the Turks made a fierce and sudden attack upon Bohemund and his comrades.* These Turks began, all at once, to howl and gabble and shout, saying with loud voices in their own language some devilish word which I do not understand. The valiant Bohemund saw that there were innumerable Turks some distance off, howling and shouting like demons, so he ordered all the knights to dismount at once and to pitch camp quickly. Before the camp was pitched he said to all the knights, ‘Gentlemen, most valiant soldiers of Christ, you can see that we are encircled and that the battle will be hard, so let the knights go out to fight bravely, while the foot-soldiers are careful and quick in pitching the camp.’
After we had set ourselves in order the Turks came upon us from all sides, skirmishing, throwing darts and javelins and shooting arrows from an astonishing range. Although we had no chance of withstanding them or of taking the weight of the charge of so many foes we went forward as one man. The women in our camp were a great help to us that day, for they brought up water for the fighting men to drink, and gallantly encouraged those who were fighting and defending them. The valiant Bohemund made haste to send a message to the others (the count of St Gilles and Duke Godfrey, Hugh the Great and the bishop of Le Puy, with all the rest of the Christian knights) telling them to hurry and come to the battlefield with all speed, and saying, ‘If any of you wants to fight today, let him come and play the man.’ So Duke Godfrey, who was reckless and brave, with Hugh the Great, came first and arrived together, with their forces, and the bishop of Le Puy followed them with his, and the count of St Gilles came next with a great force.
Our men could not understand whence could have come such a great multitude of Turks, Arabs, Saracens and other peoples whose names I do not know, for nearly all the mountains and hills and valleys, and all the flat country within and without the hills, were covered with this accursed folk. For our part, we passed a secret message along our line, praising God and saying, ‘Stand fast all together, trusting in Christ and in the victory of the Holy Cross. Today, please God, you will all gain much booty.’*
Our line of battle formed up at once. On the left wing were the valiant Bohemund, Robert the Norman, the gallant Tancred, Robert of Anse and Richard of the Principality. The bishop of Le Puy came round by the other mountain, so that he could take those misbelieving Turks in the rear, and Raymond, count of St Gilles and a very gallant knight, rode also on the left wing. On the right wing were Duke Godfrey and the count of Flanders, who was very eager to fight, and Hugh the Great with many others whose names I do not know.
As soon as our knights charged, the Turks, Arabs, Saracens, Agulani* and all the rest of the barbarians took to their heels and fled through the mountain passes and across the plains. There were 360,000 Turks, Persians, Paulicians,† Saracens and Agulani, with other pagans, not counting the Arabs, for God alone knows how many there were of them. They fled very fast to their camp, but they were not allowed to stay there long, so they continued their flight and we pursued them, killing them, for a whole day, and we took much booty, gold, silver, horses, asses, camels, oxen, sheep and many other things about which we do not know. If God had not been with us in this battle and sent us the other army quickly, none of us would have escaped, because the fighting went on from the third hour until the ninth, but Almighty God, who is gracious and merciful, delivered his knights from death and from falling into the hands of the enemy and sent us help speedily. Yet two distinguished knights were killed, Godfrey of Monte Scaglioso‡ and William son of the marquis, Tancred’s brother, together with other knights and foot-soldiers whose names I do not know.
What man, however experienced and learned, would dare to write of the skill and prowess and courage of the Turks, who thought that they would strike terror into the Franks, as they had done into the Arabs and Saracens, Armenians, Syrians and Greeks, by the menace of their arrows? Yet, please God, their men will never be as good as ours. They have a saying that they are of common stock with the Franks, and that no men, except the Franks and themselves, are naturally born to be knights. This is true, and nobody can deny it, that if only they had stood firm in the faith of Christ and holy Christendom, and had been willing to accept One God in Three Persons, and had believed rightly and faithfully that the Son of God was born of a virgin mother, that he suffered, and rose from the dead and ascended in the sight of his disciples into heaven, and sent them in full measure the comfort of the Holy Ghost, and that he reigns in heaven and earth, you could not find stronger or braver or more skilful soldiers; and yet by God’s grace they were beaten by our men. This battle was fought on 1 July.
When our barons received permission from the emperor to depart, we left Nicaea on the third day before the calends of July [29 June] to go into the interior parts of Romania. But when we had been on our way for two days, it was reported to us that the Turks had laid a trap for us in the plains through which they thought we would have to pass and that there they expected to do battle.*
When we heard this we did not lose courage.† But that evening when our scouts saw many of the Turks a long distance away, they at once notified us of it. Therefore that night we had our tents protected on all sides by watchmen. Early in the morning, which was on the calends of July,‡ we took up our arms and at the sound of the trumpet divided into battle wings with the tribunes and centurions skilfully leading the cohorts and centuries. With banners flying we began to advance in good order.
Then at the second hour of the day [7–8 a.m.], lo, their scouts approached our sentries! When we heard this we pitched our tents near a marsh and took off our pack-saddles in order that we would be better able to fight.
After this was done, behold! there were the Turks, those pagan Persians whose amir and prince was that Suleiman§ who had held the city of Nicaea and the country of Romania in his power. They had at Suleiman’s command collected about him, having come to his aid for a distance of more than thirty days. There were present with him many amirs or princes, viz. Amircaradigum, Miriathos and many others.* Altogether they numbered 360,000 fighters, that is to say, bowmen, for it was their custom to be armed in that manner. All were mounted. On the other hand we had both footmen and bowmen.
At that time Duke Godfrey, Count Raymond and Hugh the Great had been absent from us for two days. They had for some reason, I know not what, separated from us with a large number of men at a place where the road divided.† For that reason we suffered [in the ensuing battle] an irreparable loss because as many of our men were slain as there were Turks who escaped death or capture. Because those who were separated from us received our messengers late, they were tardy in coming to our aid.
Meanwhile the Turks were howling like wolves and furiously shooting a cloud of arrows. We were stunned by this. Since we faced death and since many of us were wounded we soon took to flight. Nor is this remarkable because to all of us such warfare was unknown.
And now from the other side of the marsh a dense mass of the enemy fiercely forced its way as far as our tents. The Turks entered some of these tents and were snatching our belongings and killing some of our people when by the will of God the advance guard of Hugh the Great, Count Raymond and Duke Godfrey came upon this disaster from the rear. Because our men had retreated to our tents those of the enemy who had entered fled at once thinking that we had suddenly returned to attack them. What they took for boldness and courage was, if they could have known, really great fear.
What shall I say next? We were all indeed huddled together like sheep in a fold, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies so that we could not turn in any direction. It was clear to us that this happened because of our sins. For luxury had defiled some of us, and avarice and other vice had corrupted others. A great clamour rose to the sky, not only from our men and our women and children but also from the pagans rushing upon us. By now we had no hope of surviving.
We then confessed that we were defendants at the bar of justice and sinners, and we humbly begged mercy from God. The bishop of Le Puy, our patron, and four other bishops were there, and a great many priests also, vested in white. They humbly besought God that he would destroy the power of our enemy and shed upon us the gifts of his mercy. Weeping they sang and singing they wept. Then many people fearing that death was nigh ran to the priests and confessed their sins.*
Our leaders, Count Robert of Normandy and Stephen, count of Blois, and Robert, count of Flanders, and Bohemund also, resisted the Turks as far as they were able and often tried to attack them. They were also strongly assailed by the Turks.
The Lord does not give victory to splendour of nobility nor brilliance in arms but lovingly helps in their need the pure in heart and those who are fortified with divine strength. Therefore he, perhaps appeased by our supplications, gradually restored our strength and more and more weakened the Turks. For when we saw our comrades hastening to our aid from the rear† we praised God and regained our courage and formed into troops and cohorts and strove to resist the enemy.
Oh, how many of our men straggling behind us on the road did the Turks kill that day! From the very first hour of the day until the sixth, as I have said, difficulties hampered us.‡ However, little by little our spirits revived as our comrades reinforced us and as divine grace was miraculously present, and then as if by sudden impulse the Turks all turned their backs in flight.
Shouting fiercely we followed them over the mountains and through the valleys. We did not cease pursuing them until our swiftest men had reached their tents. Then some of our men loaded many of the camels and horses of the Turks with their possessions and even with the tents abandoned there in panic. Others followed the fleeing Turks until nightfall. Because our horses were famished and exhausted we kept a few of theirs.
It was a great miracle of God that during the next and the third days the Turks did not cease to flee although no one, unless God, followed them further.
Gladdened by such a victory we all gave thanks to God. He had willed that our journey should not be brought entirely to naught but that it should be prospered more gloriously than usual for the sake of that Christianity which was his own. Wherefore from east to west the tidings shall resound forever.
Then indeed we continued our journey carefully. One day we suffered such extreme thirst that some men and women died from its torments. The Turks, fleeing before us in confusion, sought hiding-places for themselves throughout Romania.
Following these events, we left Nicaea bound for Romania [Anatolia]; and on the march the next day Bohemund and some of the princes indiscreetly parted from the count, the bishop and the duke.* On the third day of Bohemund’s diversionary march, as he was considering making camp, his soldiers beheld 150,000 men approaching in battle formation. While he formed his battle ranks according to circumstance and made ready for the fight, he lost many stragglers; and so as the skirmish heightened Bohemund summoned to his aid the count and the duke, who were only two miles distant. The help was not slow in coming. The crusaders donned their armour, mounted their steeds, and galloped off to fight the enemy shortly after Bohemund’s messenger brought the news.
The sight of the onrushing knights chilled the hopes of Kilij Arslan, the attacking leader, and he fled precipitately. It seems to us that it was poetic justice that Kilij Arslan, who had seized captives and many tents from Bohemund, now through God’s power abandoned his goods.* Although we did not see it, some recounted a remarkable miracle in which two handsome knights in flashing armour, riding before our soldiers and seemingly invulnerable to the thrusts of Turkish lances, menaced the enemy so that they could not fight. Although we learned this from apostate Turks now in our ranks, we can certify from evidence that for two days on the march we saw dead riders and dead horses.
Following the defeat and repulsion of the Turks, we rapidly crossed through Romania in peace although an illness of Raymond retarded the march a bit. Distasteful as the following may be to scoffers, it should be made a matter of public record because it is an account of the miracle-working of divine mercy. A Saxon count in our army, claiming to be a legate of St Gilles, said that he had been urged twice to command the count: ‘Relax, you will not die of this infirmity because I have secured a respite for you from God and I shall always be at hand.’ Although the count was most credulous, he was so weakened by the malady that when he was taken from his bed and placed upon the ground, he scarcely had a breath of life. So [William] the bishop of Orange read the office as if he were dead; but divine compassion, which had made him leader of his army, immediately raised him from death and returned him safe and sound.†
Between the battle on 1 July and the arrival of the main crusader force before Antioch on 20–2 October lay some of the most arduous and painful marching of the entire expedition. Casualties, especially among non-combatants, were high, through exhaustion, dehydration, malnutrition, disease and, in the long detour the main army took across the Anti-Taurus Mountains (September–October 1097), accident and hypothermia. The only concerted Turkish resistance was brushed aside at Heraclea (Ereghli) c.10 September. There the army split; Tancred and Baldwin of Boulogne raided southwards through Cilicia, often in hostile competition with each other, capturing or liberating (many of the locals were Armenian Christians) Tarsus, Adana and Mamistra, before rejoining the main column in northern Syria in mid-October. Meanwhile, the bulk of the western force had headed north-east from Heraclea so as to come down on Antioch from the north through potentially friendly Armenian regions. Though costly in men and equipment, this circuitous march served the dual function of gaining allies and cutting Antioch off from a supportive hinterland. The Gesta Francorum describes what happened.
After the Turks, who are enemies of God and holy Christendom, were altogether defeated, they fled wildly for four days and nights. It happened that Suleiman their leader, son of old Suleiman,* was fleeing from Nicaea when he met ten thousand Arabs who thus accosted him, ‘O unhappy man, more miserable than all our people, why are you fleeing in terror?’ Suleiman answered them weeping, ‘Because when I had just (as I thought) defeated all the Franks and bound them as captives – in fact I wanted to have them bound together in pairs – I happened to look back, and saw such an innumerable army of their men that if you or anyone else had been there you would have thought that all the mountains and hills and valleys and all the plains were full of them. So when we saw them we were terribly afraid and took to flight at once, barely escaping from their hands, and that is why we are still terror-stricken. If you will believe me and trust my words, be off, because if they but know that you are here, hardly one of you will escape with his life.’† The Arabs, having heard such a tale, turned back and went in scattered bands throughout Rum. Meanwhile we were coming in pursuit of those abominable Turks, who were fleeing before us every day, and when they came to castles or cities they used to deceive and mislead the inhabitants, saying, ‘We have defeated and conquered all the Christians so that none of them will ever dare to oppose us again, so let us come in.’ Once inside, they used to loot the churches and houses and other places, and carry off horses, asses, mules, gold and silver and anything else they could find. They also kidnapped Christian children, and burned or destroyed everything that might be helpful or useful to us, as they fled in great terror at our approach. We therefore pursued them through a land which was deserted, waterless and uninhabitable,* from which we barely emerged or escaped alive, for we suffered greatly from hunger and thirst, and found nothing at all to eat except prickly plants which we gathered and rubbed between our hands. On such food we survived wretchedly enough, but we lost most of our horses, so that many of our knights had to go on as foot-soldiers, and for lack of horses we had to use oxen as mounts, and our great need compelled us to use goats, sheep and dogs as beasts of burden.
At last we began to reach fertile country, full of good and delicious things to eat and all sorts of provisions, and finally we reached Iconium,† where the inhabitants of that country gave us advice, warning us to carry skins full of water, for it is very scarce for a day’s journey from that city. So we did this, and came at last to a river where we encamped for two days, and then our scouts took the road before us until they came to Heraclea, in which a large Turkish garrison was waiting in ambush to attack the Christian knights. Our knights, trusting in Almighty God, found these Turks and attacked them boldly, so on that day our enemies were defeated and fled as quickly as an arrow, shot by a strong hand, flies from the bowstring. Our men entered the city at once, and we stayed there for four days.
While we were there Tancred son of the marquis and Count Baldwin, Duke Godfrey’s brother, went off together and entered the valley of Botrenthro.‡ Tancred and his knights struck out by themselves and came to Tarsus, where the Turks sallied from the city and came against them in one band, ready to fight with the Christians, so our men attacked them and fought with them and put them to flight, and they rushed back to the city as fast as they could. Tancred the knight of Christ galloped up and encamped before the city gate. The noble Count Baldwin came up with his army from the other direction and asked Tancred to make a friendly agreement about sharing the city, but Tancred said, ‘I flatly refuse to make this pact with you.’ When night fell, all the Turks fled away together, for they were terrified, and thereupon the inhabitants of the city came out in the dark, shouting at the tops of their voices, ‘Come on, unconquered Franks, come on! The Turks have all gone because they are so much afraid of you!’
At dawn the chief men of the city came and surrendered it, saying to Tancred and Baldwin, who were quarrelling over it, ‘Sirs, let be. We desire and seek to have for our ruler and lord the man who yesterday fought so gallantly against the Turks.’ Count Baldwin, a man with great achievements to his credit, went on arguing and quarrelling with Tancred, saying, ‘Let us go in together and sack this city, and whoever can get most, let him keep it, and whoever can take most, let him take it.’ The most valiant Tancred replied, ‘Far be this from me. I have no wish to plunder Christians. The men of this city have chosen me, and they want me to be their lord.’ At last, however, brave as he was, he could not stand up to Count Baldwin because of the strength of his forces.* And so, willy-nilly, he left the city and boldly led his men away. Two fine cities, Athena [Adana] and Manustra [Mamistra], together with many castles, surrendered to him directly.
The main army, led by Raymond, count of St Gilles and the most excellent Bohemund, Duke Godfrey and many others, entered the land of the Armenians, thirsting and craving for the blood of the Turks. They came at last to a castle which was so strong that they could not prevail against it. They had with them a man called Simeon, who was born in that country, and he asked for this place, so that he could defend it from the hands of the Turkish enemies. Our leaders granted it to him, and he stayed there with his people. We, however, went on and had a good journey to Caesarea in Cappadocia, and when we left Cappadocia we came to a city of great splendour and wealth* which the Turks had been besieging for three weeks a little before our arrival, but they could not take it. When we came the city surrendered to us at once with great rejoicing. A knight called Peter d’Aups† asked our leaders to let him hold it in fealty to God and the Holy Sepulchre, and to our leaders and the emperor, and this they freely granted to him with a very good will. During the next night Bohemund heard that great numbers of the Turks who had been besieging the city were just ahead of us, so he and his own knights got ready to attack them wherever they were, but he could not find them.
After this we came to a city called Coxon, in which there were plentiful supplies of provisions of which we were badly in need. The Christians who lived in that city surrendered it at once, and we stayed there, very comfortably, for three days, and our men were much recovered. Count Raymond, hearing that the Turkish garrison of Antioch had made off, held a council and decided to send thither some of his knights, so that they could take charge of it. Those whom he appointed for this mission were Peter the seneschal of Castillon, William of Montpellier, Peter of Roaix, Peter Raymond of Hautpoul and five hundred knights. These men came into a valley near Antioch and reached a castle held by the Paulicians, where they heard that the Turks were in the city and were preparing to defend it in strength. Peter of Roaix left the others and approached Antioch on the following night, entering the valley of Ruj where he found Turks and Saracens whom he attacked, killing many of them and driving the others into headlong flight. When the Armenians who lived in this country saw that he had been so brave in defeating the pagans they surrendered to him at once, and he immediately occupied the city of Rusa and many castles.
We, who stayed at Coxon, set out and began to cross a damnable mountain,* which was so high and steep that none of our men dared to overtake another on the mountain path. Horses fell over the precipice, and one beast of burden dragged another down. As for the knights, they stood about in a great state of gloom, wringing their hands because they were so frightened and miserable, not knowing what to do with themselves and their armour, and offering to sell their shields, valuable breastplates and helmets for threepence or fivepence or any price they could get. Those who could not find a buyer threw their arms away and went on. When we had crossed that accursed mountain we came to a city called Marash. The peasants came out of that city to meet us, rejoicing and bringing plenty of merchandise, and there we had all kinds of provisions, and waited for the arrival of my lord Bohemund. So at last our knights came into the valley where stands the royal city of Antioch,† capital of Syria, which was granted to blessed Peter, prince of the apostles, to restore it to the holy faith, by Our Lord Jesus who liveth and reigneth with God the Father in the unity of the Holy Ghost, One God, world without end. Amen.
Before Antioch could be invested, however, Baldwin of Boulogne set off eastwards with a small retinue of knights towards and across the Euphrates where, at Edessa in February and March, he established himself as military governor. In his company went Fulcher of Chartres who provided the closest, if partial and sympathetic, account of Baldwin’s not always respectable ascent to power, the first Frankish commander of the First Crusade to establish his own principality in the Near East.
Then we came to Antioch, which they call the Lesser, in the province of Pisidia, and then to Iconium. In these regions we very often were in need of bread and other food. For we found Romania, a land which is excellent and very fertile in products of all kinds, terribly wasted and depopulated by the Turks.*
Often, however, you could see many people much revived from the products of the scattered farms which we found from time to time throughout the country. This was with the help of that God who with five loaves and two fishes fed five thousand people. Wherefore we were well content, and rejoicing we acknowledged that these were gifts of the mercy of God.
Then indeed you would have laughed, or perhaps wept from pity, because many of our people, who lacked beasts of burden since many of their own had died, loaded wethers, she-goats, sows and dogs with their possessions, viz. clothing, food or whatever baggage was necessary for pilgrims. We saw the backs of these small beasts chafed by the weight of this baggage. And sometimes even armed knights used oxen as mounts.
And whoever heard of such a mixture of languages in one army? There were present Franks, Flemings, Frisians, Gauls, Allobroges, Lotharingians, Alemanni, Bavarians, Normans, English, Scots, Aquitanians, Italians, Dacians, Apulians, Iberians, Bretons, Greeks and Armenians. If any Briton or Teuton wished to question me I could neither reply nor understand.†
But though we were of different tongues we seemed, however, to be brothers in the love of God and to be of nearly one mind. For if anyone lost any of his property he who found it would keep it very carefully for many days until by enquiry he found the loser and returned what was found. This was indeed proper for those who were piously making the pilgrimage.
When we reached the city of Heraclea, we beheld a certain sign in the sky which appeared in brilliant whiteness in the shape of a sword with the point towards the east.‡ What it portended for the future we did not know, but we left the present and the future to God.
We then came to a certain flourishing city which is called Marash. We rested quietly there for three days.* But when we had marched a day’s journey from there and were now not further than three days from Antioch of Syria, I, Fulcher, withdrew from the [main] army and with the lord Count Baldwin, brother of Duke Godfrey, turned into the country to the left.†
Baldwin was indeed a most capable knight. Previously he had left the army with those men whom he had brought with him and had taken with great boldness the city which is called Tarsus of Cilicia. He took it away from Tancred, who had introduced his own men with the consent of the Turks. Leaving guards in it Baldwin had returned to the [main] army.‡
And so trusting in the Lord and in his own strength, Baldwin collected a few knights and set out towards the Euphrates. There he took many towns by force as well as by strategy. Among them was the most desirable, called Turbezel.§ The Armenians who dwelled there gave it up peacefully to him, and many other towns were also subjected to him.
When the report of this had circulated far and wide, the prince of the city of Edessa sent a delegation to Baldwin.¶ This city is very famous and is in a most fertile area. It is in Syrian Mesopotamia about twenty miles beyond the above-mentioned Euphrates and about a hundred miles or more from Antioch.**
Baldwin was asked by the duke to go there so that they could become mutual friends, like father and son, as long as they both should live. And if by chance the duke of Edessa should die Baldwin was to possess the city and all the duke’s territory immediately as a permanent inheritance just as if he were the latter’s own son. Since the duke had neither son nor daughter and since he was unable to defend himself against the Turks, this Greek wished that he and his territory should be defended by Baldwin. He had heard that Baldwin and his knights were very formidable fighting men.
As soon as Baldwin heard this offer and had been persuaded of its truth under oath by the deputies from Edessa, he with his little army of eighty knights proceeded to cross the Euphrates. After we had crossed this river we went on very hastily all night and, very much afraid, passed between the Saracen towns which were scattered about.
When the Turks who were in the fortified town of Samosata heard this, they set ambushes for us on the way through which they thought we would go. But on the following night a certain Armenian carefully sheltered us in his castle. He warned us to guard against these snares of the enemy, and for this reason we hid there for two days.*
But on the third day the Turks, irked by such delay, rushed down upon us from their place of hiding and with flags flying galloped in front of the castle in which we were located and before our eyes drove off as plunder the livestock which they found in the pastures.
We went out against them, but because we were few we were unable to contend with them. They shot arrows but wounded none of us. However, they left one of their men, killed by a lance, on the field. His horse was kept by the man who unseated him. Then the enemy left, but we remained there.
On the following day we resumed our journey. When we were passing by the towns of the Armenians, you would have been amazed to see them coming humbly to meet us, carrying crosses and banners, and kissing our feet and garments for the love of God because they had heard that we were going to protect them against the Turks under whose yoke they had been long oppressed.†
At length we reached Edessa where the aforesaid prince of the city and his wife, together with the citizens, joyfully received us and fulfilled their promises to Baldwin without delay.
After we had been there for fifteen days the citizens wickedly plotted to slay their prince because they hated him and to elevate Baldwin to the palace to rule the land. This was suggested and it was done. Baldwin and his men were much grieved because they were not able to obtain mercy for him.*
As soon as Baldwin had accepted as a gift from the citizens the princely position of this man, who had been wickedly murdered, he began a war against the Turks who were in the country. Many times he defeated or killed them. However, it happened also that many of our men were killed by the Turks.
I, Fulcher of Chartres, was the chaplain of this same Baldwin.†