Evolving Understandings of Video Game Design
Girls and women play video games in equal number to boys, yet they continue to be under-represented in the video game industry. The goal of this chapter is to examine initiatives that encourage gender equality in video game design. This chapter argues that the process of becoming a video game designer may have the potential to shift girls’ notions of identity. Drawing on research on girls and video game design, as well as analyses of informal programs that teach girls video game design, this chapter emphasizes the intersection of design and identity. This chapter offers directions and recommendations for future research, including the need for expanded understandings of the cultural and democratic benefits of video game design for girls.
Free and open source software, such as Alice and Scratch, have arguably democratized video game design, making it more accessible to a broader and more diverse group of designers. This shift in the sources of video game design has opened up definitions of what constitutes a video game. Different aesthetics, different types of games, and different character representations are all part of this shift.
Despite the shift in video game design production, there continues to be persistent gender inequalities within the video game industry. Girls and women play video games in equal numbers to boys and men, yet they are under-represented in the video game industry (Entertainment Software Association, 2015). Currently, little more than ten percent of video game designers are women. Contemporary controversies, such as the widespread cyber-harassment of several female game designers collectively called Gamergate, have drawn renewed attention to the importance of increasing diversity in the video game industry (Rosen, 2015).
This lack of diversity in the sources of video game production leads to incessant and pervasive racist and sexist representations in games, reinforcing a masculine culture of gaming. Additionally, the under-representation of women in the video game industry stalls the potential for innovation and creativity. There are several explanations for gender inequality in the video game industry, including a perceived disinterest in video game playing by girls, structural inequalities in educational and corporate institutions, lack of female role models and mentors, and a hostile work environment that has led several female game designers to leave the industry.
Despite the many cultural and democratic reasons for women’s inclusion in the video game industry, much of the discussion emphasizes economic rationales for gender equality. Economic rationales highlight the importance of gaining technical skills to enter the STEM workforce. For example, policy initiatives stress the growth of STEM fields and the importance of job creation and retention. Educational initiatives stress the importance of preparing girls and women to enter this growing industry.
Women’s inclusion in the video game industry can provide new perspectives to the field as well as contribute to building and sustaining a more democratic video game industry. Gender inequality in technology is problematic for society at large. Educators suggest that video game playing can enhance students’ 21st century skills (Gee, 2005; Prensky, 2006). Video game playing requires problem-solving, decision-making, simulation, and spatial reasoning, all important aspects of 21st century learning. Video game design can help students develop important computer programming skills that can apply to other science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. Thus, if girls do not play video games and are not involved in video game design, they are excluded from participating fully in society.
In the 1990s, several informal education programs emerged as a strategy for attracting girls to STEM fields. Despite these efforts, there have been little gains in gender parity in STEM fields in the United States. In fact, recent numbers show the numbers are declining down from 35 percent in the 1980s to 12 percent today (Vermeer, 2014)
One area that may shed light on this stall is the ideologies present in video game design programs for girls. While these programs have similar objectives of improving girls’ technical proficiencies, they have different strategies for accomplishing these aims. Each program emphasizes different economic, cultural, and democratic rationales for why girls should be video game designers. Economic rationales, that highlight girls’ entrance into the industry, may not resonate with girls, especially since the industry is dominated by male video game designers. Additionally, popular stories of video game designers do not highlight how workers may be able to balance work and family life, a concern that would be useful to communicate to girls. The objective of this chapter, then, is to understand the ideologies present in the development of games marketed toward girls and in informal video game design programs for girls. A common thread in these programs is that beyond learning the technical skills of video game design, video games can shift girls’ perspectives, offering them opportunities to express themselves, challenge normative sexist and racist representations, and create social change.
Video Games and STEM: From Entertainment to Necessity
Since the 1980s, there has been growing concern that the U.S. is falling behind other industrialized countries in STEM education. Currently, the U.S. ranks 25th in the world for mathematics and 17th in science (U.S. Department of Education, 2015). This positioning is problematic because STEM occupations are the fastest growing and highest paying in the country. Thus, there is widespread agreement that there will not be a supply of U.S. students to meet the job demands, establishing an economic rationale for encouraging youth to pursue STEM careers.
Beyond the economic importance of youth pursuing STEM careers, many scholars and educators cite the development of 21st century skills as essential to all aspects of social, cultural, and civic life. Twenty-first century skills include problem-solving, decision-making, collaboration, and creativity, in addition to technical proficiency (Prensky, 2006). Video games can help promote twenty-first century skills, especially deduction and hypothesis testing, abstract thinking, and visual and spatial processing, key concepts of computer programming. Video games create a learning environment in which players make connections between activities and tools within the environment (Winn, 2002). Often, video games are valued for promoting constructivist learning (Denner, Werner, & Ortiz, 2012; Dondlinger, 2007). Constructivism is the theory that students construct their own ideas about the world through experience and reflection. Playing video games requires exploration, interaction, and manipulation, all characteristics of active learning. As Denner, Werner, and Ortiz (2012) found, computer game design was useful for developing three key computer science competencies: programming, organizing and documenting code, and designing for usability.
As the category “video games” continues to expand, educators are understanding their learning potentials. For example, McGonigal (2011) lauds the learning that can come from pro-social games, such as attitudinal or behavioral change. Serious games have the potential to teach about health, empathy, and compassion, important elements of a healthy society (Connolly et al., 2012). Finally, there is a trend toward gamification, or introducing game-thinking, in the public and private sectors to solve problems and enhance collaboration (Zicherman & Cunningham, 2011).
Policy efforts to address the STEM gap have included increased funding for K-12 STEM education. In 2013, President Obama announced an initiative to create STEM-focused schools. He framed STEM learning as important for a range of the systems that we depend on, including environment, national security, health, and energy.
The importance of video games and STEM education is reflected in the National STEM Video Game Challenge, started in 2010 and supported by public and private interests. As the website states,
Game design is a promising area of innovation in STEM learning. Research suggests that empowering youth to create their own video games promotes learner independence. Moreover, it encourages youth to take ownership over STEM knowledge, rather than viewing it as belonging to others. Thereby ushering them into STEM communities of practice. (http://www.stemchallenge.org/stem/#/whygames)
The Challenge includes a resource website that explain how video game design teaches computational thinking and fundamentals of computer programming.
Video Games and Informal Learning
While STEM curriculum is becoming a mainstay in K-12 schools, informal education is an important component in bridging the STEM gap (Denner et al., 2008). Informal education can occur in a variety of settings, such as workshops, afterschool programs, or youth groups. In general, informal education is defined as education that occurs outside of the traditional school setting.
Because public schools have limited resources and many demands, informal education programs can offer supplemental education to students. These programs extend learning beyond the confines of the classroom day, offering breadth and depth of knowledge. Students can explore their own interests, while being part of a larger group or community of interest. Through informal education programs, students are exposed to subjects that may not be taught in K-12 classes. Informal education, then, can deepen understanding, spark interest in a new subject, and increase students’ confidence.
As several scholars point out, informal education programs are the predominant places in which twenty-first century learning is taught to youth (Schwarz & Stolow, 2006; Wilson, 2006). There continues to be a digital divide where many youth attending these programs do not have access to computers and the Internet in their homes and these programs become important places for them to engage in technological learning. They aim to offer a “third space” where youth can engage with digital technologies, while also form relationships with adult role models and mentors, engage in activities with their peers, and develop some “real-world” skills, such as information about careers (Wilson, 2006).
Informal education can incorporate a youth development framework that engages students in the broader community, especially for low-income and minority youth. It is estimated that 8.4 million children participate in an average of 14.5 hours of afterschool programs a week (Afterschool Alliance, 2012). Students from under-represented populations participate more. Twenty four percent of African American students, 21 percent of Hispanic students, and six percent of Native American students participate in afterschool programs (Afterschool Alliance, 2009). Thus, these programs have the potential to increase diversity in STEM.
Within these programs, there is a range of approaches to address barriers to equality in STEM. While some of these programs are technical and skill-based in nature, others incorporate a youth development model, which aims to raise self-esteem and promote civic engagement. Self-esteem is especially important for minority groups who often need to assimilate or acculturate into a dominant culture. Additionally, minority students often experience stereotype threat, where teachers from dominant groups may treat students a certain way based on stereotypes. Stereotype threat occurs when people feel they may confirm negative stereotypes about their social group. Stereotype threat can undermine girls’ and women’s interest and performance in STEM-related fields (Shapiro & Williams, 2012). For example, Shapiro and Williams (2012) found that negative cultural stereotypes about girls’ math abilities shape girls’ attitudes about their own math abilities, impacting their performance.
Girls and STEM Education
Informal education is especially important for increasing gender equality in STEM. Currently, only 12 percent of computer science majors are female. Seventy-four percent of girls say they are interested in STEM, but they do not enroll in those majors (Girl Scouts, 2015). And, the numbers are far worse for Hispanic, African-American, and American Indian women (AAUW, 2015).
Researchers identify a “leaky pipeline” to STEM education and careers that begins in elementary school. This pipeline is rooted in emotional, cultural, and structural explanations. While girls perform equal if not better than boys in math, by middle school, girls become less confident in their abilities. Research shows that girls’ negative attitudes about ICTs can limit their ability to achieve their full potential and can be a hindrance to social equality (AAUW, 2000; Barker & Aspray, 2006; Cooper & Weaver, 2003; Fancsali, 2002). Psychologists suggest that in middle school, girls experience a crisis in self-esteem, where they begin to become aware that there are different social roles and expectations for girls and boys (Pipher, 1994). Girls recognize that, in a patriarchal society, their physical attributes are valued more than their intellectual capabilities (Brown & Gilligan, 1992). This crisis of self-esteem can have potential systemic ramifications. If girls do not pursue advanced math and science courses in middle school and high school, they will not enter the pipeline into STEM careers.
In addition to a loss of self-confidence in their abilities, girls recognize that there are different social values attached to different careers and academic subjects. Computer science and engineering, in particular, are associated with masculinity. Although researchers identify several other factors contributing to girls’ negative attitudes and beliefs about ICTs, including teachers’ expectations, parents’ expectations, and stereotypical media representations that portray females as incompetent with digital technologies, research shows that girls continue to adopt these negative stereotypes about gender and computers, influencing their attitudes and beliefs about their own abilities to succeed in these pathways (AAUW, 2000; Furger, 1998; Owens, Smothers, & Love, 2003; Sadker & Sadker, 1995; Steinke, 1999).
According to the AAUW’s (2000) report Tech Savvy: Educating Girls in the New Millennium, girls have an “I can, but I don’t want to” attitude (p. ix). Girls believe they have the ability to perform different computer-related tasks, yet they are uninterested in the ways in which computer classes are taught, associating the curriculum with a masculine culture that does not incorporate their interests.
Finally, there are structural barriers to gender equality in STEM. Shumow and Schmidt (2014) found that science teachers spend 39 percent more class time directly addressing boys. Over the course of a month, this adds up to 40 minutes, or an entire class period. Surprisingly, these behaviors were not related to a teacher’s gender. Thus, it cannot be assumed that the identity of a teacher may lead to more equal treatment in the classroom.
Title IX prohibits sex-discrimination in educational programs that receive federal funding, prohibiting a structural change that would include all-girl classrooms that may counteract these emotional, cultural, and structural barriers to STEM. Instead, there has been success with all-girl informal STEM education programs. Evaluation suggests that strategies such as providing girls with adult role models, tailoring curriculum to girls’ interests, and emphasizing collaboration, can have a positive effect on girls’ learning, especially in relation to STEM subjects (Crowe, 2003; Fancsali, 2002).
When it comes to video games and STEM, the questions to ask are no longer about whether or not video games are useful to education, but instead how to ensure that video games are inclusive. In other words, it is important to ask how female-oriented design encourages constructivist learning environments. How do video game include design elements that engage both male and female participation? And, how do educators and parents communicate to girls the importance of game design?
Issues: Gender and Video Games
In general, research on gender and video games suggests that mainstream video games portray female characters in stereotypical ways (Williams et al., 2009). Male characters are over-represented in video games. In their study titled “A Virtual Census,” Williams et al. (2009) found that male characters comprised 89 percent of the top 100 selling games. When female characters did appear, their appearance was hypersexualized, represented by overly large breasts, thin waists, and revealing clothing (Down & Smith, 2009). These representations can be discouraging to female players (Walkerdine, 2007).
Not only are female characters physically represented in stereotypical ways, their roles within the games tend to be passive. They are rarely the protagonists. Instead, female characters are often victims of violence, submissive, or “damsels in distress” that need to be rescued by male protagonists. For example, in the controversial video game Grand Theft Auto: Sin City players can have sex with a prostitute, then kill her and take their money back. Negative portrayals of female characters in violent video games can reinforce stereotypes of women as submissive and valued for their beauty over their intellect. These representations also can lead to a low self-image among girls and women and discourage them from being video game players.
The limited ways in which females are portrayed in video games has been a subject of concern for female video game players. In 2013, Anita Sarkeesian created a series of YouTube videos discussing gender tropes in video games (Feminist Frequency, 2015). She identified five common stereotypes of female characters in videogames, including damsel in distress, fighting sex toy, sexy sidekick, sexy villainess, and females as background decoration. The reception of her work has been controversial. Sarkeesian is a victim of harassment, and has received rape threats, death threats, and hate mail. This example shows the challenge that is faced by females when they try to shift dominant perspectives about video games (Marcotte, 2012).
In addition to the sexist representations of female characters, researchers have suggested that girls do not like the type of gameplay that is available in most mainstream video games. Most popular video games such as Call to Duty center around violence. Instead, research suggests that girls prefer classic board games, card games, quizzes, and puzzles, while boys prefer shooting games, sports, and fantasy role-playing (Jansz, 2005). Of course, not all popular video games include violence. The Sims is a good example of a video game that has appeal for both girls and boys (Beavis & Charles, 2005; Gee & Hayes, 2010).
Finally, lack of social interaction and competitiveness are seen as negatively impacting girls’ experiences of video games (Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006). Lucas and Sherry (2004) argue that girls prefer games that encourage social interaction and communication. Many mainstream games, such as first-person shooter games, can be played with others but do not encourage communication. Additionally, girls tend to avoid competitive games (Agosto, 2004; Lucas & Sherry, 2004).
The Rise of Girl Games: Broadening Definitions of “Video Games”
The 1990s saw a rise in video games marketed toward girls. In general, girls’ games offered an alternative to popular mainstream video games, such as first-person shooter games, that were not appealing to girls. This genre of games includes gameplay that revolves around narrative development (instead of shooting people) and offers a range of female characters that girls can identify with.
There were two main strategies to broaden the definition of video games and capture the girl game market. First, there were a number of traditionally feminine, or “pink” games that were on-boarded. “Pink” games center around gender-specific activities, such as cooking and clothing. Barbie Fashion Designer is often cited as one of the most successful girl games. In this PC game, players designed clothing and accessories for their Barbie dolls. Barbie Fashion Designer is significant because it does not engage players in pretend play, such as in first-person shooter games, but instead allows girls to create objects and engage in play that they find compelling (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998). In this way, the software makes the computer “yet another accessory for Barbie play. The computer takes on the role of a tool and, unlike other games, ceases to be an end unto itself” (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998, p. 59). The computer is no longer a machine, but rather a “tool in the player’s imaginative play” (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998, p. 59).
In the 1990s, several female game designers started their own companies and marketed games directly to girls. These included HerInteractive, started in 1995 whose most notable games centered on Nancy Drew, a mainstay in girls’ popular culture. Purple Moon, started by Brenda Laurel, offered games designed around storytelling and exploration, as opposed to competition.
A second strategy to attract a female audience was to introduce stronger female characters into available games. In 1996, the British Company Core Design launched Tomb Raider, which featured the female protagonist Lara Croft, an archaeologist who ventures into ancient tombs and ruins. Instead of being submissive, as female characters are often portrayed in mainstream video games, Croft is portrayed as tough, competent and dominant. Croft is also depicted as an athletic woman, and her outfit consists of a sleeveless tank top, shorts, combat boots, a utility belt and a backpack. While Croft’s design did challenge dominant representations of femininity, she is still sexualized through her exaggerated breasts and thin waist. Many critics have argued that Croft is conceived in terms of male, rather than female, pleasure (Jansz & Martis, 2007).
Others cite Jill Valentine from Resident Evil or Princess Zelda from The Legend of Zelda as strong female characters (MacCallum-Stewart, 2008). However, it should be noted that these characters, who play active role in narrative, are few and far between and have been received differently by male and female players.
Controversies: Have Girl Games Shifted Perspectives?
Since the 1990s, technological advances and expanded notions of gender have transformed the ways in which gender is portrayed in video games. Academic researchers and female game designers have argued that there are many differences among girls’ interests that should be reflected in the games available for girls. As Kafai et al. (2008) have argued, there is a better understanding within gaming communities that gender is “situated, constructed, and flexible” (p. xvi). Kafai (2008) writes about three different approaches in the genre of girl games: games for girls that promote femininity, games for change that support gender play by challenging stereotypes, and games as design that position girls as creators of their own learning
While “pink” games are still around, there are more diverse offerings that offer a wide array of characters and types of gameplay that are attractive to both male and female players, as can be seen in the popularity of games such as Second Life. One game that has been popular among female players is The Sims (Gee & Hayes, 2010). The game centers on designing and building material objects, such as houses, furniture, landscape, and clothes. Additionally, players become part of the larger community of Sims players on the Internet, and they become co-constructors of meaning (Beavis & Charles, 2005; Jansz, Avis, & Vosmeer, 2010).
Another recent trend is to redefine what gaming for girls is. Since gaming is still perceived as a masculine domain, the idea is to change the construction of the identity of a gamer to allow for a feminine gamer. In 2012, Nintendo launched Style Savvy: Trendsetters for the 3DS. In the game, players take on the role of fashion designers, managing their own boutique and helping customers find the perfect outfit. Marketing materials for the game clearly target female players. The website features screenshots of female avatars trying on dresses, hats, and stilettos. A television commercial for Style Savvy features Sara Hyland, who plays a teenager on the hit show Modern Family. In the commercial, Hyland is in her bedroom, talking about fashion as she selects clothes and hairstyles for the main character on her pink handheld DS. At the end of the commercial, she looks into the camera and states, “My name is Sarah Hyland and I’m not a gamer. With My 3DS, I’m a stylist” (Nintendo, 2012). The overall message is that girls can play the 3DS and still maintain their femininity. The commercial challenges the dominant stereotype of videogame players as both male and nerdy. As Hyland suggests, the 3DS and the game she is playing can offer a different, feminine experience for girls.
Problems: Girls in Flux: Challenging the Category of “Girls”
Several scholars have commented on the limitations of the category of “girl” games (Alison, 2009; Denner et al., 2005; Seiter, 1993). As Flanagan (2005) points out, creating the category of “girl” creates murky territory that can lead to generalizations about the type of games girls like to play. As she writes, if designers want to work toward gender equality, then they need to recognize the diverse needs of girls themselves. Girl games may reinforce stereotypes of femininity and limit possibilities for innovation. She points out that some girls like traditional girl play, such as games focused on fashion, while others like more “masculine” violent games, such as Call of Duty.
Dickey (2006) is also critical of the attention to “girl” games. She is critical of how girls’ games emphasize gendered interests. As she writes, “existing research into gender and what females want in gameplay is too often predicated on the notion that gender is a static construct” (Dickey, 2006, p. 789). As a result, she writes that its important to ask whose notion of femininity is being portrayed in girl games. Girl games tend to rely on gendered stereotypes which can reinforce, rather than challenge, gender norms.
One way to understand this shift is through design rather than consumption of video games, an emerging study of academic research. Analyses of girls as video game designers show that when girls make games, girls prefer not only less violence, but also different types of characters, types of games, and game environments. Given the chance to design their own games, girls choose to create their own worlds and characters, “compensating for the sexism and violence found in many video games” (Kafai, 1998, p. 109).
Girl Game Designers
Since the 2000s, there have been a number of informal education programs for girls and video game design. While these programs all aim to expose girls to the mechanics of video game design, they have different strategies for achieving these goals. One common theme is shifting girls’ perspectives through using video game design as a medium for exploring identity and self-expression.
Video Games and Identity
Since the culture of technology, and gaming, is perceived as a masculine domain, it is believed that girls need to develop “tech-savvy” identities to see their potential in these domains. This requires challenging stereotypes and moving beyond accepted norms. As Bettie (2003) writes, those who succeed in computer science must negotiate identities that reject negative stereotypes and maintain cultural identity. As Denner et al. (2005) write in describing the Girls Creating Games program, “we put girls in the role of designer by teaching them to program an interactive computer game” (p. 90). Game design “puts girls in the role of technology leaders, which can break down personal identity barriers as well as external barriers, such as gender role stereotyping and discrimination” (p. 90). Thus, one of the main goals of many informal education programs is for girls to take on a “tech-savvy self-identity” (p. 95). A tech savvy identity is one in which girls feel confident in their technical abilities and identify as video game designers.
In addition to participating in all-girl environments that encourage girls to take on tech-savvy identities, the medium of game design can offer girls a space to explore identity, especially contradictions of being a woman in U.S. society. In their analyses of girl-created games, Denner, Bean, and Werner (2005) found that themes included personal triumph, like making a sports team, working through fears, such as getting in trouble (detention or being grounded), the threat of violence, negative repercussions for relationships (such as social exclusion). Games also included making moral decisions, such as working hard or having fun. Interestingly, they found that only 53 percent of the games involved the theme of helping other people, even though this is an assumption in research that focuses on girls and video games. Finally, the games allowed flexibility in choosing gender. Denner, Bean, and Werner (2005) write,
Our research suggests that when given the opportunity, girls design games that challenge the current thematic trends in the gaming industry. In particular, they use humor and defiance of authority to play with gender stereotypes and reject the expectation that girls are always well-behaved. Through their games, the girls have shown us new ways to make games and new ways to play. (p. 8)
Thus, game design can be a site for girls to resist and transform traditional stereotypes.
These findings mirror research on other forms of girls’ media production (Kearney 2006). For example, Stern (2004) found that the content of online home pages allowed adolescents opportunities for self-expression and self-disclosure, which she argues is a necessary component of adolescent development. Since adolescents often have limited opportunities to express themselves in public fora, online spaces and multimedia tools provide alternatives for adolescents’ expression. Web pages allowed girls an outlet where they could explore their unique experiences of being girls, such as physical changes brought on by puberty, experiences with dating, and emotional development. Stern’s analysis of girls’ home pages showed that girls often used these online spaces for self-disclosure, self-expression, cathartic release, discussions of their emotions and to develop relationships.
Girls’ Experiences With Video Game Design
In the section, the researcher offers insight about girls’ experiences with video game design through interviews and observations of girls who participated in a Girl Scouts video game design program in Central Texas.1 This program was offered as both a four-hour workshop for Girl Scout troops, ages 11-15, as well as part of a larger summer camp titled Groovy Games for Girls, ages 8-16. This research draw from a situated learning perspective, which sees individual development as influenced by cultural factors (Gee, 2004; Lave & Wenger, 1991). A situated approach looks at the context of girls’ technological learning and asks how girls’ engagement in cultural practices allow them to take on different types of technological identities, such as video game designers (Hug, 2007). As noted in the previous section, construction of “tech-savvy” identities is especially important for increasing gender equality in video game design, since girls often report that they are disenchanted with the masculine culture of gaming.
Background of the Program
Since its inception in the early 1900s, the Girl Scouts have emphasized the connection between girls’ self-development and their involvement in the broader community. The program encourages girls’ physical, social, and emotional development. To this end, the program provides girls with activities to pursue their own interests and encourages leadership opportunities. The Girl Scouts Technology Center (GTC)2 aims to fulfill the mission of the Girl Scouts by increasing girls’ 21st century skills, preparing them to pursue their own interests, such as hobbies and leisure activities, opening up new career opportunities, and applying their learning to develop service projects to better their communities.
The GTC aims to bridge the digital divide. While many of the girls who use the GTC have access to home computers, there is a range of the quality of this access. Many of the girls in the program have outdated computers that cannot handle current applications or they have to share computers with other family members. Because of their limited access to computers, they may not be as confident in their technological abilities. As Hargittai (2010) argues, while physical access to computers and the Internet has become more affordable and available, there continue to be significant differences in how youth use computers.
The Animated Game Design Workshop was advertised in the Girl Scouts’ quarterly publication Possibilities with the following description:
Create an animated game to publish on-line or email to your friends! Use the Flash development environment to create and import artwork into your game. Storyboard your game using action scripting to bring it alive! At the end of the day you’ll take a copy of your game home on a CD!
In the Animated Game Design Workshop, which took place over a four-hour period, girls learned how to create their own Girl Scout Style game. Using Flash, the girls learned to design their own main character, a Girl Scout, along with clothes and accessories that they could drag and drop onto the character. In the workshop and camps, the girls also learned how to use the drawing tools, group objects together, import objects, and write action script to make their objects move within the program. This game is similar to Barbie Fashion Designer, yet rather than choosing from a range of pre-made clothing, girls learned to design their own outfits, choose their own colors, and write computer code to make the objects move.
Why Did Girls Participate?
Eleven girls, ages 11-15, and three parents attended the workshop. In total, six girls were white, four girls were Latina, and there was one African American girl.
In interviews with the girls about why they wanted to participate in the workshop, many of them emphasized that they wanted to learn about different careers. Erin, a 13 year-old Latina in the 7th grade, attended the workshop with her mother. Erin was interested in gaining exposure to a range of career opportunities and learning about what education she needed to pursue those interests.
Jennifer, a 15 year-old white girl, attended the workshop with her father. Jennifer is an artist who brought a sketchbook with her that contained her Japanese anime drawings. Jennifer’s father was eager to speak with me about how weekend technology classes were a way for the two of them to spend time together. His work in the biotechnology industry required that he travel extensively during the week. Weekend technology classes were a way for the two of them to participate in activities they both enjoyed, while also helping Jennifer to become technologically literate.
Abby and Allie also spoke about how they enjoyed attending Girl Scout workshops so that they could spend time together. For them, they stressed the social interaction as the biggest benefit to participating.
Other girls spoke about how the workshop would offer increased access to technology. For example, Diane spoke about how participating in the workshop would allow her to have greater access to computers, since her home computer was outdated and this workshop gave her access to the latest software and fast computers.
Interviews with girls offer some insight into why they may be interested in learning video game design. For some, exploring career options are important. Other girls may be interested in spending time with friends and family. There are also some girls who want access to newer technology to increase their own cultural capital. In other words, video game design is not just about gaining technical skills, but is also situated within larger social and cultural contexts that can be appealing to girls.
What Were Girls’ Experiences in the Classroom?
Greg Herman, an instructor at a local community college, was the workshop facilitator. In observations of the classroom, Herman emphasized a skill-based approach to teaching, in which he showed the girls how to master different features of the software program. While some girls easily picked up on this approach to teaching, other girls got lost and confused easily, reflecting different levels of technological literacy. Herman could sense that girls were not following and periodically would ask questions of the girls to gauge their learning. For example, one of the first tasks Herman had the girls complete was to draw shapes in “object drawing mode.” Many girls commented that they did not understand how to perform this task and were frustrated that their screen looked differently than the one projected in front of the room. Abby, a 13-year old white girl, raised her hand and said, “I’m confused.” Karen, also 14, commented, “I don’t get it.” When girls were confused, Herman’s approach was to help girls individually, rather than explain the steps to the entire classroom several times or to pair the girls up with those who understood the steps.
One of the goals of programs like this one is to increase girls’ confidence in their technological abilities. In this case, it is important to ask how the gender of the teacher as well as the instructional strategies helped or hindered the girls’ learning. Some of the girls appeared apprehensive about a male teacher. For example, both Abby and Allie were shy and hesitant to ask Herman questions when they did not understand. Throughout the workshop, Abby raised her hand a few times to ask questions of Herman. When she spoke, she tended to whisper her question, indicating her apprehension with the male adult teacher. Too often, accomplishing a task is the main goal in teaching computer programming. However, boys and girls are socialized to communicate differently in the classroom. Boys may express more confidence in their abilities, even though both girls and boys tend to perform the same in math classes at the middle school level (Girl Scouts, 2015). It is during adolescence that girls begin to pick up on cultural stereotypes that emphasize a negative relationship between females and math. Thus, there is a concern that girls may experience stereotype threat, or the feeling that they will live up to that stereotype. In this instance, it may be important for teachers to understand these dynamics so that they can increase girls’ confidence in their abilities.
In interviews with both Isabella, a 14-year old Latina girl, and Karen, they spoke about how they did not really understand most of what they learned. This was evident in their final project which was not completed. However, when asked if they enjoyed attending the workshop, they both commented that they were happy to have a completed project and responded that they had fun during the workshop.
While many of the girls had difficulty following along with the instruction, both Angie and Victoria figured out the steps quickly and waited quietly while Herman helped the girls who did not understand. Angie, a 12-year old African American girl, seemed especially confident in her learning. She switched back and forth between the Flash program and a game of Solitaire while she waited for Herman to explain the next steps. However, there was little opportunity in the classroom to offer Angie some more advanced skills because the teacher spent so much time on the girls who did not understand.
Expressions of Identity in Girls’ Video Games
In observations in the classroom and analyses of girls’ finished projects, girls appeared to be motivated by the design elements of the game, which allowed them to make the main character look more like them. Girls used the game as a medium for self-expression to develop their own ideas about fashion and taste. They were also motivated by the ability to customize the features of the game, such as the color backgrounds, hairstyles, accessories or clothing, to reflect their own sense of style. Erin, for example, chose to draw several different blond and brown hairstyles for her main character doll.
Not all girls chose to design traditionally feminine accessories for their doll. Jennifer, who attended the workshop with her father and did not interact with the other girls, did not identify as traditionally feminine, like the other girls in attendance. Many of the girls’ designs emphasized feminine colors, like pink and purple, and feminine clothing, like skirts and high heels. Instead, Jennifer’s design reflected her own gender-neutral style. She dressed in all black and baggy clothing. In her project, she used the medium of the video game to reflect this style, with her palate including a main character with long bangs, dyed black hair, skate shoes, and a baggy t-shirt.
In addition to the range of gender performances by girls in the class, it is also important to attend to the racial and ethnic differences among the girls. As Herman was demonstrating how to design the game, he used a white girl as the prototype. This lack of diversity was immediately apparent to Angie, the only African American in the room. As Herman explained how to change the background colors, Angie raised her hand and asked how she could change the color of her doll’s skin. It was clear that Herman, who was white, did not anticipate this question. He then demonstrated how to change the skin tone on the main character. Interestingly, the other non-white girls in the classroom began to experiment with different shades for their characters as well.
While the software had the capacity for girls to create different representations, it is important to ask why the program did not account for diversity in the design, given that one of the goals of the program is to increase diversity in STEM. While girls may be able to use video game design for self-expression, it is important to understand how informal education programs see the limits or bounds of this self-expression. In the example of Jennifer, it was clear that she identified as not traditionally feminine in her dress and was able to use video game design to reflect this. However, the demonstration by the teacher used a stereotypical example of a main character with feminine accessories. In the example of Angie, there were assumptions that a white female prototype would be universal and resonate with girls. If girls can use video game design as a medium for self-expression and identity-formation, then it is important to recognize differences among girls. In order to work toward gender equality, this is essential. How can informal education programs work toward inclusivity, especially in terms of race, class, sexual orientation, and able-bodiedness, among other things?
Girls’ approaches to their projects suggest the need for informal education programs to better understand how video game design can offer girls increased opportunities to represent their own interests and experiences. Girls seemed motivated to learn computer programming not so that they could master a skill, but instead so they could learn how to better apply their learning to develop projects that reflected their own sense of identity. In order to interest a diverse group of girls in video game design, it is important to understand that there are many differences among girls, which can affect how girls approach video game design.
Beyond the Classroom: Strategies to Attract Girls to Video Game Design
Research suggests that video game design is important for forming girls’ tech-savvy identities, yet little research has examined the underlying rationales for encouraging girls to be video game designers. This section includes qualitative content analyses of ten informal video game design programs for girls. Qualitative content analysis is a method for describing the meaning of the qualitative data, in this case images, text, and video on websites (Schrier, 2014). This study adapts Raphael et al.’s (2006) study of portrayals of ICTs on websites that encourage girls in STEM. The present study identifies the extent to which these programs incorporate economic, cultural, and civic (or democratic) rationales of video game design. Economic rationales emphasize the importance of gaining technical skills to enter the STEM workforce and pursue education in STEM pathways. Cultural rationales emphasize the importance of video game design for self-expression, creativity, and communication. Democratic rationales emphasize the importance of video game design for helping girls to participate in the broader society, whether through using video game design to create social change or developing twenty-first century skills that can help girls in other fields.
Like Raphael et al. (2006), this study argues that since not all girls will enter into video game design, informal education programs should not only emphasize economic rationales. There are other justifications for why girls should become familiar with video game design, especially for self-expression and civic engagement. Civic engagement is important because there are decisions made about the technological world, such as network neutrality, privacy and security, and cyber-harassment that citizens need to engage in. Additionally, video games are increasingly used in educational and corporate settings, pointing to the importance of girls’ participation.
Sample
It is unlikely that any study could fully identify all of the available programs for girls, especially given the vastness of the web. The sites chosen were ones that were commonly referred to in directories for STEM programs for girls, such as the National Girls Collaborative Project. Additionally, these programs have received national press coverage. This study was limited to the United States, although some of the programs have locations outside of the U.S., such as in Canada. More research could look at the global reach. Table 1 lists the sample.
Table 1. Video game programs for girls
| Program Name | URL | Year Started | Locations |
|---|---|---|---|
| App Camp for girls | http://appcamp4girls.com/ | 2013 | Oregon, Washington, British Columbia |
| Black Girls Code | https://www.blackgirlscode.org | 2012 | San Francisco, CA |
| CompuGirls | https://sst.clas.asu.edu/compugirls | 2007 | Arizona, Colorado |
| Geek Girl Camp | http://geekgirlcamp.com/ | 2006 | USA |
| Girl Game Company | http://www.niost.org/pdf/afterschoolmatters/asm_2009_8_spring/asm_2009_8_spring-3.pdf | 2005 | California |
| Girl Scouts | http://www.girlscouts.org/program/basics/science/ | USA | |
| Girls Learning Code | http://ladieslearningcode.com/ | 2011 | Canada and USA |
| Girls Make Games Camp | http://girlsmakegames.how/ | 2014 | San Jose, CA |
| Girls Who Code | https://girlswhocode.com/ | 2012 | New York |
| Just for Girls! Video Game Camp | http://dcl.niu.edu/index.php/labs/79-labs/game-development-lab/82-games-camp-just-for-girls | 2007 | DeKalb, IL |
Research Design
The websites were the unit of analysis. Content, which included testimonials by program staff and participants, “About Us” pages, mission and vision statements, and promotional materials, was evaluated to identify the presence or absence of economic, cultural and democratic rationales for encouraging girls to be video game designers.
Drawing on Raphael et al.’s (2006) coding scheme, programs were coded as economic if they emphasized the use of video game design for entering a job or pursuing STEM educational pathways. Programs were coded as cultural if they emphasized the importance of game design for girls’ self –expression or participation in popular culture. Programs were coded as democratic if learning video game design was seen as a broader way to participate in the civic world. Democratic is broadly defined in terms of not just traditional institutional politics, but also for forming opinions about technological policy issues, such as ethics.
Economic Rationales
Seven of the ten programs incorporated economic rationales. For example, the App Camp for Girls
seeks to address the gender imbalance in technology professions by inspiring middle-school age girls with a broad introduction to the process of app development, from brainstorming and designing ideas to building and pitching their apps. We believe that the experience of creating an app that runs on a device in one week can spark the enthusiasm that will propel girls to pursue further tech education. (App Camp for Girls, 2015).
The mission of Black Girls Code is “To increase the number of women of color in the digital space by empowering girls of color ages 7 to 17 to become innovators in STEM fields, leaders in their communities, and builders of their own futures through exposure to computer science and technology” (Black Girls Code, 2014)
The vision of Girls Who Code is “to reach gender parity in computing fields. We believe this is paramount to ensure the economic prosperity of women” (Girls who Code, 2015). The website also states that “we believe that more girls exposed to computer science at a young age will lead to more women working in the technology and engineering fields.” The model of the program emphasizes paired instruction combined with exposure to female engineers and entrepreneurs. It should be note that much of the material on Girls Who Code’s website emphasizes economic rationales, without mentioning cultural or democratic dimensions of computer programming.
The Girl Scouts had the most comprehensive economic rationale, offering insight into a range of careers within the video game design industry. “Be the Video Game Developer” is a video and a video game builder that takes audiences inside a design studio and explains what the different jobs are. In the process, girls design their own game and learn coding (http://forgirls.girlscouts.org/makeagame/). This was the most comprehensive integration of economic rationales. In the video, the majority of the women working in the studio are female. There are efforts to have racial and ethnic diversity, with African American, Asian, and Latina women. Throughout the game, girls choose a main character, obstacles, color scheme, and sound design. They try to use accessible language to explain what each role is. For example, they explain that engineering puts ideas into action, “kind of like putting a puzzle together.” At the end, girls can test the game, go back for quality assurance to make adjustments to the code, and share the link to the game. While the game was not associated with a particular informal education program, the Girl Scouts of Los Angeles, in conjunction with Women in Games International, recently launched a video game badge for Girl Scouts. As Amy Allison, vice president of Women in Games International, commented,
Our ultimate goal is to create a STEM-aligned video game badge for the Girl Scouts of the United States of America. Creating this badge will get young girls excited in technology and science and let them know that they, too, can have a career in the video game industry. (Women in Games International, 2015)
This badge was launched six months after the Boy Scouts launched its own video game badge.
Economic rationales emphasize the importance of girls taking on tech-savvy identities. However, many of the representations on the websites did not offer a cross-section of possible careers within the industry. Raphael et al. (2006) are critical of the emphasis on elite occupations in STEM fields and not enough on other types of jobs, like writers and technicians. As they write, “social learning theory suggests that realistic role models are the most powerful for media users, who are more likely to imitate a modeled behavior if they perceive the model as similar to themselves and the model’s behavior is portrayed as valuable” (p. 779). Thus, there is a need to re-think how occupations are represented. Some girls may not feel like they can achieve the elite occupations and would want to be in other roles.
Cultural Rationales
Six programs were coded as having cultural rationales for video game design. These included emphasis on self-expression and creativity. These also emphasized the importance of creating all-girl spaces to increase girls’ self-esteem. For example, a quote from the founder of the Girls Make Games camp stated,
We had a girl that came in and she wasn't even talking the first week. She was just looking at the ground when you would talk to her. By the end of week one we had a programming challenge that she was able to solve. She didn't expect to be able to solve it, and in week two she started talking a little bit more. And by week three ... she'd be dancing in front of the camera. (Hall, 2014)
In another example, Girls Learning Code programs “are designed to help girls see technology in a whole new light – as a medium for self-expression, and as a means for changing the world.” Their website also stated, “We are a not-for-profit organization with the mission to become the leading resource for women and youth to become passionate builders - not just consumers - of technology by learning technical skills in a hands-on, social, and collaborative way.” This program emphasizes the research that in all-girl settings, girls are more comfortable exploring tech-savvy identities.
Cultural rationales also emphasized the specific demographic groups. This was true in both Black Girls Who Code, that is focused solely on African American girls, and The Girl Game Company, whose clientele are Latina girls in rural California. For The Girl Game Company, they also tried to address the cultural barriers, such as offering English and Spanish curricula, and having monthly family dinner events that close the gap between home and school culture.
Finally, CompuGirls emphasized the importance of cultural relevance and self- esteem. Their goals are “To enhance girls' techno-social analytical skills using culturally relevant practices” and “To provide girls with a dynamic, fun learning environment that nurtures the development of a positive self-concept” (Center for Gender Equity in Science and Technology, 2015).
Democratic Rationales
Six programs emphasized democratic rationales. For example, Geek Girls Camp, which is not just for young girls, was started in 2006 to counteract the masculine culture of computing. As founder Leslie Fishlock explains,
We wanted something for the “average wannabe geek girl.” In an environment where no one ever has to feel silly about asking the wrong question and getting laughed at by some 19 year old pimply know it-all World of Warcraft cretin.” With braces. And a Marilyn Manson t-shirt. (Geek Girl, 2015)
To that end, Geek Girl offers meet-ups and workshops in several locations throughout the U.S.
In a Huffington Post article that talked about the types of games made at Girls Who Code,
There were gaming apps, like Scoop Stacker (a kind of brickbreaker for ice cream); travel apps, like Mood Foods (“find a restaurant that corresponds to [your] craving”) and Capture Memory (a travel guide for out-of-towners in New York); and several designed to help users help others. HandiHelp, for example, is made to help disabled individuals navigate public transportation. Say Something is meant to help smartphone owners assist the homeless in finding soup kitchens and shelters. (Bosker, 2012)
Here, there was an emphasis on how girls were designing video games and apps for social change.
The Girl Scouts also emphasized democratic rationales, “STEM experiences are framed within the context of leadership: As girls participate in Girl Scouting, they develop leadership skills to make the world a better place. Research shows girls are more interested in STEM careers when they know how their work can help others” (Girl Scouts, 2015)
Discussion
There are several limitations to this study. First, this is not representative of all informal video game design programs for girls, but instead a small sample. Additionally, a content analysis cannot discern the impacts of the programs on girls who enroll in these programs, or how girls and parents come across and interpret the messages conveyed on the websites. However, it can offer insights into the kinds of materials that girls are introduced to when searching for video game design programs online.
This study differed from Raphael et al.’s (2006) in that there was very little technical information about video game design available on these websites. Raphael et al. (2006) found that websites that encouraged girls to pursue STEM fields also offered some instruction or skill development. While this was a minority of the websites studied, the authors concluded that this is an important component to increasing girls’ technical skills. Instead, the websites in the current study were primarily used to promote enrollment into video game design programs. With the exception of the Girl Scouts, these websites offered little information about the video game industry. This may not be a problem, since there are many other sites that provide this kind of information. Future research could examine how girls and parents respond to the information provided on these websites. How do they interpret the importance of video game design? Does this information invite girls to take on tech-savvy identities?
Raphael et al. (2006) found that civic uses of ICTs were a less common rationale for closing the gender gap in computing. They hypothesize that
this may reflect that American public culture tends to be more individualistic and market-driven than collective or civic in nature. In addition, the economics of commercial sites likely militate against a civic focus, as it would be less likely to attract an audience of teen girls to deliver to advertisers. Many of the nonprofit sites depend on grant money from the National Science Foundation and private foundations associated with the ICT industries, which tend to frame the problem of the gender gap as an economic one. (p. 800)
The results of the present study also found an over-emphasis on economic rationales for video game design, which may limit the possibilities for girls to take on identities as video game designers.
These results suggest the need for informal video game design programs to reframe the gender gap to include cultural and democratic rationales. Indeed the video game industry is just one of the main opportunities for girls to take on tech-savvy identities.
This chapter offers several opportunities for future research directions. First, much of the research on girls and video games tends to incorporate quantitative, rather than qualitative research methods. Instead, interviews and observations of girls participating in video game design offer insight into some of the dynamics of play. Qualitative research can also provide contexts for what strategies work or not in these settings. This study only focused on one such workshop. Future research could look at comparative studies of different types of informal video game design programs.
This chapter provided some insight into how video game design is communicated to girls, through qualitative analyses of websites of informal education programs. This analysis revealed that girls are presented a narrow view of the importance of video game design. The majority of the programs emphasized the importance of video game design for entering the video game industry. This narrow focus may not resonate with all girls, who might be interested in creatively using the medium to express themselves. Future research could supplement these initial findings with interviews of program directors to better understand how they see the importance of video game design in girls’ lives. These interviews might lead to improved messages to girls.
One area for future research would be to examine how to integrate democratic rationales into these educational programs. While some of the programs in this study did emphasize the importance of civic engagement and social change, this is an under-explored area. While girls may be designing games that are about social change, how can these programs and programs like them emphasize this in their program materials as an important aspect of video game design? How can these programs communicate to girls that they are important beyond their economic potential to enter the video game industry.
Finally, little research has explored how girls respond to some of the new game genres, such as serious games, that have challenged the masculine culture of gaming. In the future, it would be important to see how these games shift girls’ perspectives of gaming and the larger industry.
The goal of this chapter was to examine how informal video game design programs for girls offer shifting perspectives. For girls, one of the main identified barriers is not technical proficiency, but instead emotional, cultural, and structural barriers that get in their way. As shown in this chapter, when girls are video game designers, they tend to design games differently than boys. Rather than a place of competition, game design becomes a place for identity exploration and formation. Girls use video game design to challenge sexist representations, make sense of the world around them, and provide social change.
Indeed, as video game software continues to become more accessible, a diverse group of video game designers will offer broadened definitions of what the medium of a video game can be. That said, both observations of the Girl Scouts video game design program and qualitative content analyses of informal all-girl programs analyzed in this chapter showed that these programs emphasize economic rationales for being a game designer. This is a missed opportunity, since it does not adequately communicate the potential of the medium and what girls can do with it.
Finally, many of the programs used the term “empower” to describe what it is their programs due for girls. However, there is the need to expand this notion of empowerment to also address the structural change that needs to happen in educational and corporate institutions in order for gender equality to truly be possible. As some of the testimonials in the programs conveyed, girls were largely unaware of the discrimination they faced in their classrooms or social settings. Through their participation in these programs, they became aware that it is not only their individual contribution to society that is important, but also that there are cultural and structural barriers they face.
One of the disappointing outcomes of the Gamergate controversy, which was mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, is that some women are leaving the video game industry because they don’t see an end to the problems in the industry, such as sexist workplace policies or lack of supportive for innovation and change. This is alarming for an industry that already only has 10 percent of women.
In the end, this chapter shows that much more research is needed to understand the potential cultural and democratic benefits to video game design.
This research was previously published in Examining the Evolution of Gaming and Its Impact on Social, Cultural, and Political Perspectives edited by Keri Duncan Valentine and Lucas John Jensen, pages 147-169, copyright year 2016 by Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global).
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Constructivism: A learning theory that argues that humans construct their own understandings and meanings of the world through experience and reflection.
Cultural Rationales: An ideology that emphasizes the importance of video game design for self-expression, creativity, and communication.
Democratic Rationales: An ideology that emphasizes the importance of video game design for helping girls to participate in the broader society.
Economic Rationales: An ideology that emphasizes the importance of video game design for gaining technical skills to enter the STEM workforce and pursue education in STEM pathways.
Informal Learning: Learning that occurs outside of the institutional school system. Includes after-school programs and youth organizations.
Stereotype Threat: Refers to a feeling that one is at risk of confirming a negative stereotype about one’s social group.
Self-Expression: The expression of one’s unique personality, including thoughts, and ideas.
Twenty-First Century Skills: Refers to a set of abilities students need to develop in order to succeed in the information age. Skills include critical thinking, creativity, collaboration, communication, technological fluency, and information and media literacy.
1 Parts of this case study have been previously published in Cunningham, C. (2011). Girl Game Designers. New Media & Society, 13(8), 1373-1388.
2 The name of the actual program has been changed to protect anonymity.