After the capture of Antioch, the crusaders spent six months recuperating in northern Syria, a number of the leaders eagerly establishing themselves in control of certain regions to the extent that the object of Jerusalem seemed to fade as a priority, to the disquiet of the mass of the remaining troops. The death of Adhemar of Le Puy at Antioch on 1 August removed a conciliatory influence that had reinforced unity and restrained rivalries. Now, squabbles over ownership of Antioch, in particular between Raymond of Toulouse and Bohemund, threatened to break up the expedition. Only after Bohemund prevailed was Raymond persuaded to lead his army south towards Palestine and the Holy City, and only then after his followers had destroyed the walls of recently captured Ma’arrat, making it impossible for the count to remain where he was and forcing him to embark for Jerusalem, which he did, theatrically dressed as a barefoot penitent, on 13 January 1099.
The Gesta Francorum describes the aftermath of victory at Antioch.
When all our enemies had been resoundingly defeated (high praise be to God Almighty, the Three in One) they fled hither and thither, some of them half-dead, others wounded, and they fell down and died in the valleys and woods and fields and by the roadside. Christ’s people, the conquering pilgrims, went back into the city after their enemies had been defeated, exulting in their joyful triumph. Without delay all our leaders, Duke Godfrey, Raymond, count of St Gilles, Bohemund, the count of Normandy and the count of Flanders, and all the others, sent the high-born knight Hugh the Great to the emperor at Constantinople, asking him to come and take over the city and fulfil the obligations which he had undertaken towards them. Hugh went, but he never came back.*
After all these things were done, all our leaders assembled and held a council to decide how best to guide and lead the people until they should complete their journey to the Holy Sepulchre, for which they had already suffered so many perils. In this council they decided that they dared not yet enter into the land of the pagans, because in summer it is very dry and waterless, and that they would therefore wait until the beginning of November. So our leaders separated and each went off into his own territory until it should be time to resume the march. They had it announced throughout the city that if there were any poor man, lacking gold and silver, who wished to take service with them and stay on, they would gladly enrol him.
There was in the army of the count of St Gilles a certain knight whose name was Raymond Pilet.† He took into his service many knights and foot-soldiers, and set out boldly, with the army which he had collected, into the land of the Saracens. He passed by two cities and came to a castle named Tell-Mannas. The occupants of this castle, who were Syrians, surrendered it to him at once, and when his men had all been there for eight days messengers came to him, saying, ‘There is a castle full of Saracens near at hand.’ The knights and pilgrims of Christ went straight to that castle and besieged it on all sides, and by Christ’s help they took it at once. They captured all the peasants of the district and killed those who would not be christened, but those who preferred to acknowledge Christ they spared. When this was done, our Franks came back with great joy to the first castle. On the third day they set out and came to a city named Marra‡ which was not far off, in which were assembled many Turks and Saracens from the city of Aleppo and from all the cities and castles round about. The barbarians came out to fight with our men who, resolving to do battle with them, put them to flight; yet the enemy rallied and went on attacking our men all through the day, and their onslaught lasted until the evening. The heat was unspeakable, and our men could not endure such fearful thirst, for they could find no water to drink, so they wanted to get back safely to their castle. The Syrians and poor pilgrims, for their sins, got into a blind panic and began to retreat in a hurry. When the Turks saw them drawing back, they began to pursue them, and victory increased their strength, so that many of our people gave up their souls to God, for love of whom they had come thither. This massacre took place on 5 July. The surviving Franks withdrew into the castle, and Raymond with his men stayed there for several days.
The other crusaders, who remained in Antioch, stayed there with joy and great gladness, having the bishop of Le Puy as their ruler and shepherd. But, as God would have it, he fell very sick, and by God’s will he departed from this world, and resting in peace he fell asleep in the Lord on the feast of St Peter’s Chains.* Therefore there was grief and sorrow and great mourning throughout the whole army of Christ, for the bishop was a helper of the poor and a counsellor of the rich, and he used to keep the clergy in order and preach to the knights, warning them and saying, ‘None of you can be saved if he does not respect the poor and succour them; you cannot be saved without them, and they cannot survive without you. They ought every day to pray that God will show mercy towards your sins, by which you daily offend him in many ways, and therefore I beseech you, for the love of God, to be kind to them, and to help them as much as you can.’
Not long afterwards the noble Raymond, count of St Gilles, came and entered into the land of the Saracens and reached a city called al-Bara, which he attacked with his army and captured at once. He killed all the Saracens whom he found in it, both men and women, great and small, and after he had established his power there he restored the town to the Christian faith, and took counsel with his most trustworthy advisers as to how he might, with due devotion, have a bishop set up in the city, to recall it to the worship of Christ, and to consecrate the house of the devil to be a temple of the true and living God, and a church dedicated to his saints. Eventually they chose an honourable and learned man* and took him to Antioch to be consecrated, and this was done. The rest of the army, which was in Antioch, stayed there with joy and gladness.
Raymond of Aguilers provides a fuller picture of the infighting.
Following the victory the Frankish leaders, Bohemund, the count, the duke, and the count of Flanders, recaptured the citadel; but Bohemund, conceiving mischief by which he brought forth sin, seized the higher towers and forcibly ousted the followers of Godfrey, the count of Flanders and the count of St Gilles from the citadel with the excuse that he had sworn to the Turk who had delivered Antioch that only he would possess it. Emboldened by this unpunished act, Bohemund came to demand the castle and gates of Antioch which Raymond, Adhemar and Godfrey had protected from the time of Kerboga’s siege. With the exception of the count all yielded. Despite his enfeebled state, Raymond did not wish to let go the Bridge Gate, and prayers, promises and threats did not dissuade him.
Internal strife worried our leaders and further undermined friendly relations, so that only a few avoided disputes with their comrades or servants over theft or violence. In the absence of a judge who could or would discuss lawsuits, each person became a law unto himself. In these conditions the ailing count and bishop offered little protection to their followers. But why trifle with such petty details? Luxuriating in idleness and riches, the crusaders, contrary to God’s commands, postponed the journey until the calends of November.* We believe that, if the Franks had advanced, not one city between Antioch and Jerusalem would have thrown one rock at them, so terrified and weakened at this time were the Saracen cities following the defeat of Kerboga.
In the mean time Adhemar, lord bishop of Le Puy, beloved by God and mankind, flawless in the estimation of all, departed in peace to the Lord on the calends of August.† So great was the sorrow of all Christians at the time of his passing that we, who had been eyewitnesses to it, could not describe the reactions when we turned to recording the greatness of events. The scattering of the leaders following Adhemar’s death – Bohemund’s return to Romania, and Godfrey’s journey to Edessa – gave proof to his past usefulness to the Militia Christi and to its leaders.‡
On the second night following the bishop’s burial in the church of the blessed Peter of Antioch, Lord Jesus, the blessed Andrew and Adhemar appeared in Raymond’s chapel to Peter Bartholomew, the one who had related the location of the lance in Antioch. Then Adhemar said to Peter:
‘Thanks be to God, Bohemund and all my brothers who freed me from hell. Following the uncovering of the lance, I sinned deeply and so was drawn down to hell, whipped most severely, and as you can see my head and face were burned. My soul remained in hell from the hour it passed out of my body until my miserable corpse was returned to dust. This vestment you now see is one which the Lord returned to me in the burning flames, because at the time of my ordination as bishop I had given it to a pauper for God’s work. Although Gehenna boiled up and the minions of Tartarus raved against me, they injured nothing beneath the garment. Of all things brought from my native land none brought as much benefit as a candle which my friends gave as an offering for me and the 3 denarii which I presented to the lance. These benevolences revived me when, burning even unto death, I went forth from hell. My lord, Bohemund, said that he would carry my body to Jerusalem. For his sake he shall not move my corpse from its resting place because some of the blood of the Lord with whom I am now associated remains there.
‘But if he doubts my statements, let him open my tomb and he shall see my burnt head and face. I entrust my followers to my lord, the count; let Raymond deal kindly with them so that God will be compassionate and carry out his promises. Moreover, my brothers should not sorrow because of my death, because I shall be far more useful in death than in life if they are willing to keep the laws of God. I and all my departed brothers shall live with them, and I shall appear and offer better counsel than I did in life. You, my brothers, heed the burdensome and frightful pains of hell and serve God, the emancipator of man from these and other ills. Indeed, how fortunate is he who escapes the penalties of hell. The Saviour shall be able to bestow this pardon upon those who shall have kept his commandments. Also save the drippings of this candle left at dawn. Since I am dead let the count and his chosen ones select a bishop in my place, since it is improper that the see of the blessed Mary be without a bishop; and further give one of my cloaks to the church of St Andrew.’
Then the blessed Andrew paid his respects, came nearer and commanded:
‘Heed God’s words which I speak. Raymond,* remember the gift the Lord handed over to you, and that which you do, do in his name so that the Lord may guide your words and acts and grant your prayers. Nicaea, first city granted to you by the Lord, has been turned from him. God gave his city to you, wrested it from your enemies, only to be denied in that place later because the works of the Lord were unknown there; and if one asked the Lord’s help he was scourged. However, in his goodness the Lord does not wish to abandon you; and he shall grant that which you seek, and even more than you have dared to seek, because he delivered to you the lance, which pierced his body from which ran the blood of our redemption. Remember the Lord did not give you this city to desecrate as you did the other, and you can certainly see that the Lord did not give it to you because of your merits.
‘The Lord orders you, O Raymond, that you learn who aspires most to rule Antioch and make enquiries concerning the Lord’s role in his rule. Therefore, if you and your brothers, God’s custodians of Antioch, find a faithful maintainer of God’s justice, give him the city. But if he schemes to hold Antioch by force, thus scorning justice and judgement, then you and your brothers seek counsel from God, and he shall give it to you. Righteous men and the true worshippers of God will not fail you; but the unrighteous, may they return to him who is the enemy of justice, and it shall be seen in what manner God will save them. Truly, upon them shall be the same curse of God and his mother as that which was placed on the falling Lucifer. If you are in accord, seek counsel in prayer, and God will give it to you.
‘Further, if you are harmonious, hold counsel concerning a patriarch of your law. Do not absolve captives wishing to keep your commandments, and do not admit those who have followed the Koran in order to worship Allah of the Turks. Regard them as Turks and send two or three to prison, and they will identify others for you. Following completion of the above, ask the Lord’s advice on the crusading journey and he will counsel you well. However, if you do not follow the above command, although Jerusalem is only ten days’ distance, you will not reach it in ten years; and I shall lead the infidels back into their lands and one hundred of them will triumph over you. Besides, you, servants of God, entreat the Lord as did the apostles; and as he answered their prayers so shall he answer yours.
‘You, Raymond and Bohemund, go to the church of the blessed Andrew, and he will give you God’s best advice; and that which God places in your heart, follow it. After this visitation of the blessed Andrew, not only humble yourself before him but have your brothers do likewise. By all means let peace and love of God abide with you, Raymond and Bohemund, because if you are in accord nothing can destroy you. It behoves you first to make known the justice which you must render. Let as many men as there are from each of their bishops declare publicly their wealth and assist their poor according to their ability and to the need. Further, act according to general agreement, and if they do not wish to observe this and other just rules, restrain them. If anyone desires to possess any city given to him by God for the Christians, may he conduct himself according to the above commands. But if he shall not do so, let the count and the children of God scourge him.’
At first credited, the admonitions of St Andrew were soon ignored, for some of the crusaders said, ‘Let us return Antioch to Alexius,’ but others objected.
Later at the siege of Arqah as Peter Bartholomew lay dying, he summoned the count and instructed him: ‘Upon your arrival at Jerusalem command the army to pray God to lengthen and continue your life and God will double your life. Moreover, upon your return put the lance within five leagues of the church of St Trophimus and have a church erected there; and upon oath make sound money there and do not permit any false acts in that place. This spot shall be called Mount of Joy, and may these things be carried out in Provence because the blessed Peter promised his disciple, Trophimus, to deliver the Holy Lance to him.’*
The interests of the poor were set aside because of strife and dissension, and nothing happened concerning the counsel which the chieftains received from St Andrew. At this time the Turks from Aleppo invested a fortress which is called Azaz.† Troubled thus, the besieged Turks asked Godfrey, who was in the vicinity, to accept their castle because henceforth they preferred only a Frankish lord. Consequently, the duke upon his return to Antioch called together Raymond, who had recovered from his illness, and all his knights and footmen whom the count had led into Hispania [Ruj] to pillage the countryside for the poor.
Godfrey also pleaded earnestly that Raymond, for God’s sake as well as the honour of the Frankish race, hasten to help the apostate Turks, who now cried out to God; and he further stated that the besieged Turks made the sign of the Cross against the machines of the besiegers. Following these and other entreaties, the count marched with Godfrey; however, the Turks abandoned the siege upon receipt of this news. Consequently, upon our army’s arrival at Azaz, the duke took hostages from the castle as guarantors of future loyalty, and Raymond returned to Antioch with considerable expense to his army. Here he called together his knights so that he could lead the poor people, now demoralised by hunger and weariness, into Hispania.
At the same time St Andrew appeared to Peter Bartholomew in a tent at Chastel Rouge which was occupied by the bishop of Apt, Raymond d’Aguilers, chaplain of the count, and a chaplain named Simon. Simon, upon hearing the conversation of St Andrew and Peter, covered up his head, and as he reported, heard much, but recalled only, ‘Lord, I say.’*
However, the bishop of Apt added, ‘I am not sure that I have dreamed or not, but an old man wearing a white stole and holding the Holy Lance of the Lord in his hands asked me, “Do you believe this is the lance of Jesus Christ?”
‘Whereupon I responded, “I believe, lord!”
‘When he put the question a second and third time, I answered, “Truly, I believe, lord, that this is the lance which drained the blood from the side of Jesus Christ by which all have been redeemed.” ’
Then the bishop of Apt shook me, Raymond d’Aguilers, as I lay sleeping close by. Upon awakening I noticed the extra light, and as if holy grace had entered my soul I enquired from my friends present whether they had felt as if they were in a group moved by great emotion, and all replied, ‘No, indeed.’
While we repeated the above, Peter, the recipient of the heavenly revelation, answered, ‘Indeed you did see a pleasing light because the Father, author of all grace, stood in this spot for a long time.’
When we requested him to relate the words of his heavenly visitors, Peter reported to us and the count as follows:
‘Tonight the Lord and the blessed Andrew in their accustomed form came here accompanied by a small companion, wearing a long beard and clad in linen. Then the blessed Andrew, displeased because I had abandoned the relics of his body, found in the church at Antioch, threatened me severely and continued: “After being cast head first from a mountain by the unbelievers, I broke two fingers, and following my death this man preserved them and then translated them to Antioch. But you cared little for my relics after you found them; one you allowed to be stolen, the other you shamefully discarded.” Then he showed his hand which lacked two fingers.’
Peter continued: ‘O count, St Andrew criticised you harshly because you are not afraid to sin grievously and evilly although you received the inexpressible gift reserved for you alone by the Lord. This is the reason the Lord gave you this sign: specifically, five days ago you gave as an offering a candle large enough to burn three days and as many nights. Yet immediately melting, it sank to the ground. This night on the contrary you offered a small candle, one scarce large enough to burn until the cock’s crow, and it sheds its light with only a third of the candle melted although it is now day.
‘Therefore, the Lord demands these things from you: “Undertake nothing unless you have done penance, for if you fail to do so you and your undertakings will be as a melted candle which trickles to the earth. But God will make perfect and complete all your undertakings in the name of the Lord if you do penance, and the Lord will magnify even your small efforts as he has made the little candle, which you see, last a long time.” ’
Raymond, although he denied the gravity of his sins, confessed and did penance after Peter Bartholomew confronted him with his sin.
Peter continued to address the count: ‘O count, the blessed Andrew objects to your advisers because they gave evil counsel for a purpose, and on account of this you are commanded to ignore their advice unless they swear not to give bad counsel knowingly to you.
‘Listen well, Raymond. The Lord orders you not to dilly-dally, because he will aid you only after the capture of Jerusalem; and let no crusader ride closer than two leagues when you approach Jerusalem. If you follow instructions God will deliver the city to you.
‘Following these commands St Andrew thanked me profusely because I had brought about the consecration of the church which had been constructed in his name at Antioch; and he spoke not only of these things but of other matters not pertinent at this time. After this he and his comrades ascended into space.’
The Gesta Francorum describes the worsening relations after the Antioch conference of 1 November.
When the appointed day (the feast of All Saints)* approached, all our leaders returned together to Antioch and began to discuss how they should continue their journey to the Holy Sepulchre, for, said they, ‘The appointed day is at hand, and it is no time for any further quarrels,’ for Bohemund had been asking every day for the recognition of the agreement by which all the leaders had formerly promised to give him the city, but the count of St Gilles would make no agreement and did not want to give way to Bohemund, because he was afraid of breaking his oath to the emperor. Many meetings were held in the church of St Peter in order to come to a just conclusion. Bohemund recited his agreement and showed a list of his expenses, and likewise the count of St Gilles repeated the words and the oath which he had sworn to the emperor on Bohemund’s advice. The bishops, with Duke Godfrey, the counts of Flanders and Normandy and the other leaders, went apart from the rest, and entered that part of the church where stands St Peter’s chair, so that they might give judgement between the two parties; but afterwards, fearing lest the journey to the Holy Sepulchre might be interrupted, they would not give a clear judgement. Then said the count of St Gilles, ‘Rather than abandon the journey to the Holy Sepulchre, and provided that Bohemund will come with us, I will faithfully promise to do whatever is approved by our peers, Duke Godfrey and the count of Flanders and Robert the Norman and the other leaders, saving the faith which I owe to the emperor.’ Bohemund agreed to all this, and the two of them promised, putting their hands into those of the bishops, that the journey to the Holy Sepulchre should in no wise be interrupted by them. Then Bohemund took counsel with his men as to how he could garrison and victual the citadel on top of the mountain. Likewise the count of St Gilles took counsel with his men as to how he could garrison and victual the palace of Yaghi Sayan the amir, and the tower which is over the Bridge Gate (which lies on the side of the city nearest to St Simeon’s Port), so that it could hold out for a long time.
The city of Antioch is a very fine and distinguished place. Within its walls are four great mountains which are exceedingly high. The citadel, a wonderful building which is exceedingly strong, stands on the highest of them. Down below lies the city, which is impressive and well planned, adorned with all kinds of splendid buildings, for there are many churches, and 360 monasteries. Its patriarch is metropolitan over 153 bishops.
This city is surrounded by two walls, the greater of which is very high and amazingly broad, built of great stones, and there are set upon it 450 towers. Everything about this city is beautiful. On the east it is shut in by four great mountains, on the west, beside the city walls, runs a river called the Orontes. This city is the centre of great authority, for it was formerly established by seventy-five kings, of whom the chief was King Antiochus, from whom it gets its name of Antioch. The Franks besieged this city for eight months and a day, and thereafter they themselves were besieged for three weeks by the Turks and other pagans, in greater number than have ever before been gathered together, whether of Christian men or pagans. Finally, by the help of God and the Holy Sepulchre, they were defeated by the Christians, and we rested in Antioch, with joy and gladness, for five months and eight days.
When this time came to an end, Raymond, count of St Gilles, set out from Antioch with his army in the month of November, and came to a city called Riha and thence to one called al-Bara. On 28 November he reached the city of Marra [Ma’arrat al-Numan], in which was assembled a great number of Saracens, Turks, Arabs and other pagans, and the count attacked it next day. Bohemund and his army followed the other counts soon afterwards, and joined forces with them on a Sunday. On the Monday they attacked the town very bravely from all sides, and pressed on with such eagerness and courage that scaling-ladders were set up against the wall, but such was the power of the pagans that on that day it was not possible to come to grips with them or to do them any harm. When our leaders saw that they could do nothing, and that they were labouring in vain, Raymond, count of St Gilles, caused a wooden siege tower to be built, and it was strong and lofty, so engineered and constructed that it ran upon four wheels. On the top storey stood many knights and Everard the Huntsman, who blew loud blasts on his horn, and underneath were armed knights who pushed the tower up to the city wall, over against one of its towers. When the pagans saw this they immediately made an engine by which they threw great stones upon our siege tower, so that they nearly killed our knights. Moreover they threw Greek fire upon the siege tower, hoping to burn and destroy it, but this time Almighty God would not let the siege tower burn, and it was higher than all the walls of the city. Our knights who were on its upper storey (William of Montpellier and many others) threw great stones down upon those who stood on the city wall, and struck them upon their shields; so that shield and man fell backwards into the city, and the man was killed. While they were doing this others held in their hands spears adorned with pennants, and tried to pull the enemy towards them with lances and hooks of iron. Thus they fought until the evening. Behind the siege tower stood the priests and clerks, clad in their holy vestments, praying and beseeching God to defend his people, and to exalt Christendom and cast down idolatry.
On the other side of the city our knights were fighting every day with the enemy, putting up scaling-ladders against the city wall, but the might of the pagans was such that they could gain no advantage. At last Gouffier of Lastours* was the first to get up the ladder on to the wall; the ladder broke at once under the weight of the crowd who followed him, but nevertheless he and some others succeeded in reaching the top of the wall. Those who had gone up cleared a space around them on the wall. Others found a fresh ladder and put it up quickly, and many knights and foot-soldiers went up it at once, but the Saracens attacked them so fiercely, from the wall and from the ground, shooting arrows and fighting hand-to-hand with spears, that many of our men were terrified and jumped off the wall. While those very gallant men who stayed on the wall were resisting the enemy attack, others, protected by the siege tower, were undermining the defences of the city. When the Saracens saw that our men had undermined the wall they were panic-stricken and fled into the city. (This all happened on a Saturday, at the hour of vespers, when the sun was setting. It was 11 December.)
Then Bohemund sent an interpreter to the Saracen leaders to tell them that if they, with their wives and children and goods, would take refuge in a palace which lies above the gate he would save them from death. Our men all entered the city, and each seized his own share of whatever goods he found in houses or cellars, and when it was dawn they killed everyone, man or woman, whom they met in any place whatsoever. No corner of the city was clear of Saracen corpses, and one could scarcely go about the city streets except by treading on the dead bodies of the Saracens. Then Bohemund took those whom he had ordered to enter the palace, and stripped them of all their belongings, gold, silver and other valuables, and some of them he caused to be killed, others to be taken to Antioch and sold as slaves.
The Franks stayed in that city for one month and four days, during which time the bishop of Orange died.* While we were there some of our men could not satisfy their needs, either because of the long stay or because they were so hungry, for there was no plunder to be had outside the walls. So they ripped up the bodies of the dead, because they used to find bezants hidden in their entrails, and others cut the dead flesh into slices and cooked it to eat.
Bohemund could not reach an agreement about his claims with the count of St Gilles, so he was angry and went back to Antioch. Count Raymond, without much delay, sent messengers to Antioch, asking Duke Godfrey and the count of Flanders and Robert the Norman and Bohemund to come and hold a conference with him at Riha.† All the leaders came thither, and took counsel as to how they should continue on their way to the Holy Sepulchre, for which they had set out and towards which they had marched until this time, but they could not reconcile Bohemund with Raymond, unless Count Raymond would surrender Antioch to Bohemund, and this the count was unwilling to do because of the oath which he had sworn to the emperor. Then the other counts and the duke returned to Antioch with Bohemund, but Count Raymond returned to Marra, where the poor pilgrims were, and he ordered his knights to fortify the palace, and the castle which was above the gate by the city bridge.‡
Raymond of Aguilers’s account appears closer to the currents of popular feeling, at least in the Provençal army.
Soon thereafter Raymond, accompanied by the poor pilgrims and a few knights, marched into Syria where he courageously captured al-Bara, the first Saracen town on his route.* Here he slaughtered thousands, returned thousands more to be sold into slavery at Antioch, and freed those cowardly ones who surrendered before the fall of al-Bara. Thereafter, following the views of his chaplains and princes, the count very commendably and properly selected a priest as bishop in this manner. One of the count’s chaplains, after a general convocation, climbed on the walls and made known to all the people Raymond’s wishes. Because the people demanded an election, the above chaplain enquired whether there was a cleric who could receive the loyalty of the faithful, and by opposing the pagans as much as possible aid God and his brethren.
In the ensuing silence we called Peter, a native of Narbonne, and publicly made plain the burden of the bishopric, and urged that he take the post if he was determined to hold al-Bara even unto death. When he promised the above in his administration, the people unanimously approved him and thanked God very much in view of the fact that they wanted a Roman bishop in the eastern Church.† Raymond gave Peter of Narbonne one-half of al-Bara and its environs.
The calends of November,‡ the time for the reassembling of the crusaders and the renewal of the march, now drew near and al-Bara was two days’ journey from Antioch. As a result, Raymond left his army in al-Bara and journeyed to Antioch with Peter, his new bishop, many captives and great booty. Here, all of the princes with the exception of Baldwin, brother of Godfrey, reassembled. This Baldwin,§ after digressing from the main crusading army, turned towards the Euphrates before the capture of Antioch, seized the rich and celebrated city Edessa, and waged many successful battles against the Turks.
Before going to other events I must tell you this tale. When Godfrey was on his way to Antioch with twelve knights, he encountered 150 Turks, and, not the least hesitant, prepared his arms, exhorted his knights, and courageously charged the enemy. But the Muslims, impressed by the daredevil choice of death rather than safety in flight, chose to have some of their men dismount so that the mounted Turks would be assured that their dismounted friends would not desert them. As a result during the long and violent mêlée, Godfrey’s knights, equal in number to the twelve apostles and secure in their belief the duke was God’s vicar, bravely charged the enemy. God gave the duke such a great victory that he killed some thirty pagans, captured a like number, and pursuing the fugitives killed or caused to be drowned many others in the adjacent swamp and river. In a joyful triumph with the captive foes carrying the heads of their slain comrades, Godfrey returned victoriously to Antioch.
Thereafter in a princely assembly in the church of the blessed Peter, the princes began to plan the resumption of the march to Jerusalem. Then some of the holders of castles and rents in the environs of Antioch asked: ‘What shall be done about Antioch? Who will guard it? Alexius will not come; remember he fled when he heard Kerboga besieged us, because he had no confidence in his strength or his huge army. Shall we await him longer? Certainly, he, who forced our brothers and those coming to God’s aid to retreat, will not come to support us. On the other hand if we abandon Antioch and the Turks recover it, the result will be more disastrous than the last occupation. So let us give it to Bohemund, a wise man, respected by the pagans, a man who will protect it well.’
But the count and others spoke in opposition: ‘We swore upon the Cross of the Lord, the crown of thorns, and many holy relics that we would not hold without the consent of the emperor any city or castle in his dominion.’
Thus divided by contradictions, the princes became so violent that they almost took up arms. Actually, Godfrey and Robert of Flanders took the Antioch quarrel lightly and secretly favoured Bohemund’s possession, but fearful of the disgrace of perjury dared not commend it to him. As a result the journey and all matters pertaining to it and the care of the poor were postponed.*
The people, upon observing this princely fiasco, began to suggest first privately and later publicly: ‘It is obvious that our leaders because of cowardice or because of the oath to Alexius do not wish to lead us to Jerusalem; therefore, why can’t we select a brave knight in whose loyal service we can be secure, and God willing we shall reach the Holy Sepulchre with him as our leader. My goodness! A year in the land of the pagans and the loss of two hundred thousand soldiers; isn’t this enough? Let those who covet the emperor’s gold or the Antiochian revenues possess them; but for us who left our homes for Christ, let us renew our march with him as leader. May the coveters of Antioch die wickedly even as its inhabitants did recently. If the Antiochian quarrel continues, let us tear down the walls; then the era of princely good will existing prior to the city’s capture will return with its destruction. Otherwise, we should turn back to our lands before hunger and fatigue exhaust us.’
Swayed by these and other views, Raymond and Bohemund made a peace of discord; and on a set date orders went out to the people to prepare for resumption of the crusade. Upon completion of all the details for this march, the counts of St Gilles and Flanders along with the people on the set day marched into Syria where they besieged the wealthy and heavily populated city of Ma’arrat al-Numan, which was situated eight miles from al-Bara.† Because of a former skirmish with us in which we suffered heavy losses, the haughty citizens of the city railed at our leaders, cursed our army, and desecrated crosses fixed to their walls to anger us. On the day following our arrival, we were so angered by the natives that we openly stormed the walls and would, no doubt, have seized Ma’arrat al-Numan if we had possessed four more ladders. However, our two ladders, short and fragile, were mounted fearfully; and it was the council’s decision to build machines, hurdles and mounds by which the wall could be reached, sapped and tumbled to the ground. While this went on Bohemund and his army came and laid siege to another sector of Ma’arrat al-Numan. As we stated above, we were inadequately prepared, but urged on by the newcomers’ appearance we hoped to launch a new attack by filling the moat. But our new attack, more miserable than the first, was useless.
It grieves me to report that in the ensuing famine one could see more than ten thousand men scattered like cattle in the field scratching and looking, trying to find grains of wheat, barley, beans or any legume. Despite the continuing work on assault machines, some of our people, impressed by the misery around them and the audacity of the Saracens, lost hope of God’s mercy and turned tail.
But God, the protector of his servants, now had mercy on his people when he saw them in the slough of despond. As a result he employed the blessed apostles Peter and Andrew to inform us of his will and of ways to appease his harsh command. In the middle of the night they entered the count’s chapel and awakened Peter Bartholomew, the one to whom they had shown the lance. But Peter Bartholomew, suddenly aroused, upon seeing two ugly and filthily clad characters standing by the reliquary, naturally believed them to be thieving paupers. St Andrew was clad in an old tunic, torn at the shoulders, the left one patched with cloth, the right one bare, and he wore cheap shoes. Peter was dressed in an ankle-length, coarse linen shirt.
Then Peter Bartholomew enquired, ‘Who are you, my lords, and what do you seek?’
The blessed Peter answered: ‘We are God’s messengers; I am Peter and this is Andrew. But we chose this habit for our appearance so that you may observe the great profits for him who serves God devotedly. In this state and garb, just as you see us, we came to God, and behold us now.’
After these remarks Peter and Andrew became brighter and more beautiful than words can express; and Peter Bartholomew, terror-stricken by the unexpected flash of light, tumbled to the ground as if dead, and in his anxiety broke into a sweat which dampened the mat upon which he had fallen. Thereupon St Peter helped him to his feet and said, ‘You fell easily.’
Peter Bartholomew replied, ‘Yes, my lord.’
St Peter then explained, ‘So shall all disbelievers and transgressors of the Lord’s command fall, but the Lord raises them as I did you after your fall if they repent their evil deeds and cry out to God. Furthermore, as your sweat remains on the mat, so surely God will lift up and remove the sins of those crying out to him. But tell me, how does the army conduct itself?’
Peter Bartholomew answered, ‘Certainly, they are greatly worried by famine, and they are very miserable.’
Whereupon St Peter stormed: ‘Deserters of Almighty God may well be fearful for having so forgotten the perils from which he delivered them that they failed to offer thanks. But you cried out to God when you were down and out at Antioch so that we in heaven might hear. The Lord heard you, offered you his lance as a pledge of victory to you, and gave you a marvellous and glorious triumph over the besiegers and Kerboga. You have deeply offended God; and now in what lord do you believe yourselves to be safe? Can towering mountains or hidden caves protect you? You could not be safe even on some impregnable height stocked with all necessities, because one hundred thousand foes would menace each of you. In your ranks there is murder, pillage and theft, as well as an absence of justice. There is also adultery, although it would be pleasing to God if you would marry. In the matters of justice the Lord orders that all goods in the dwelling of the violent oppressor of the poor shall be public property. If you pay your tithes the Lord is prepared to give you that which you need; but he will give Ma’arrat al-Numan to you on account of his mercy and not because of your deeds; and whenever you wish besiege it, do so because, without doubt, it will be seized.’
Following Peter’s account of these events next morning to the count, Raymond along with the bishops of Orange and al-Bara called together the people; and, enticed by high hopes of capturing the city, the faithful gave generously and offered prayers to Almighty God to liberate his poor people for his name’s sake only. Upon completion of these spiritual preparations, ladders were hastily made, a wooden tower erected, hurdles put together, and at the end of the day the assault was started. The besieged of Ma’arrat al-Numan hurled stones from catapults, darts, fire, hives of bees and lime upon our men who had sapped their walls; but scarcely any suffered injury because of the power and mercy of God. On the other hand, the crusaders daringly attacked the walls with rocks and ladders in an assault lasting from sunrise until sunset; indeed it was a remarkable fight in that no one rested and no one doubted the victorious outcome. Finally all called out to God to be merciful to his people and to execute the promises of his disciples.
The ever-present Lord delivered the city to us as his apostles had prophesied. Gouffier of Lastours, first to mount the walls, was followed by other Christians, who attacked the ramparts and towers; but night ended the fight and left some towers and parts of the town in Saracen hands.* The knights, anticipating a last-ditch stand of the enemy the following morning, guarded the outer walls to cut off any escapees. But some crusaders, careless of their lives because starvation had made them contemptuous of life, carried the fight to the besieged in the shades of night. Thereby the poor gained the lion’s share of booty and houses in Ma’arrat al-Numan while the knights, who awaited morning to enter, found poor pickings. In the mean time the pagans hid in subterranean caves, and practically none appeared on the streets. The Christians filched all the goods above the ground, and, driven by hopes of Saracen wealth underground, smoked the enemy out of their caves with fire and sulphur fumes. When the plunder in the caves proved disappointing, they tortured to death the hapless Muslims in their reach. Some of our men had the experience of leading the Saracens through the streets, hoping to locate spoils of war, only to find their captives would lead them to wells and then suddenly jump headlong to their deaths in preference to revealing goods owned by them or others. Because of their intransigence all submitted to death. Their corpses were thrown into swamps and areas beyond the walls, and so Ma’arrat al-Numan yielded little plunder.
The knights of Bohemund, although only half-hearted in pressing the siege, acquired the greater number of towers, horses and captives, and thereby led to hard feelings between the Normans and the Provençals. Now the Lord had brought to pass a miraculous event; and, as I reported above, even though we explained to the people before the capture of Ma’arrat al-Numan the apostolic commands of Peter and Andrew, Bohemund and his comrades ridiculed us. Actually Bohemund and his Normans were more of a hindrance than a help, and naturally the entourage of Raymond was indignant because the Normans held the major share of the spoils. Finally, the lords disagreed; Raymond wanted to give the city to the bishop of al-Bara, and Bohemund held to some of his captured towers and warned, ‘I shall agree to nothing with Raymond unless he cedes the Antiochian towers to me.’*
In this turmoil knights and the people asked when it would please the princes to begin the journey, for although the march had started long ago, yet each day seemed to be the start of a new crusade, for the goal had not been reached. Bohemund answered that he would not go before Easter, and it was now the time of the Nativity of our Lord. Many gave up hope and turned back on account of the scarcity of horses, the absence of Godfrey, and the exodus of many knights to Baldwin of Edessa.
At last, the bishop of al-Bara and some nobles met with the poor people and called upon Raymond for help. When the bishop ended his sermon, the knights and all the people knelt before the count, the recipient of the Holy Lance, and tearfully beseeched him to make himself leader and lord of the army. They further stated that in view of the merits of his possession of the Holy Lance and the fact that he was beholden for the Lord’s benefaction, he would not fear to continue the journey in safety with the people. Failing to do so Raymond should hand over the lance to the masses, and they would continue the march to the Holy City under the Lord’s leadership. The count temporised, fearing that the absentee princes, already envious of him, would not follow him if he set the day of departure.
Why not end this dreary story? The tears of the poor prevailed, and Raymond set the departure date on the fifteenth day while the infuriated Bohemund proclaimed throughout the town the date of departure as the fifth or sixth day, and soon thereafter returned to Antioch. Raymond and the bishop of al-Bara turned to providing a garrison, determining both the number and choice of personnel. At the same time the count requested Godfrey and the absentees from Ma’arrat al-Numan to come together in one place and make the necessary preparation for resumption of the journey. The princes met and held a conference at Chastel Rouge, which is almost half-way between Antioch and Ma’arrat al-Numan; but the meeting came to naught because the leaders and many who followed their example offered reasons for not continuing the journey. As a result Raymond offered Godfrey and Robert of Normandy 10,000 solidi apiece, 6,000 to Robert of Flanders, 5,000 to Tancred, and proportionately to others.*
Meantime upon reception of the news that Raymond planned to garrison Ma’arrat al-Numan with knights and footmen from the army, the poor gossiped: ‘So that’s it! Strife in Antioch, strife in Ma’arrat al-Numan; will there be bickering of princes and sapping of God’s army in every spot which God gives to us? Let us put an end to further strife here, and for the sake of tranquillity among the leaders and peace of mind for Raymond, who worries over its loss, come and let us tear down its walls.’
Thereupon, even the sick and weak, arising from their beds and hobbling along on sticks, came all the way to the walls. An emaciated person could roll back and forth and push from the wall stones of such size that three or four yoke of oxen could scarcely budge. The bishop of al-Bara and Raymond’s friends, exhorting and pleading against such vandalism, went around about the city; but those who had scrambled from the walls and hidden at their approach were quick to resume their work as soon as the guards passed by them. The more cowardly and preoccupied ones worked at night so that almost no one was too weak or sick to help in tumbling the walls.*
Now the food shortage became so acute that the Christians ate with gusto many rotten Saracen bodies which they had pitched into the swamps two or three weeks before. This spectacle disgusted as many crusaders as it did strangers, and as a result of it many gave up without hope of Frankish reinforcements and turned back. The Saracens and Turks reacted thus: ‘This stubborn and merciless race, unmoved by hunger, sword or other perils for one year at Antioch, now feasts on human flesh; therefore, we ask, “Who can resist them?” ’ The infidels spread stories of these and other inhuman acts of the crusaders, but we were unaware that God had made us an object of terror.†
At this time Raymond, upon his return from Ma’arrat al-Numan, was highly incensed with his followers; however, he recognised God’s fine hand and ordered the foundations of the walls to be undermined when he learned that neither threats nor force on the part of the bishop of al-Bara and other leaders could dissuade the mob from its purpose. But the food shortage grew daily, and we ordered almsgiving and prayers for the journey as the appointed day approached. Meanwhile, moved by the absence of the great leaders and the weakening effect of the famine, the count of Toulouse ordered the Christians to forage for food in Hispania, and he promised that he and his knights would be in the vanguard. But some of his disgruntled followers complained: ‘With less than three hundred knights and only a small number of footmen, shall we split our forces with some going into Hispania while others remain in the defenceless ruins of Ma’arrat al-Numan?’ And they enlarged on Raymond’s great instability.
Nevertheless, at last on behalf of the poor the count marched into Hispania and captured many castles, prisoners and much plunder. Upon his joyous and victorious return, following the killing of many Saracens, the infidels seized and killed six or seven of our indigent. Oddly enough, all these corpses had crosses on their right shoulder. The observers, along with Raymond, greatly comforted by the sight, offered prayers to the omnipotent God who remembered his paupers. To convince the sceptics, who remained with the baggage train near Ma’arrat al-Numan, they carried back one of the mortally wounded who was still breathing. We saw a miracle in this poor man, one so mutilated that his battered body scarcely had a spot to conceal his soul. Yet he lived seven or eight days without nourishment, all the time testifying that Jesus, to whose judgement he would surely go, was God, the creator of the Cross which he bore on his shoulder.
Ibn al-Qalanisi viewed events such as the capture of Ma’arrat al-Numan from the victims’ perspective. He also chronicled the highly significant capture by the Egyptians of Jerusalem in the summer of 1098 from the Ortuqids.
For three centuries after its capture by Caliph Umar in AD 638, Jerusalem had been ruled on behalf of the caliphs of Damascus and then, from the eighth century, the caliphs of Baghdad. In the tenth century, the grip of the Abbasid caliphs weakened, Jerusalem and southern Palestine becoming a battleground between rulers of northern Syria and Egypt. With the establishment of the Shia Fatimid caliphate of Egypt in the 970s, Jerusalem fell under Egyptian political control that was only challenged by the invasion of Syria by the Seljuks after their victory over the Greeks at Manzikert in 1071. The Holy City fell to the Seljuks without a struggle in 1073 and, after a brief Egyptian restoration in 1076, remained part of the Seljuk empire until its disintegration following the death of Sultan Malik Shah of Baghdad in 1092.* It was to this period that some in the west attributed a worsening of conditions for pilgrims, later promoted, without much tangible justification, as one of the causes of the First Crusade.
Malik Shah’s brother Tutush (d. 1095) had established Ortuq, a Turkish amir and general, as governor of Jerusalem where, following his death in 1091, his sons, the Ortuqids Sukman and Il-Ghazi ruled, from 1095 as vassals of Tutush’s son, Duqaq of Damascus. The invasion of northern Syria by the First Crusade in 1097–8 and the defeats of Duqaq, Ridwan of Aleppo and Kerboga of Mosul. gave the newly aggressive Egyptian vizier al-Afdal the chance to recover territory lost twenty years earlier. In July 1098 he managed to seize Jerusalem at a time when he was also entertaining ambassadors from the western army.
Although, in their close diplomatic exchanges with the crusaders, the Egyptians had previously made common cause with the invaders, with control of Jerusalem and southern Palestine, they now regarded the westerners with suspicion and increasing hostility leading to a collapse in relations in the spring of 1099. The Fatimid conquest of Jerusalem therefore made the crusaders’ task more difficult still.
In July 1098 news was received that al-Afdal, the commander-in-chief, had come up from Egypt to Syria at the head of a strong askar. He encamped before Jerusalem, where at that time were the two amirs Sukman and Il-Ghazi, sons of Ortuq, together with a number of their kinsmen and followers and a large body of Turks, and sent letters to them, demanding that they should surrender Jerusalem to him without warfare or shedding of blood. When they refused his demand, he opened an attack on the town, and having set up mangonels against it, which effected a breach in the wall, he captured it and received the surrender of the sanctuary of David† from Sukman. On his entry into it, he shewed kindness and generosity to the two amirs, and set both them and their supporters free. They arrived in Damascus during the first ten days of September, and al-Afdal returned with his askar to Egypt.
In this year also the Franks set out with all their forces to Ma’arrat al-Numan, and having encamped over against it on 27 November, they opened an attack on the town and brought up a tower and scaling-ladders against it.
Now after the Franks had captured the city of Antioch through the devices of the armourer, who was an Armenian named Firuz, on the eve of Friday [night of Thursday, 3 June], and a series of reports were received confirming this news, the armies of Syria assembled in uncountable force and proceeded to the province of Antioch, in order to inflict a crushing blow upon the armies of the Franks. They besieged the Franks until their supplies of food were exhausted and they were reduced to eating carrion; but thereafter the Franks, though they were in the extremity of weakness, advanced in battle order against the armies of Islam, which were at the height of strength and numbers, and they broke the ranks of the Muslims and scattered their multitudes. The lords of the pedigree steeds were put to flight, and the sword was unsheathed upon the foot-soldiers who had volunteered for the cause of God, who had girt themselves for the Holy War, and were vehement in their desire to strike a blow for the faith and for the protection of the Muslims. This befell on Tuesday, 29 June 1098.*
In December 1098, the Franks made an assault on the wall of Ma’arrat al-Numan from the east and north. They pushed up the tower until it rested against the wall, and as it was higher, they deprived the Muslims of the shelter of the wall. The fighting raged round this point until sunset on 11 December, when the Franks scaled the wall, and the townsfolk were driven off it and took to flight. Prior to this, messengers had repeatedly come to them from the Franks with proposals for a settlement by negotiation and the surrender of the city, promising in return security for their lives and property, and the establishment of a [Frankish] governor amongst them, but dissension among the citizens and the foreordained decree of God prevented acceptance of these terms. So they captured the city after the hour of the sunset prayer, and a great number from both sides were killed in it. The townsfolk fled to the houses of al-Ma’arrat, to defend themselves in them, and the Franks, after promising them safety, dealt treacherously with them. They erected crosses over the town, exacted indemnities from the townsfolk and did not carry out any of the terms upon which they had agreed, but plundered everything that they found, and demanded of the people sums which they could not pay. On Thursday, 13 January 1099 they set out for Kafartab.