1. See A. L. Rowse, The England of Elizabeth (1950; London: Macmillan, 1953), pp. 552–8.
2. Grosart (ed.), Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell, p. 28; Douglas Hamer, ‘Edmund Spenser’s Gown and Shilling’, RES 23 (1947), 218–25, at 219–21; Judson, Life, pp. 18–19. On the importance of funerals and other public ceremonies and events in the London of Spenser’s boyhood, as recorded by someone Spenser or his family might have known as he was clerk of Holy Trinity-the-less, a few hundred yards closer to the centre of London than the Merchant Taylors’ School, see The Diary of Henry Machin, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London, from AD 1550 to AD 1563, ed. John Gough Nicholls (London: Camden Society, 1848); ODNB entry on Machin by Ian Mortimer.
3. Hamer, ‘Spenser’s Gown and Shilling’, p. 225.
4. Grosart (ed.), Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell, p. 160.
5. Judson, Life, pp. 15, 18–19.
6. The Statutes of Queen Elizabeth for the University of Cambridge, appended to Collection of the Statutes for the University and the Colleges of Cambridge (London: Clowes, 1840), p. 34. Other scholarships established in the period include many by people connected to Spenser: Alexander Nowell later endowed Queen Elizabeth’s Free School, Middleton, Lancashire; Edmund Grindal did the same for his old school, St Bees, Cumberland: Morgan and Brooke, History of the University of Cambridge, ii. 189–90.
7. Rappaport, Worlds Within Worlds, p. 85; Singman, Daily Life in Elizabethan England, pp. 35–6; Statutes, pp. 37–8.
8. Camden, Britannia, p. 486.
9. Morgan and Brooke, History of the University of Cambridge, ii. 247–8. For descriptions of outbreaks, see Charles Henry Cooper and John William Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, 5 vols. (Cambridge: Warwick, 1842–1908), ii. 233, 322–4. See also Ralph Houlbrooke, Death, Religion and the Family in England, 1480–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 14.
10. Pembroke College, Cambridge, Archives, College MS M alpha x, fos. 55, 58, 66.
11. See Judson, Life, p. 42; Complete Works, ed. Grosart, i. 36; Judson, John Young, p. 12; Long, ‘Spenser and the Bishop of Rochester’, p. 717.
12. Aubrey Attwater, A Short History of Pembroke College, Cambridge (1936; Cambridge: Pembroke College, 1973), pp. 48–9.
13. For details of the Watts scholars, see Pembroke College, Cambridge, College MS A gamma (Richard Drake’s book), p. 92; Pembroke College, Cambridge, College MS A alpha (Matthew Wren’s notebook), pp. 92, 93. I owe these references to Jayne Ringrose, archivist at Pembroke College, Cambridge. On Spenser’s connection to Watts, see pp. 114–15.
14. A. J. Magill, ‘Spenser’s Guyon and the Mediocrity of the Elizabethan Settlement’, SP 67 (1970), 167–77, at 170–1.
15. For details, see Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement, pt. 2; Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English Reformation, ch. 5; M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism (1939; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), ch. 10; Claire Cross, Church and People, England, 1450–1660 (2nd edn., Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), pp. 119–20; A. F. Scott Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism, 1535–1603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1925), pp. 17–19. For earlier exchanges see Hastings Robinson (ed.), The Zurich Letters, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1845), ii. 119–26, passim. One of the authors is Miles Coverdale, another figure connected to Spenser through the Merchant Taylors’ School.
16. Pearson, Cartwright, pp. 28–9.
17. Ibid., ch. 2. on the concept of ‘adiaphora’, derived from the writings of Thomas Starkey, see John N. Wall, ‘Godly and Fruitful Lessons: The English Bible, Erasmus’; Paraphrases and The Book of Homilies’, in Booty (ed.), Godly Kingdom of Tudor England, pp. 45–135, at pp. 63–4.
18. ODNB article on Thomas Cartwright by Patrick Collinson; Pearson, Thomas Cartwright, pp. 39–42; Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 257–61.
19. Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 250.
20. Ibid. 238, 243–4, 250. On Cambridge as an especially ‘Puritan’ university, see Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement, ch. 3; H. C. Porter, Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958); Morgan and Brooke, History of the University of Cambridge, vol. ii, ch. 13.
21. Pearson, Cartwright, p. 121; James Heywood and Thomas Wraight (eds.), Cambridge University Transactions during the Puritan Controversies of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 2 vols. (London: Bohn, 1854), passim.
22. Cited in Caius, Works, introd., p. 37.
23. ODNB article.
24. Judson, Life, pp. 35–6. On the impact of the massacre throughout Europe, see Robert M. Kingdon, Myths about the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacres, 1572–1576 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), esp. ch. 7.
25. Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 278; John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, 3 vols. (London, 1823), ii. 280–1.
26. See e.g. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490–1700 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2003), ch. 8.
27. Brink, ‘Revising Spenser’s Birth Date’, pp. 525, 527.
28. Collinson, Grindal, ch. 2; Attwater, Pembroke College, pp. 37–43.
29. Attwater, Pembroke College, p. 37; Collinson, Grindal, p. 38.
30. Attwater, Pembroke College, pp. 31, 34–9; Wall, ‘Godly and Fruitful Lessons’, at p. 72.
31. Morgan and Brooke, History of the University of Cambridge, ii. 120. Statistics for the 1570s are hard to obtain: in the early 1620s, Trinity was the largest with 440 members and Trinity Hall the smallest with 56. King’s, along with Pembroke, had 140 members.
32. Judson, Life, p. 30; Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 269, 316. On Caius, see The Works of John Caius, M.D.… with a memoir of his life by John Venn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912); ODNB entry by Vivian Nutton. Harvey acquired at least one of Caius’ manuscripts after his death.
33. Robert Willis and John Willis Clark, The Architectural History of the University of Cambridge, and of the Colleges of Cambridge and Eton, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1886), i. 121–5; Attwater, Pembroke College, ch. 1; Nicholas Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Cambridgeshire (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), pp. 123–9.
34. Alexander Judson, Thomas Watts, Archdeacon of Middlesex (and Edmund Spenser) (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Indiana University Publications Series, Humanities Division, 1939), p. 16; ODNB entry on Thomas Watts by Brett Ussher.
35. J. and J. A. Venn (eds.), Alumni Cantabrigienes, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922–7), iv. 132.
36. Judson, Life, p. 31. William Shakespeare, King Lear, ed. R. A. Foakes (London: Nelson, 1997), II.ii, line 15.
37. Judson, Life, p. 31; Elizabeth Burton, The Elizabethans at Home (1958; London: Arrow Books, 1970), p. 86. Schoolmasters and their pupils also often slept in the same room. See Willis, Mount Tabor, p. 97, where he notes that his teacher, Gregory Downhall, ‘made me his bedfellow (my fathers house being next of all to the schoole). This bedfellowship begat in him familiaritie and gentlenesse towards mee, and in mee towards him, reverence and love’.
38. On the relative poverty of sizars see Nicholl, Cup of News, p. 23.
39. Thomas Middleton, The Black Book (1604), ed. G. B. Shand, in Middleton, Collected Works, i. 204–18, at p. 218; Nicholl, Cup of News, p. 23.
40. Hugh Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen: Universities and Society in Pre-industrial Britain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 33.
41. Campbell, English Yeoman, p. 271.
42. Stern, Harvey, pp. 11–12.
43. Gabriel Harvey and Edmund Spenser, Three proper, and wittie, familiar letters: lately passed betvveene tvvo vniuersitie men: touching the earthquake in Aprill last, and our English refourmed versifying With the preface of a wellwiller to them both (London, 1580), p. 6.
44. For further comment, see pp. 86–7.
45. Mark H. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, 1558–1642: An Essay on the Changing Relations between the English Universities and English Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), ch. 10.
46. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, p. 86; Cressy, Education in Tudor and Stuart England, pp. 132–5; J. M. Fletcher, ‘The Faculty of Arts’, in James McConica (ed.), The History of the University of Oxford, iii. The Collegiate University (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), pp. 157–212, at pp. 171–81; Binns, Intellectual Culture, pp. 5–6.
47. Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 26–7; Cormack, ‘Maps as Educational Tools’, pp. 630–1.
48. See the description of Cambridge examinations in The Diary of Baron Waldstein: A Traveller in Elizabethan England, trans. G. W. Groos (London: Thames and Hudson, 1981), pp. 93–101.
49. Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric, p. 58.
50. Mack, ‘Spenser and Rhetoric’, Sp. Handbook, p. 427.
51. William T. Costello, SJ, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958), p. 146.
52. Statutes, passim. The statutes were unpopular and were formally opposed by a great number of fellows for providing the university authorities with what they saw as excessive powers: Heywood and Wraight (eds.), Cambridge University Transactions, i. 1–82; Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 260–1. Of course, not every law or statute was followed, especially Sumptuary Laws: Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 187–8.
53. A. F. Scott Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism, 1553–1603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1925), p. 5.
54. Fletcher, ‘Faculty of Arts’, p. 173.
55. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, pp. 88–9; Fletcher, ‘Faculty of Arts’, pp. 167–9; Collection of Statutes, pp. 294–9.
56. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, pp. 137–9; Warren Boutcher, ‘ “A French Dexterity, & an Italian Confidence”: New Documents on John Florio, Learned Strangers and Protestant Humanist Study of Modern Languages in Renaissance England from c.1547 to c.1625’, Reformation 2 (1997), 39–110.
57. Fletcher, ‘Faculty of Arts’, p. 172.
58. Galbraith, ‘Spenser and the History of the Book’, pp. 22–8. Spenser would almost certainly also have read Plato and the commentaries of Ficino: see Valery Rees, ‘Ficinian Ideas in the Poetry of Edmund Spenser’, in Borris et al. (eds.), Spenser and Platonism, pp. 73–134, at pp. 98–124.
59. Clare Sargent, ‘The Early Modern Library (to c.1640)’, and Kristian Jensen, ‘Universities and Colleges’, in Leedham-Green and Webber (eds.), Cambridge History of Libraries, i. 51–65, 345–62.
60. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, pp. 134–7; Gabriel Harvey, Letter-Book of Gabriel Harvey, 1573–1580, ed. Edward John Long Scott (London: Camden Society, 1884), pp. 167–8.
61. Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 79–80.
62. Stern, Harvey, pp. 226, 239, 246, 265, 268. The reference in the Letter-Book further suggests that Harvey is thinking how to present his evidence, and, in the process, effacing his own role, given the experimental character of this text. It is also worth noting that Gabriel’s brother refers to Machiavelli in Lamb of God, and that John Wolfe, Harvey’s friend and publisher, published Machiavelli’s Discourses in 1584, and the Art of War in Italian in 1587: N. W. Bawcutt, ‘The “Myth of Gentillet” Reconsidered: An Aspect of Elizabethan Machiavellianism’, MLR 99 (2004), 863–74, at 870–1. See also Alessandra Petrina, Machiavelli in the British Isles: Two Early Modern Translations of The Prince (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 17–18, passim.
63. Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, pp. 136–7.
64. Variorum, x. 121, 229; Edwin A. Greenlaw, ‘The Influence of Machiavelli on Spenser’, MP 7 (1909), 187–202; Ronald A. Horton, ‘Aristotle and His Commentators’, Sp. Enc., pp. 57–60. Guicciardini’s History of Italy was translated into English by Geoffrey Fenton (c.1539–1608), who, like Spenser, also married into the Boyle family. See Hadfield, Spenser’s Irish Experience, p. 46; ODNB entry on Fenton by Andrew Hadfield; Rudolf Gottfried, Geoffrey Fenton’s Historie of Guicciardini (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Indiana University Publications Series, Humanities Division, 1940); Nicholas Canny, The Upstart Earl: A Study of the Social and Mental World of Richard Boyle, First Earl of Cork, 1566–1643 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 6, 28.
65. See p. 97.
66. Jason Lawrence, ‘Spenser and Italian Literature’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 602–19, at p. 603.
67. These are now preserved in the Huntington Library. For discussion, see Joyce Boro, ‘Multilingualism, Romance, and Language Pedagogy; or, Why Were So Many Sentimental Romances Printed as Polyglot Texts?’, in Schurink (ed.), Tudor Translation, pp. 18–38.
68. Jason Lawrence, ‘Who the Devil Taught Thee So Much Italian?’: Italian Language Learning and Literary Imitation in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), pp. 12–13, 28, 46.
69. On Aristotle’s continuing intellectual dominance in the late 16th century, see E. Jennifer Ashworth, ‘Logic in Late Sixteenth-Century England: Humanist Dialectic and the New Aristotelianism’, SP 88 (1991), 224–36, at 227.
70. Costello, Scholastic Curriculum, especially ch. 3.
71. Nicholl, Cup of News, p. 34.
72. Howard Hotson, Commonplace Learning: Ramism and Its German Ramifications, 1543–1630 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 17; Kees Meerhoff, ‘Logic and Eloquence: A Ramusian Revolution?’, Argumentation 5 (1991), 357–74; Ashworth, ‘Logic in Late Sixteenth-Century England’, p. 233.
73. Jones, English Reformation, p. 178.
74. The logike of the moste excellent philosopher P. Ramus martyr, trans. M. Roll (London, 1574); The Latine Grammar of P. Ramus: translated into English (London, 1585); Elementes of Geometrie. Written in Latin by that excellent scholler, P. Ramus, trans. Thomas Hood (London, 1590); The Art of Arithmeticke in whole numbers and fractions in a more readie and easie method then hitherto hath bene published, written in Latin by P. Ramus; and translated into English by William Kempe (London, 1592).
75. Lisa Jardine, ‘Humanistic Logic’, in Schmitt and Skinner (eds.), Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, pp. 173–98, at p. 185; Fletcher, ‘Faculty of Arts’, p. 178. Roll’s translation of Ramus’ Logic hails him as ‘Martyr to God’ (p. 12).
76. Walter J. Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958); Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (London: Routledge, 1966), passim. For attempts to apply Ramus’ logical methods to Calvinist theology, see Dudley Fenner, The artes of logike and rethorike plainelie set foorth in the English tounge, easie to be learned and practised: togeather with examples for the practise of the same, for methode in the gouernment of the familie, prescribed in the word of God: and for the whole in the resolution or opening of certaine partes of Scripture, according to the same (Middleburg, 1584); ODNB entry on Dudley Fenner by Patrick Collinson.
77. Mordechai Feingold, ‘English Ramism: A Reinterpretation’, in Mordechai Feingold, Joseph S. Freedman, and Wolfgang Rother (eds.), The Influence of Petrus Ramus: Studies in Sixteenth-Century and Seventeenth-Century Philosophy and Sciences (Basle: Schwabe and Co., 2001), pp. 127–76.
78. Mack, History of Renaissance Rhetoric, p. 142.
79. Ramus, Logike, sig. B1r–v.
80. Aston, England’s Iconoclasts, pp. 457–8.
81. Alexander Richardson, The Logicians School-Master (London, 1629), sig. C1r. On Richardson (d. c.1621), see the ODNB entry by Roland Hall.
82. Sidney, Apology, pp. 82–3.
83. Although one should be wary of underestimating the achievements of Renaissance logic, see Jardine, ‘Humanistic Logic’, pp. 173–4. On Ramism at Cambridge, see Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen, p. 63.
84. E. J. Ashworth, ‘Traditional Logic’, in Schmitt and Skinner (eds.), Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, pp. 143–72; D. P. Henry, Medieval Logic and Metaphysics (London: Hutchinson, 1972).
85. ‘Syllogism’, in Ted Honderich (ed.), The Oxford Companion to Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 862; Costello, Scholastic Curriculum, p. 49. On the varieties of the syllogism, based on what Spenser was probably taught at Cambridge, see Richardson, Logicians School-Master, chs. 9–16.
86. Ramus, Logike, pp. 82–4; Lisa Jardine, ‘Humanism and the Sixteenth Century Cambridge Arts Course’, History of Education 4 (1975), 16–31, at 20–1; Ashworth, ‘Traditional Logic’, pp. 162–72.
87. Fenner, Artes of Logike and Rethorike, sig. C3v.
88. Jean Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. and trans. John T. McNeill and Ford Lewis Battles, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1965), ii. 968–70 (III.24, 4); François Wendel, Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, trans. Philip Mairet (London: Fontana, 1965), pp. 234–42.
89. On Cartwright, see ODNB entry on ‘Thomas Cartwright’ by Patrick Collinson; Pearson, Thomas Cartwright; Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), passim.
90. Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen, p. 63.
91. Lisa Jardine, ‘The Place of Dialectic Teaching in Sixteenth-Century Cambridge’, SR 21 (1974), 31–62, pp. 38–40.
92. Jardine, ‘Humanism and the Sixteenth Century Arts Course’, p. 21.
93. Kearney, Scholars and Gentlemen, p. 51.
94. Jardine, ‘Place of Dialectic Teaching’, p. 59.
95. Stern, Harvey, pp. 15, 25; ODNB entry on ‘Gabriel Harvey’ by Jason Scott-Warren.
96. Mack, ‘Spenser and Rhetoric’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 428–30.
97. Gabriel Harvey, Ciceronianus, ed. and trans. Harold S. Wilson and Clarence A. Forbes (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Studies, 1945), pp. 45, 59, 71–3, passim; John Charles Adams, ‘Gabriel Harvey’s Ciceronianus and the Place of Peter Ramus’ Dialecticae libri duo in the Curriculum’, RQ 43 (1990), 551–69; Binns, Intellectual Culture, pp. 278–82.
98. Gabriel Harvey, Rhetor (1577), trans. Mark Reynolds (http://comp.uark.edu/~mreynold/rheteng.html); Stern, Harvey, pp. 28–9.
99. Richards, Rhetoric and Courtliness, ch. 5.
100. Stern, Harvey, pp. 10–11, 31, 39, 40. See also James E. Phillips, ‘George Buchanan and the Sidney Circle’, HLQ 12 (1948–9), 23–55.
101. R. W. Maslen, ‘Magical Journeys in Sixteenth-Century Prose’, YES (Travel and Prose Fiction in Early Modern England, ed. Nandini Das) 41/1 (2011), 35–50, at 43.
102. Stern, Harvey, pp. 12–13.
103. Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 162–5, 168–70, 176–9; Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 32.
104. Sir Thomas Smith, Literary and Linguistic Works, 3 vols. (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1963–83), ii. A Critical Edition of De Recta et Emendata Linguae Graecae Pronuntiatione (1978). For analysis see Richards, Rhetoric and Courtliness, ch. 3.
105. Harvey, Letter-Book, p. 19.
106. See p. 89.
107. W. K. Jordan, Edward VI: The Threshold of Power: The Dominance of the Duke of Northumberland (London: Allen & Unwin, 1970), pp. 127, 172, passim; Jennifer Loach, Edward VI (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pp. 84, 92.
108. Stephen Alford, Burghley: William Cecil at the Court of Elizabeth I (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 197–8, 212, passim; Conyers Read, Mr. Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth (London: Cape, 1955), pp. 42, 55, 351, passim; Conyers Read, Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth (London: Cape, 1960), pp. 144–5.
109. On Cranmer and Smith, see MacCulloch, Cranmer, pp. 445–6, passim.
110. For an analysis of the political context of the work, which concludes that it is a ‘Protestant apologetic’, hostile to female rule, a view which resembles Spenser’s perception of Elizabeth throughout his writing career, see Anne McLaren, ‘Reading Sir Thomas Smith’s De Republica Anglorum as Protestant Apologetic’, HJ 42 (1999), 911–39.
111. Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum: A Discourse on the Commonwealth of England, ed. L. Alston (1906; Shannon: Irish University Press, 1972), p. 48.
112. Andrew Hadfield, ‘Was Spenser a Republican?’, English 47 (1998), 169–82; Andrew Zurcher, Spenser’s Legal Language: Law and Poetry in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Brewer, 2007), pp. 136–7.
113. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 38; Smith, De Republica Anglorum, pp. 18–19.
114. See pp. 122–3.
115. Variorum, x. 285, 374, 397.
116. Stern, Harvey, p. 39.
117. ODNB entry on ‘Thomas Smith’ by Ian Archer; Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith: A Tudor Intellectual in Office (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 203.
118. On the equally grand ambitions of one of Smith’s neighbours, see Dominique Goy-Blanquet, ‘Lord Keeper Bacon and the Writing on the Wall’, Law and Humanities 4 (2010), 211–28. On the architecture and design of Hill Hall, see pp. 90–1.
119. James Hankins, ‘Humanism and the Origins of Modern Political Thought’, in Kraye (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism, pp. 118–41, at p. 127.
120. Cited in Lisa Jardine, ‘Encountering Ireland: Gabriel Harvey, Edmund Spenser, and English Colonial Ventures’, in Brendan Bradshaw, Andrew Hadfield, and Willy Maley (eds.), Representing Ireland: Literature and the Origins of Conflict, 1534–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 60–75, at p. 63. Harvey was also using Anthony Cope’s translation of Livy: see Fred Schurink, ‘How Gabriel Harvey Read Anthony Cope’s Livy: Translation, Humanism, and War in Tudor England’, in Schurink (ed.), Tudor Translation, pp. 58–78. For Harvey’s particular interest in Livy and extensive notes on his works, see Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 93–4, 117, 134, passim.
121. Jardine, ‘Encountering Ireland’, pp. 63–4.
122. On Gilbert, see William Gilbert Gosling, The Life of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, England’s First Empire Builder (London: Constable, 1911); ODNB entry on Humphrey Gilbert by Rory Rapple.
123. Thomas Churchyard, A Generall Rehearsall of Warres (1579), sigs. Q1r–R1v. On the FitzGerald Uprising, see Steven Ellis, Tudor Ireland: Crown Community and the Conflict of Cultures (Harlow: Longman, 1985), pp. 259–61.
124. Humphrey Gilbert, Queene Elizabethes Achademy, ed. F. J. Furnivall, EETS extra ser. 8 (London: Routledge, 1869), pp. 1–12.
125. D. B. Quinn, ‘Sir Thomas Smith (1513–1577) and the Beginnings of English Colonial Theory’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 89 (1945), 543–60; Hiram Morgan, ‘The Colonial Venture of Sir Thomas Smith in Ulster, 1571–5’, HJ 28 (1985), 261–78; Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, ‘“Studied for Action” ’ p. 42. An Edwardian coin minted in Dublin was discovered in Hill Hall, probably deposited in the house the late 1560s or 1570s: Paul Drury, with Richard Simpson, Hill Hall: A Singular House Devised by a Tudor Intellectual (London: Society of Antiquaries, 2009), p. 35.
126. See Philip Withington, Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Polity, 2010), pp. 207–15.
127. Thomas Smith, A letter sent by I.B. Gentleman vnto his very frende Maystet [sic] R.C. Esquire vvherin is conteined a large discourse of the peopling & inhabiting the cuntrie called the Ardes, and other adiacent in the north of Ireland, and taken in hand by Sir Thomas Smith one of the Queenes Maiesties priuie Counsel, and Thomas Smith Esquire, his sonne (London, 1572), sig. B3v. The best analysis of the state of colonial practice and knowledge immediately before Smith’s venture, which shows how closely Henry Sidney and William Cecil were involved in debates and organization of plantations in Ireland is D. G. White, ‘The Tudor Plantations in Ireland before 1571’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Dublin, 1967. On Smith, Cecil, and Sidney, see also David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 47–51.
128. Cited in Andrew Hadfield and John McVeagh (eds.), Strangers to that Land: British Perceptions of Ireland from the Reformation to the Famine (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1994), p. 99. According to Mark A. Hutchinson, the pamphlet probably underplays the punitive nature of Smith’s enterprise: ‘Sir Henry Sidney and His Legacy: Reformed Protestantism and the Government of Ireland and England, c.1558–1580’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Kent at Canterbury, 2010, pp. 115–17.
129. An ideal expressed most clearly in the life and work of Sir Philip Sidney, enabling his contemporaries to construct him as a legend after his premature death in 1586: Howell, Sidney: Shepherd Knight; Van Dorsten et al. (eds.), Sidney: 1586 and the Creation of a Legend.
130. Cited in Chronology, pp. 3–4. See also Carpenter, Reference Guide, p. 13.
131. Honan, Marlowe, ch. 5; Eccles, ‘Elizabethan Edmund Spensers’, p. 415.
132. Spenser, Selected Letters, ed. Burlinson and Zurcher, passim.
133. ODNB entry on Henry Norris by Susan Doran; Nolan, Sir John Norreys, p. 16. On Henry Norris’s links to Cecil, see Read, Secretary Cecil, pp. 391–3; Alford, Burghley, pp. 153–9.
134. ODNB article on John Whitgift by Brett Ussher; Attwater, Pembroke College, p. 37.
135. Collinson, Grindal, pp. 37, 270–1, passim; Attwater, Pembroke College, pp. 41–50; Judson, Watts, pp. 6, 8, 17, 26. Judson also shows that Watts was close to Alexander Nowell, and mentions him in his will (p. 21).
136. Judson, John Young, pp. 6, 15–16.
137. ODNB entry on John Young by Brett Ussher; Attwater, Pembroke College, pp. 43–4.
138. See pp. 110–18.
139. Judson, John Young, pp. 10–11.
140. See pp. 115–17.
141. We cannot be absolutely sure that the letters in the Letter-Book were ever actually sent, and certainly many of the later ones look like writing experiments with the form rather than real epistles. But these first letters seem more genuine and it looks as if Harvey was practising to make sure that he expressed himself exactly as he wanted to: see H. R. Woudhuysen, ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage: A Study of the English Court, 1578–1582’, unpublished DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 1980, pp. 140–78. See also the analysis in Josephine Waters Bennett, ‘Spenser and Gabriel Harvey’s “Letter-Book”’, MP 29 (1931), 163–86.
142. ODNB entry on Thomas Neville by J. B. Mullinger, rev. Stanford Lehmberg; Stern, Harvey, pp. 17–19.
143. Harvey, Letter-Book, p. 4.
144. Ibid. 6.
145. Ibid. 8.
146. Stern, Harvey, p. 18.
147. For discussion, see Nashe, Works, v. 65–110; Donald J. McGinn, Thomas Nashe (Boston: Twayne, 1981), chs. 8–10; Lorna Hutson, Thomas Nashe in Context (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), ch. 10; Hadfield, ‘ “Not without Mustard”’.
148. On Wolfe and Harvey, see Stern, Harvey, pp. 101–3; ODNB entry on John Wolfe by Ian Gadd.
149. See the ODNB entries on John Still by John Craig and Thomas Preston by Alexandra Shepard. Harvey later wrote to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, recommending Still for a bishopric: Stern, Harvey, p. 50.
150. Harvey–Spenser Letters, pp. 55, 24.
151. Nashe, Works, iii. 76, 79.
152. Ibid. 88–9.
153. Stern, Harvey, p. 80.
154. Grafton and Jardine, ‘“Studied for Action”’, 56.
155. On Cheke and Smith see ODNB entry on John Cheke by Alan Bryson; Richards, Rhetoric and Courtliness, chs. 3–5; John F. McDiarmid, ‘Common Consent, Latinitas, and the “Monarchical Republic” in Mid-Tudor Humanism’, in John F. McDiarmid (ed.), The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England: Essays in Response to Patrick Collinson (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), pp. 55–74.
156. Stern, Harvey, p. 48; Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 168–9.
157. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 27. See also Harvey, Marginalia, p. 157.
158. For more evidence of the popularity of modern language editions at the universities, see ‘Private Libraries in Renaissance England,’ http://plre.folger.edu/books.php. I owe this reference to Jennifer Richards.
159. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 28.
160. Arthur Tilley, ‘Greek Studies in England in the Early Sixteenth-Century’, EHR 53 (1938), 221–39, 438–56, at 440–1.
161. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 27.
162. The story is not in The Golden Legend, the principal source of saints’ lives in the post-medieval period, but was easily available elsewhere (Jacobus de Voraigne, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, ed. and trans. William Granger Ryan, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993)). John Bale, an author Spenser and Harvey would have known, tells the story but transforms the conversion of the Angles into one of lustful paederasty and a means of oppressing an independent church: The Pageant of Popes (London, 1574), sig. 35r–v.
163. Jardine, Erasmus, pp. 182–7; Alistair Fox, Thomas More: History & Providence (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982), pp. 36–45. See also Altman, Tudor Play of Mind, pp. 32–3; Douglas Duncan, Ben Jonson and the Lucianic Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Arthur F. Kinney, Humanist Poetics: Thought Rhetoric, and Fiction in Sixteenth-Century England (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986).
164. See Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 113, 155.
165. T. Murner, A Merye, A Merye Jest of a man called Howleglas (London, 1528?), Bodleian Library, shelfmark 4°.Z.3 Art Seld. sig. M4v; cited in Stern, Harvey, p. 228. The volume, which is a substantial quarto, consists of several miscellaneous books bound together in the 17th century, from the collection of John Selden, perhaps bound by him, but more likely by the library when it acquired the volume, given its size and the poverty of the Bodleian in that period (I owe this information to Sarah Wheale). The volume includes the 1637 quarto of Hamlet, Fletcher’s Knight of the Burning Pestle, Lindsay’s Satire of the Three Estates, some of John Cleveland’s poems, and Merry Jests of Robin Hood.
166. Galbraith, ‘Spenser and the History of the Book’, pp. 17–20.
167. P. M. Zall (ed.), A Hundred Merry Tales and Other Jestbooks of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963). For comment, see Garrett Sullivan and Linda Woodbridge, ‘Popular Culture in Print’, in Arthur Kinney (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to English Literature, 1500–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 265–86, at pp. 273–9; Robert W. Maslen, ‘The Afterlife of Andrew Borde’, SP 100 (2003), 463–92; Woodbridge, ‘Jest Books’; Anne Lake Prescott, ‘The Ambivalent Heart: Thomas More’s Merry Tales’, Criticism 45 (2003), 417–33; Indira Ghose, Shakespeare and Laughter: A Cultural History (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008), pp. 60–2, 97–109. Peter Burke’s comment that popular culture was everyone’s culture occurs in Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (London: Temple Smith, 1978), prologue. On Spenser and jestbooks, see Andrew Hadfield, ‘Spenser and Jokes: The 2008 Kathleen Williams Lecture’, Sp. St. 25 (2010), 1–19.
168. For descriptions of the copies of books, see Stern, Harvey, pp. 203, 240.
169. Alexander Samson, ‘Lazarillo de Tormes and the Picaresque in Early Modern England’, in Hadfield (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Early Modern Prose (forthcoming).
170. Bodleian 4°.Z.3 Art Seld., sigs. N3r, N3v.
171. Bodleian 4°.Z.3 Art Seld., sig. N3v.
172. Peter Bayley, ‘Braggadocchio’, Sp. Enc., pp. 109–10.
173. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, pp. 29–30.
174. Patrick Collinson, ‘Perne the Turncoat: An Elizabethan Reputation’, in Elizabethans, pp. 179–217, at p. 217.
175. Nashe, Works, iii. 58.
176. Judson, Life, p. 38.
177. Harvey, Fovre Letters, p. 31; Stern, Harvey, p. 58; Richard A. McCabe, ‘“Thine owne nations frend/And Patrone”: The Rhetoric of Petition in Harvey and Spenser’, Sp. St. 22 (2007), 47–72, at 60.
178. See Warren B. Austen, ‘William Withie’s Notebook: Lampoons on John Lyly and Gabriel Harvey’, RES 23 (1947), 297–309.
179. On Forsett, see the ODNB entry by Sean Kelsey.
180. Edward Forsett, Pedanticus, III.v, lines 47–51 (ed. and trans. Dana F. Sutton: http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/forsett/contents.html, accessed 13 May 2009). All subsequent references to this edition in parentheses in the text. See also Pedanticus, ed. E. F. J. Tucker (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1989), and for evidence of Forsett’s authorship, see G. C. Moore Smith, ‘The Authorship of “Pedantius”’, N&Q 153 (1927), 427.
181. John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, 3 vols. (London, 1823), ii. 110; Stern, Harvey, p. 42; Thomas Hugh Jameson, ‘The Gratulationes Valdinenses of Gabriel Harvey’, unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1938; Patrick Collinson, ‘Pulling the Strings: Religion and Politics in the Progress of 1578’, in Elizabeth Jayne Archer, Elizabeth Goldring, and Sarah Knight (eds.), The Progresses, Pageants, & Entertainments of Queen Elizabeth I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 122–41.
182. Nashe, Works, iii. 80.
184. Spenser Allusions, p. 4, notes this possibility.
185. Harvey charted his progress from addiction to Ciceronianism to a more balanced use of the style in Ciceronianus, pp. 77–83. See Kendrick W. Prewitt, ‘Gabriel Harvey and the Practice of Method’, SEL 39 (1999), 19–39, at 21. See also G. K. Hunter, John Lyly: The Humanist as Courtier (London: Routledge, 1962), pp. 263–81.
186. Tacitus, On Imperial Rome, trans. Micahel Grant (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1956), pp. 327–8; The Satires of Horace and Persius, trans. Niall Rudd (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973), pp. 147–8, passim.
187. Nashe, Works, i. 323, iii. 35.
188. The Three Parnassus Plays, 1598–1603, ed. J. B. Leishman (London: Nicholson and Watson, 1949), pp. 35, 55, 79–80, 97, 102.
189. Nicholl, Cup of News, pp. 50, 122–3. Burby was active from 1592 to 1607. He later published Richard Lichfield’s The Trimming of Thomas Nashe (1597), suggesting that he also had contacts with the Harvey camp, which might indicate that he was associated with Harvey’s ally in the printing trade, John Wolfe. See Printers, p. 55. The tract was once attributed to Harvey (see The Works of Gabriel Harvey, ed. Alexander B. Grosart, 3 vols. (London: privately printed, 1885), iii. 1–72), but the author has now been identified as Lichfield: see Benjamin Griffin, ‘Nashe’s Dedicatees: William Beeston and Richard Lichfield’, N&Q 44 (Mar. 1997), 47–9.
190. Alan H. Nelson, Monstrous Adversity: The Life of Edward de Vere, 17th earl of Oxford (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2003), pp. 262–5; Heaton, Writing and Reading Royal Entertainments, p. 73.
191. Carl H. Pforzheimer, English Literature, 1475–1700, 3 vols. (New York: privately printed, 1940), iii. 997–8. On Ponsonby, see Michael G. Brennan, ‘William Ponsonby: Elizabethan Stationer’, AEB: Analytical & Enumerative Bibliography 7 (1984), 91–110; ODNB entry on William Ponsonby by Sidney Lee, rev. Anita McConnell; Wayne Erikson, ‘William Ponsonby’, in Bracken and Silver (eds.), Book Trade, pp. 204–12.
192. See the ODNB entry on Benedict Barnham by Sarah Bendall. Barnham’s daughter, Elizabeth, married Mervyn Touchet, the notorious 2nd earl of Castlehaven (1593–1631) in 1611, which might suggest that the Barnham family had connections with the Munster Plantation where Touchet probably grew up and where his family had lands. See the ODNB entry on Mervyn Touchet and Andrew Hadfield, ‘Edmund Spenser and Samuel Brandon’, N&Q 56/4 (Dec. 2009), 536–8.
193. Bernard Freyd, ‘Spenser or Anthony Munday?—A Note on the Axiochus’, PMLA 50 (1935), 903–8, at 905; Frederick M. Padelford, ‘Reply to Bernard Freyd’, PMLA 50 (1935), 908–13, at 908.
194. It is likely that the author of the letter was Munday, given his relationship to Barnham, and the attention he draws to their connections. The author does not, significantly enough, claim that he was the translator, but commends the importance of the work. The dedicatory letter ‘To the Reader’ makes the attribution, following the title page, and, given the separate printing of the texts, it is not unreasonable to assume that the book was stitched together in an opportunistic fashion and need not be read as a coherent, planned whole.
195. See Edmund Spenser, The ‘Axiochus’ of Plato Translated by Edmund Spenser, ed. Frederick Morgan Padleford (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1934), and the reviews by Douglas Bush (MLN 50 (1935), 191–2), and Douglas Hamer (RES 12 (1936), 84–6). The case for Munday is made in Celestine Turner Wright, ‘Young Anthony Munday Again’, SP 56 (1959), 150–68; ‘Anthony Munday, “Edward” Spenser, and E. K.’, PMLA 76 (1961), 34–9; ‘“Lazarus Pyott” and Other Inventions of Anthony Munday’, PQ 42 (1963), 532–41. The parallels with The Faerie Queene are noted in Harold L. Weatherby, ‘Axiochus and the Bower of Bliss: Some Fresh Light on Sources and Authorship’, Sp. St. 6 (1985), 95–113. A sceptical view of Spenser’s authorship is expressed in Holger Nørgaard, ‘Translations of the Classics into English Before 1600’, RES 9 (1958), 164–72, at 168.
196. Marshall W. S. Swan, ‘The Sweet Speech and Spenser’s (?) Axiochus’, ELH 11 (1944), 161–81, at 163–4.
197. Naomi C. Liebler, ‘Elizabethan Pulp Fiction: The Example of Richard Johnson’, Critical Survey 12 (2000), 71–87. I am grateful to Prof. Liebler for drawing my attention to this article.
198. ODNB entry on John Charlewood by H. R. Tedder, rev. Robert Faber; on John Danter, see Printers, pp. 83–4. See also Wright, ‘Young Anthony Munday’, p. 157; Swan, ‘Sweet Speech’, pp. 164–5.
199. Edmund Spenser, Axiochus. A most excellent dialogue, written in Greeke by Plato the phylosopher: concerning the shortnesse and vncertainty of this life, with the contrary ends of the good and wicked./Translated out of Greeke by Edw. [sic] Spenser; Heereto is annexed a sweet speech or oration spoken at the tryumphe at White-hall before her Maiestie, by the page to the right noble Earle of Oxenforde (London, 1592); Swan, ‘Sweet Speech’, pp. 166–73; Wright, ‘Young Anthony Munday’, pp. 156–7.
200. Philippe du Plessis Mornay, Six Excellent Treatises of Life and Death collected (and published in French) by Philip Mornay, sieur du Plessis; and now (first) translated into English (London, 1607). On Lownes see Johnson, Critical Bibliography, pp. 21–2; Printers, p. 180.
201. Philippe du Plessis Mornay, A Discourse of Life and Death. written in French by Ph. Mornay. Antonius, a tragoedie written also in French by Ro. Garnier. Both done in English by the Countesse of Pembroke (London, 1592); Philippe du Plessis Mornay, A Discourse of Life and Death: vvritten in French by Phil. Mornay. Done in English by the Countesse of Pembroke (London, 1606). On Mary Sidney’s translation, see The Collected Works of Mary Sidney Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, ed. Margaret P. Hannay, Noel J. Kinnamonn, and Michael G. Brennan, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), i. 208–54. On the importance of Mornay for the Sidneys, see Duncan-Jones, Sidney, passim.
202. Axiochus appears to have been translated principally from the Latin, with reference to the Greek original: see Spenser, Axiochus, ed. Padelford, introd., p. 17.
203. Ibid. 12.
204. Prewitt, ‘Harvey and the Practice of Method’, p. 22.
205. Isabel Rivers, Classical and Christian Ideas in English Renaissance Poetry (London: Routledge, 1975), ch. 4; Reid Barbour, English Epicures and Stoics: Ancient Legacies in Early Stuart Culture (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998), passim; Joshua Scodel, Excess and the Mean in Early Modern English Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), passim.
206. Spenser, Axiochus, sig. C1r–v.
207. Jill Kraye, ‘Moral Philosophy’, in Schmitt and Skinner (eds.), Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, pp. 303–86, at pp. 356–9; Kristeller, Renaissance Thought, ch. 3.
208. Spenser, Axoichus, sig. C1v.
209. On Bruno and Ficino, see Ernst Cassirer, Paul Oskar Kristeller, and John Herman Randall, Jr (eds.), The Renaissance Philosophy of Man (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 185–212; Alfonso Ingegno, ‘The New Philosophy of Nature’, and Charles H. Lohr, ‘Metaphysics’, in Schmitt, Charles, and Skinner (eds.), Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, pp. 236–64, at pp. 254–6, and pp. 537–638, at pp. 568–81; Mary Davies, ‘Bruno in England, 1583–1585: The Cultural Context for Bruno’s De Gli Eroici Furori’, unpublished PhD thesis, Swansea University, 2009. On Bruno and the Sidney circle, see John Buxton, Sir Philip Sidney and the English Renaissance (London: Macmillan, 1966), pp. 160–7. On Axiochus, see William Keith Chambers Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy: The Later Plato and the Academy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 394–6.
210. ODNB entry on ‘Charlewood’. I owe this point to Jill Kraye.
211. Axiochus is generally described as a second-rate work, one of ‘inferior merit’ (Guthrie, Later Plato, p. 395).
212. As may have happened with A View: see p. 367.
213. Charles Bowie Millican, ‘The Supplicats for Spenser’s Degrees’, HLQ 2 (1939), 467–70, at 467. The following paragraph owes much to Millican’s research.
214. John Venn (ed.), Grace Book, containing the Records of the University of Cambridge for the Years 1542–1589 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910), p. 260.
215. Venn (ed.), Grace Book, p. 290.
216. Judson, Life, p. 43. Venn explains that it is uncertain when lists began to reflect accurately a ranking order instead of simply one of seniority, and suggests that there was always an element of merit involved (Grace Book, introd., pp. viii–x). See also J. R. Tanner (ed.), The Historical Register of the University of Cambridge: Being a Supplement to the Calendar with a Record of University Offices, Honours and Distinctions to the Year 1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1917), pp. 355–7. I owe this explanation to Malcolm Underhill, archivist of St John’s College, Cambridge.
217. Attwater, Pembroke College, pp. 48–9; Cooper and Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, ii. 322–3.
218. Judson, Life, p. 43.
1. The Shepheardes Calender, June, lines 9–24, in Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 88.
2. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 91.
3. Ibid. 92.
4. For comment, see Richard A. McCabe, ‘Authorial Self-Presentation,’ Sp. Handbook, pp. 462–82, at p. 463.
5. See Michael McCanles, ‘The Shepheardes Calender as Document and Monument’, SEL 22 (1982), 5–19; and pp. 126, 131.
6. Spenser, Shorter Poems, pp. 126–7.
7. On Harvey’s ambitions as a poet, see Stern, Harvey, pp. 39–46; Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 101–38.
8. And, we need to be further aware of the need to refer across works, especially when reading the Calender and the Letters: see pp. 145–6.
9. The January eclogue sees Colin lamenting his love for Rosalind and bemoaning Hobbinol’s naive attachment to him. The narrative has moved on by June and Hobbinol’s stability seems more appealing to Colin.
10. The Eclogues, Georgics and Aeneid of Virgil, trans. C. Day Lewis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), eclogue I, lines 64–6. For comment, see Bernard, Ceremonies of Innocence, pp. 54–61; Nancy Jo Hoffman, Spenser’s Pastorals: The Shepheardes Calender and ‘Colin Clout’ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), introd.; Helen Cooper, Pastoral: Medieval into Renaissance (Ipswich: Brewer, 1977), pp. 152–65; Paul Alpers, What Is Pastoral? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 179–80.
11. See p. 146.
12. Scott-Warren, ODNB entry.
13. Although, given that Harvey’s last years were probably spent practising ‘physic’ and experimenting with plant breeding in his native Saffron Walden, the reference may have some substance, and be intended as a playful irony: Stern, Harvey, ch. 7. For other information on Harvey’s post-academic career, see Irving Ribner, ‘Gabriel Harvey in Chancery—1608’, RES 2 (1951), 142–7; Nicholas Popper, ‘The English Polydaedali: How Gabriel Harvey Read Late Tudor London’, Journal of the History of Ideas 66 (2005), 351–81.
14. ‘It is called by Caesar, and other auncient writers, Cancium and Cancia in latine, which name (as I make coniecture) was framed out of Caine, a woorde that (in the language of the Britaines, whom Caesar at his ariuall founde inhabiting there) signifyeth, bowghes, or woods, and was imposed, by reason that this Countrie, both at that time, and also longe after, was in manner wholly ouergrowne with woode, as it shall hereafter in syt place more plainly appeare’ (William Lambarde, A Perambulation of Kent conteining the description, hystorie, and customes of that shyre (London, 1576), p. 7). Spenser would have known Lambarde’s work and made use of it in A View (Variorum, x. 280, 310, 362–3, passim). Lambarde was a Londoner, had a number of connections to Spenser’s wider circles, knowing the Nowell family (he worked on Anglo-Saxon manuscripts with Laurence Nowell, cousin of the dean of Lichfield), John Stow, Sir Henry Sidney, and William Cecil: ODNB entry on ‘William Lambarde’, by J. D. Alsop. Lambarde’s text was published by Ralph Newberry who had business connections with Henry Bynemann, publisher of the Harvey–Spenser Letters; Printers, p. 199. Most significantly he wrote a prayer with John Young, bishop of Rochester in the late 1570s when Spenser worked as Young’s secretary: Warnicke, Lambarde, p. 46.
15. An early sceptical account is Percy W. Long, ‘Spenser’s Visit to the North of England’, MLN 32 (1917), 58–9. Henry Woudhuysen wonders whether there is substance to a possible visit once Spenser had left Cambridge: ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage’, p. 134.
16. David Scott Wilson-Okamura, ‘Problems in the Virgilian Career’, Sp. St. 26 (2011), 1–30, at 10.
17. Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, ch. 4; Cressy, Birth, Marriage & Death, chs. 10–11.
18. Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, pp. 73–86; Singman, Daily Life in Elizabethan England, p. 50; Cressy, Birth, Marriage & Death, p. 285. The mean age for men marrying was about 27, but, the higher the social class, the earlier people tended to get married. On Spenser’s marriage, see pp. 140–8.
19. The Firste Syxe Bokes of the Mooste Christian Poet Marcellus Palingenius, called the zodiake of life, Newly translated out of Latin into English by Barnabe Googe (London, 1561); Googe, Eclogues, Epitaphs and Sonnets, ed. Kennedy.
20. George Turbervile, Epitaphes, Epigrams, Songs and Sonets with a discourse of the friendly affections of Tymetes to Pyndara his ladie (London, 1567); The Eclogues of Mantuan, trans. George Turbervile (1567), ed. Douglas Bush (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1937).
21. ODNB entry by Michael Brennan.
22. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 146. The story of Tereus and Philomena was one of the most frequently retold of Ovid’s myths of transformation (see Metamorphoses, trans. Mary M. Innes (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1955), 146–53), and was an important source for Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus, a decade later—a work that also owes much to Spenser: see Jonathan Bate, Shakespeare and Ovid (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 171–3, passim. On Gascoigne’s life and career, see George Gascoigne, A Hundreth Sundrie Flowres, ed. G. W. Pigman III (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), biographical introd. The Steele Glasse was dedicated to Arthur Lord Grey de Wilton, later to be Spenser’s employer in Ireland, who was a close friend of Gascoinge (pp. xxxi, xl, lix).
23. Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 58–68; Woudhuysen, ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage’, pp. 153–60.
25. Harvey, Fovre Letters, pp. 101–2; Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 500.
26. On the ways in which letters advertised and established friendship, see Joseph Campana, ‘Letters (1580)’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 177–97, at pp. 180–3; Lynne Magnusson, Shakespeare and Social Dialogue: Dramatic Language and Elizabethan Letters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), ch. 4.
27. Stern, Harvey, pp. 3–7. On John Harvey’s involvement in town life, see K. C. Newton (ed.), A Calendar of Deeds Relating to Saffron Walden and Neighbouring Parishes, 13th–18th. Centuries, 6 vols. (Saffron Walden: Essex County Library, 1950), i. 127, 131, 133, 255; ii. 113, 311, 321, passim.
28. Peter M. Daly and Bari Hooper, ‘John Harvey’s Carved Mantle-Piece (ca. 1570): An Early Instance of the Use of Alciato Emblems in England’, in Daly (ed.), Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1989), pp. 177–204, at p. 178.
29. Stern, Harvey, pp. 5–6; Nashe, Works, i. 195, 197, passim.
30. Daly and Hooper, ‘John Harvey’s Carved Mantle-Piece’, p. 181.
31. On Alciati in England, see Bath, Speaking Pictures, chs. 1–3. On Spenser and Alciati, see Michael Bath, ‘Honey and Gall or: Cupid and the Bees. A Case of Iconographic Slippage’, in Daly (ed.), Andrea Alciato, pp. 59–94, at pp. 70–2.
32. Daly and Hooper, ‘John Harvey’s Carved Mantle-Piece’, pp. 186–7; Emma Marshall Denkinger, ‘Some Renaissance References to Sic Vos Non Vobis’, PQ 10 (1931), 151–62, at 156–7.
33. I am extremely grateful to Martyn Everrett for providing me with much information. In Ciceronianus Harvey recounts how he retired to Saffron Walden for nearly twenty weeks reading ancient and modern texts ready for his inaugural lectures as professor of rhetoric: Harvey, Ciceronianus, p. 71; Harvey, Marginalia, p. 14. On John Harvey’s house in Hill Street, see Stern, Harvey, p. 7; Nicholas Pevsner, The Building of England: Essex (rev. edn., Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), p. 336.
34. Stern, Harvey, p. 5.
35. Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 167–8; Virginia F. Stern, ‘The Bibliotheca of Gabriel Harvey’, RS 25 (1972), 1–62, at 10–11; Stern, Harvey, pp. 40–1, 65; Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 146.
36. Daly and Hooper, ‘John Harvey’s Carved Mantle-Piece’, p. 178.
37. Dewar, Smith, pp. 102–3.
38. Ibid. 192; Elisabeth Woodhouse, ‘Spirit of the Elizabethan Garden’, Garden History 27 (1999), 10–31, at 28; Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 1, 203.
39. Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 203–4, 208. For some details of the pictures at Écouen, see Hervé Oursel and Thierry Crépin-Leblond, Musée National de la Renaissance: Château D’Écouen: Guide (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1994), pp. 100–11. I am grateful to Maurice Howard for bringing this book to my attention.
40. Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 180–242. See also Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 192.
41. Tara Hamling, Decorating the ‘Godly’ Household: Religious Art in Post-Reformation Britain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), p. 46.
42. Richard Simpson, ‘Images and Ethics in Reformation Political Discourse: The Paintings at Sir Thomas Smith’s Hill Hall’, in Tara Hamling and Richard L. Williams (eds.), Art Re-formed: Re-assessing the Impact of the Reformation on the Visual Arts (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2007), pp. 127–36.
43. Edward VI was often compared to Hezikiah and the choice of subject reflects Smith’s interests and shows that, like many reformers, Edward’s reign was a formative experience: Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, p. 210; Natalie Mears, Queenship and Political Discourse in the Elizabethan Realms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 134–40; Hamling, Decorating the ‘Godly’ Household, pp. 237–8.
44. Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 225–6.
45. The most obvious and extensive telling of the story of Cupid and Psyche was Apuleius, The Golden Ass, a work which had considerable importance in the Renaissance. Smith had a copy in his library: see Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, p. 181; Apuleius, The Golden Ass, trans. Robert Graves (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1950), pp. 114–57; Supriya Chaudhuri, ‘Lucius, thou art translated: Adlington’s Apuleius’, RS 22 (2008), 669–704; Robert Carver, The Protean Ass: The ‘Metamorphoses’ of Apuleius from Antiquity to the Renaissance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). On Spenser’s representation of the story, see William A. Oram, ‘Pleasure’, Sp. Enc., p. 548.
46. See Joan Henges Blythe, ‘Sins, seven deadly’, Sp. Enc., pp. 659–70; Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, p. 262.
47. Bennett, Evolution of ‘The Faerie Queene’, ch. 18. On Spenser’s visual imagination, see Bender, Spenser and Literary Pictorialism; Lucy Gent, Picture and Poetry, 1560–1620: Relations Between Literature and the Visual Arts in the English Renaissance (Leamington Spa: James Hall, 1981), pp. 46–7; Richard Pindell, ‘The Mutable Image: Man-in-Creation’, in Kenneth John Atchity (ed.), Eterne in Mutabilitie: The Unity of The Faerie Queene: Essays Published in Memory of Davis Philoon Harding (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1972), pp. 158–79. More generally, see Clark, Vanities of the Eye.
48. Frederick Hard, ‘Spenser’s “Clothes of Arras and of Toure”’, SP 27 (1930), 162–85; William J. Thomas, ‘Pictures of the Great Earl of Leicester’, N&Q, 3rd ser. 2 (1862), 201–2, 224–6.
49. Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, p. 217. Just as there were links between Dutch writers and intellectuals in exile, so were there links between artists and craftsmen (pp. 222, 233).
50. Robert Salter, Wonderfull Prophecies from the beginning of the monarchy of this land hidden vnder the parables of: Three young noble-men in a fiary fornace. A chast wife, and two old fornicators. The idol Belus and his dragon. Daniel in a den amid lyons (London, 1627), p. 42; C. Bowie Millican, ‘A Friend of Spenser’, TLS, 7 Aug. 1937, p. 576; Cummings, Critical Heritage, pp. 68, 145–6.
51. There is no trace of Salter as an Oxford or Cambridge alumn us, but he must have attended university somewhere.
52. Leicester’s Commonwealth: The Copy of a letter written by a Master of Art of Cambridge (1584) and Related Documents, ed. D. C. Peck (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1985), pp. 86–90. Leicester’s Commonwealth was probably written by Robert Parsons, but was based in part on information supplied by Philip Howard, 13th earl of Arundel (1557–95), her cousin: see Mitchell Leimon and Geoffrey Parker, ‘Treason and Plot in Elizabethan Diplomacy: The “Fame of Sir Edward Stafford” Reconsidered’, EHR 111 (1996), 1134–58, at 1142–3. Spenser knew this work and was eager to defend those it attacked, notably Lord Grey: see Andrew Hadfield, ‘Spenser’s View and Leicester’s Commonwealth’, N&Q 48 (Sept. 2001), 256–9.
53. Thomas Rogers, Leicester’s Ghost, ed. Franklin B. Williams, Jr (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), lines 641–51. The poem exists in a number of manuscripts, the most important of which is BL Add. MS 12132, the author’s own copy. It was eventually published along with Leicester’s Commonwealth in 1641, showing the close link between literature and polemic in establishing Leicester’s reputation.
54. Arthur Collins, Historical Collection of the Noble Families of Cavendishe, Holles, Vere, Harley, and Ogle (London, 1572), pp. 77–8.
55. C. T. Prouty, George Gascoigne: Elizabethan Courtier, Soldier and Poet (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942), p. 193. It should, however, be remembered that Gascoigne was later commissioned by Leicester to produce an entertainment for the queen’s progress to Kenilworth in the summer of 1575 (pp. 87–9).
56. ODNB entry on Douglas Sheffield by Simon Adams.
57. See p. 250.
58. It is also worth noting that Douglas Sheffield was a Howard and so was part of the premier Catholic family in England: she was close to Philip Howard, 13th earl of Arundel (1557–95), the alleged traitor, who was the great-grandson of her uncle, Thomas Howard, 3rd duke of Norfolk (1473–1554).
59. Nicholas Breton, A Smale Handfull of Fragrant Flowers selected and gathered out of the louely garden of sacred scriptures (London, 1575), sig. A1r. On Breton see the ODNB entry by Michael Brennan.
60. Nicholas Breton, Melancholike Humours, in verses of diuerse natures (London, 1600), F3r–F4r. On Breton’s funeral elegy for Spenser, see p. 394.
61. This paragraph is heavily indebted to the pioneering analysis of P. M. Buck, Jr, ‘Add. MS 34064: And Spenser’s Ruines of Time and Mother Hubberds Tale’, MLN 22 (1907), 41–6.
62. BL Add. 34064, sigs. 27–55.
63. On the familiar motif of the pelican sacrificing herself for her children, see e.g. Stephen Bateman, Batman Upon Bartholome (London, 1582), 29; ch. 29 Nicholas Breton, Brittons Bovvre of Delights Contayning Many, Most Delectable and Fine Deuices, of Rare Epitaphes, Pleasant Poems, Pastorals and Sonets (London, 1591), sig. B3v–B4r.
64. Steven W. May, The Elizabethan Courtier Poets: The Poems and Their Contexts (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999), passim.
65. On Rogers, see Franklin B. Williams, Jr, ‘Thomas Rogers of Bryanston, an Elizabethan Gentleman-of-Letters’, HSNPL 16 (1934), 253–67; id., ‘Thomas Rogers as Ben Jonson’s Dapper’, YES 2 (1972), 73–7.
66. House of Commons, ii. 303.
67. Thomas Rogers, Celestiall Elegies of the Goddesses and the Muses Deploring the Death of the Right Honourable and Vertuous Ladie the Ladie Fraunces Countesse of Hertford (London, 1598). The volume owes much to Daphnaïda.
68. Franklin B. Williams, Jr, ‘Leicester’s Ghost’, HSNPL 18 (1935), 271–85, at 277. The poem also shows knowledge of Drayton and Kyd (p. 278).
69. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 30. For details, see Joseph Black and Lisa Celovsky, ‘“Lost Works”, Suppositious Pieces, and Continuations’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 349–64, at pp. 350–5.
70. Spenser, Shorter Poems, pp. 128, 136.
71. Variorum, x. 6; Black and Celovsky, ‘“Lost Works”’, p. 353.
72. Variorum, x. 459–60. See p. 272–3.
73. This would have been normal for an aspiring writer: see Nicholl, Cup of News, pp. 36–7.
74. Marjorie Plant, The English Book Trade: An Economic History of the Making and Sale of Books (3rd edn., London: Allen & Unwin, 1974), pp. 203–4.
75. Spenser, Selected Letters, introd., p. xxxi. On wages see Singman, Daily Life in Elizabethan England, p. 36.
76. Smith’s extensive library was probably also an inspiration for Harvey: for details, see Dewar, Smith, pp. 15, 203; Drury, with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 206–7. It is possible that Spenser was able to make use of Smith’s library too.
77. Stern, Harvey, p. 250.
78. Ibid. 248; Nashe, Works, iii. 89. For evidence see Elizabeth S. Leedham-Green, Books in Cambridge Inventories: Book Lists from Vice-Chancellor’s Court Probate Inventories in the Tudor and Stuart Periods, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). See also R. J. Fehrenbach and E. S. Leedham-Green (eds.), Private Libraries in Renaissance England: A Collection and Catalogue of Tudor and Stuart Book-Lists, 5 vols. (Tempe, AZ: MRTS, 1992–8), especially vols. iii–v.
79. On Vautrollier, see John Corbett, ‘The Prentise and the Printer: James VI and Thomas Vautrollier’, in Kevin J. McGinley and Nicola Royan (eds.), The Apparalling of Truth: Literature and Literary Culture in The Reign of James VI: A Festschrift for Roderick J. Lyall (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2010), 80–93; Alastair F. Mann, The Scottish Book Trade, 1500–1720: Print, Commerce and Print Control in Early Modern Scotland (East Linton: Tuckwell, 2000), pp. 1, 14, 36, 73, passim. Corbett also shows that Vautrollier was linked to Buchanan and Daniel Rogers (p. 86).
80. Corbett, ‘Prentise and the Printer’, p. 92; Johnson, Critical Bibliography, p. 31.
81. See Jennifer Richards, ‘Gabriel Harvey, James VI, and the Politics of Reading Early Modern Poetry’, HLQ 71 (2008), 303–22.
82. For details, see Stern, Harvey, pp. 198–242; Harvey, Marginalia; G. C. Moore Smith, ‘Printed Books with Gabriel Harvey’s Autograph or MS Notes’, MLR 28 (1933), 78–81; 29 (1934), 68–70; 30 (1935), 209.
83. Harvey undoubtedly established special relationships with particular booksellers, notably John Wolfe, with whom he later lived, the principal publisher of Italian books in late Elizabethan England. See Harry R. Hoppe, ‘John Wolfe, Printer and Publisher’, The Library, 4th ser. 14 (1933), 241–89; Clifford Chambers Huffman, ‘John Wolfe’, in Bracken and Silver (eds.), Book Trade, p. 326–9; Harry Sellers, ‘Italian Books Printed in England Before 1640’, The Library, 4th ser. 5 (1924), 105–28.
84. See Stern, Harvey, pp. 193–4, 250. On Dee’s library see William H. Sherman, John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995). See also Peter J. French, John Dee: The World of an Elizabethan Magus (London: Routledge, 1972), ch. 3.
85. Queens’ College, Cambridge, MS 49, fos. 70r–78r, available on-line http://scriptorium.english.cam.ac.uk/manuscripts/images/index.php?ms=Queens_49; John Strype, The Life of the Learned Sir Thomas Smith (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1820), pp. 165, 274–81. For intellectual links between Smith and Harvey, see David Harris Sacks, ‘The Prudence of Thrasymachus: Sir Thomas Smith and the Commonwealth of England’, in Anthony Grafton and J. H. M. Salmon (eds.), Historians and Ideologues: Essays in Honour of Donald R. Kelley (Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2001), p. 89–122, at p. 91.
86. See John Leon Lievsay, Stefano Guazzo and the English Renaissance (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961), pp. 96–9. It is also important to note that Lodowick Bryskett, Spenser’s friend and predecessor as the clerk of the Munster Council, made extensive use of the work in his Discourse of Civil Life (1606).
87. On Olaus Magnus, see Matthew Woodcock, ‘Spenser and Olaus Magnus: A Reassessment’, Sp. St. 21 (2006), 181–204; Andrew Hadfield, ‘The Idea of the North’, Journal of the Northern Renaissance 1/1 (spring 2009), 1–18. On Buchanan, see Andrew Hadfield, ‘Spenser and Buchanan’, in Roger Mason (ed.), Buchanan (Aldershot: Ashgate, forthcoming); James Emerson Phillips, Images of a Queen: Mary Stuart in Sixteenth-Century Literature (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 201–3; Richard A. McCabe, ‘The Masks of Duessa: Spenser, Mary Queen of Scots, and James VI’, ELR 17 (1987), 224–42.
88. Grafton and Jardine, ‘“Studied for Action”’; Caroline Ruutz-Rees, ‘Some Notes of Gabriel Harvey’s in Hoby’s Translation of Castiglione’s Courtier (1561)’, PMLA 25 (1910), 608–39.
89. Caroline Brown Bourland, ‘Gabriel Harvey and the Modern Languages’, HLQ 4 (1940), 85–106.
90. See pp. 72–3.
91. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, pp. 49–50. On the Nine Comedies, which Harvey exhorts Spenser to write and so may not have existed yet, if at all, see Allan Gilbert, ‘Were Spenser’s Nine Comedies Lost?’, MLN 73 (1958), 241–3.
92. Prouty, Gascoigne, p. 157.
93. On the Muses, see Grant and Hazel, Who’s Who in Classical Mythology, pp. 225–6.
94. Gascoigne, Hundreth Sundrie Flowres, ed. Pigman, pp. 5–58; Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 165–73; Alan H. Nelson and John R. Elliott, Jr (eds.), Inns of Court: Records of Early English Drama, 3 vols. (Woodbridge: Brewer, 2010), ii. 732.
95. Jerome Turler, The traueiler of Ierome Turler deuided into two bookes. The first conteining a notable discourse of the maner, and order of traueiling ouersea, or into straunge and forrein countreys. The second comprehending an excellent description of the most delicious realme of Naples in Italy. A woorke very pleasaunt for all persons to reade, and right profitable and necessarie vnto all such as are minded to traueyll (London, 1575). Subsequent references appear in the text. For Harvey’s marginalia, see Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 173–4. For comment on Turler see Vine, In Defiance of Time, pp. 144–6.
96. Chronology, p. 8; Stern, Harvey, p. 237. See also Israel Gollancz, ‘Spenseriana’, PBA 3 (1907), 99–105, at 103–4.
97. For analysis of Turler, see Melanie Ord, Travel and Experience in Early Modern English Literature (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2007), pp. 3–4, 68–9.
98. Claudian, ‘Of an old Man of Verona who never left his home’, Claudian, with an English translation by Maurice Platnauer, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1922), lines 1–6 (ii. 194–5).
99. Garrett, Marian Exiles; John Bossy, The English Catholic Community, 1570–1850 (Darnton: Longman and Todd, 1975), pp. 11–74; Arnold Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism in Elizabethan England (London: Scolar, 1979), ch. 3.
100. On the need for a licence to travel, see Thomas Palmer, An Essay of the Meanes how to make our travails more profitable (London, 1606), fo. 11; Clare Howard, English Travellers of the Renaissance (London: John Lane, 1914), ch. 6. On the relationship between exile and the experience of travel in a later period, see Christopher D’Addario, Exile and Journey in Seventeenth-Century Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
101. Matthew Day, ‘Hakluyt, Harvey, Nashe: The Material Text and Early Modern Nationalism’, SP 104 (2007), 281–305, at 284; Woudhuysen, ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage’, pp. 136–7.
102. Variorum, x. 112.
103. Carew, 1575–88, p. 104. On Fitzmaurice’s rebellion, see Ellis, Tudor Ireland, pp. 259–61; Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest (New York: St Martin’s, 1995), pp. 213–15. On executions and scaffold speeches, see John Bellamy, The Tudor Law of Treason: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 1979), ch. 5.
104. Andrew Hadfield, ‘Spenser’s Description of the Execution of Murrogh O’Brien: An Anti-Catholic Polemic?’, N&Q 244 (June 1999), 195–7.
105. Woudhouysen, ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage’, ch. 6.
106. On Pelham see the ODNB entry by J. J. N. McGurk.
107. On Dorothy Pelham née Catesby, see the ODNB entry by Hugh Hanley.
108. Chronology, pp. 4, 10, 38; Carew, 1575–88, pp. 180, 239–40, 267, 269–70, 273–4, 276–7, 280, 283; Welply, ‘Spenser: Being an Account of Some Recent Researches’, pp. 147–8.
109. Carew, 1575–88, p. 105; Chronology, p. 7. On Drury’s role in Ireland, see ODNB entry by Sean Kelsey; Spenser, Selected Letters, passim.
110. Mark Brayshay, ‘Royal Post-Horse Routes in England and Wales: The Evolution of the Network in the Later-Sixteenth and Early-Seventeenth Century’, JHG 17 (1991), 373–89, at 382–4. See also Mark Brayshay, Philip Harrison, and Brian Chalkley, ‘Knowledge, Nationhood and Governance: The Speed of the Royal Post in Early-Modern England’, JHG 24 (1998), 265–88. I owe these references to Natalie Mears. See also J. Crofts, Packhorse, Waggon and Post: Land Carriage and Communications under the Tudors and Stuarts (London: Routledge, 1967), chs. 12–17; James Daybell, The Material Letter: Manuscript Letters and the Culture and Practices of Letter-Writing in Early Modern England, 1512–1635 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), ch. 5.
111. Eleanor Rosenberg, Leicester, Patron of Letters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), pp. 336–48.
112. The Letters are, for ‘reasons never made clear, published in reverse chronology’: the correct dating of the sequence is Spenser to Harvey from Leicester House (5 Oct. 1579) and Westminster (15–16 Oct.); Harvey’s reply from Trinity Hall (23 Oct.); Spenser to Harvey from Westminster (2 Apr. 1580); Harvey’s reply from Saffron Walden (7 Apr.); a final letter from Harvey from Saffron Walden (23 Apr.); the anonymous address ‘To the Curious Buyer’ (19 June 1580): Henry R. Woudhuysen, ‘Letters, Spenser’s and Harvey’s’, Sp. Enc., pp. 434–5. See also Welply, ‘Some Spenser Problems’, 458.
113. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 60. For a rigorous and meticulous analysis of the Harvey–Spenser letters which establishes a plausible chronology, showing that Spenser was planning to go abroad in 1579 but was eventually frustrated in his plans, see Woudhuysen, ‘Leicester’s Literary Patronage’, pp. 190–1.
114. For one argument that suggests that we can take such statements at face value, see Rambuss, Spenser’s Secret Career.
115. Alan Kendall, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester (London: Cassell, 1980), ch. 8; Rosenberg, Leicester, p. 331; Wallace T. McCaffrey, Elizabeth I (London: Arnold, 1993), 16.
116. John Stubbs’s Gaping Gulf with Letters and Other Relevant Documents, ed. Lloyd E. Berry (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1968); Duncan-Jones, Sidney, ch. 7.
117. See also Adams, Leicester and the Court, ch. 4. Stubbes was the brother-in-law of Michael Hicks, one of the key servants of Lord Burghley, which suggests that, while there were clear circles of patronage and interest groups, politics was yet to be as clearly factionalized as it was in the 1590s: Smith, Hickes, pp. 93–6.
118. Kendall, Leicester, pp. 184–5.
119. Georgii Sabini Brande, Poemata (1563) and Petrilotichii Secundi Solitariensis, Poemata (1563). The British Library copy (shelfmark BL11403.aaa6(1)) retains the original binding and so shows us the volume that Spenser would have owned (I owe this information to Lee Piepho). The copy in the Folger Shakespeare Library that Spenser did own has been separated (shelfmarks V.d.341 (Sabinus) and PA 8547 L7 p& 1576 (Lotichins)).
120. The poems and letters are catalogued separately as Folger MS X.d.520. Lee Piepho, ‘Edmund Spenser and Neo-Latin Literature: An Autograph Manuscript on Petrus Lotichius and His Poetry’, SP 100 (2003), 123–34, at 124.
121. Piepho, ‘Autograph Manuscript’, p. 127.
122. For further discussion, see Shinn, ‘Spenser and Popular Print Culture’.
123. Binns, Intellectual Culture, p. 113.
124. Stephen Zon, Petrus Lotichius Secundus: Neo-Latin Poet (New York: Peter Lang, 1983), pp. 103, 165–6, 232–3, passim.
125. Binns, Intellectual Culture, pp. 16, 113. On Spenser’s interest in the Heroides, see Syrithe Pugh, Spenser and Ovid (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 128–30, 218–21; Michael Holahan, ‘Ovid’, Sp. Enc., pp. 520–2.
126. Lee Piepho, ‘Spenser and Neo-Latin Literature’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 573–85, at pp. 579–81.
127. Text of the poem in Letters, H1r–H2v; translation cited from Variorum, x. 256–8.
128. Variorum, x. 258.
129. John Hale, The Civilization of Europe in the Renaissance (London: HarperCollins, 1993), p. 62.
130. Constance M. Furey, ‘Bound by Likeness: Vives and Erasmus on Marriage and Friendship’, in Daniel T. Lochman, Martiere López, and Lorna Hutson (eds.), Discourses and Representations of Friendship in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1700 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), pp. 29–43.
131. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 54.
132. Paul R. Sellin, ‘“Souldiers of one army”: John Donne and the Army of the States General as an International Protestant Crossroads’, in Mary Arshagouni Papazian (ed.), John Donne and the Protestant Reformation (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2003), pp. 143–92, at p. 167; Paul R. Sellin, ‘So Doth, So Is Religion’: John Donne and Diplomatic Contexts in the Reformed Netherlands, 1619–1620 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1988), pp. 17–21. See also Paul R. Sellin and Augustus J. Veenendaal, Jr, ‘A “Pub Crawl” Through Old The Hague: Shady Light On Life and Art Among English Friends of John Donne in The Netherlands’, John Donne Journal 6 (1987), 235–60. Conway wrote a commendatory sonnet for Geoffrey Fenton’s Certaine Tragicall Discourses (1567): see the ODNB entry by M. A. Stevens.
133. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 54.
134. Stephen Gosson, The Schoole of Abuse conteining a plesaunt [sic] inuectiue against poets, pipers, plaiers, iesters, and such like caterpillers of a co[m]monwelth (London, 1579), A2v–A6v. Sidney’s response probably dates from 1582–3: Duncan-Jones, Sidney, pp. 230–9.
135. On Dyer, see the entry in the ODNB by Stephen W. May; May, Elizabethan Courtier Poets, pp. 287–316, passim.
136. Grafton and Jardine, ‘“Studied for Action”’, pp. 35–40; Stern, Harvey, pp. 31, 39.
137. Jameson, ‘Gratulationes Valdinenses of Gabriel Harvey’; Stern, Harvey, pp. 39–40.
138. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, pp. 6–7.
139. Thomas Drant (c.1540–78), was at Cambridge at the same time as Spenser, and would have been known to Spenser: see the ODNB entry by R. W. McConchie; Eccles, ‘Brief Lives’, p. 46.
140. Horace his Arte of Poetrie, Pistles, and Satyrs Englished (London, 1567); Reavley Gair, ‘Areopagus’, Sp. Enc., p. 55.
141. W. R. Gair, ‘Literary Societies in England from Parker to Falkland’, unpublished DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 1968, pp. 61–2.
142. Gair, ‘Areopagus’.
143. Gair, ‘Literary Societies’, pp. 65, 68. See also Howard Maynadier, ‘The Areopagus of Sidney and Spenser’, MLR 4 (1909), 289–301; Frederick E. Faverty, ‘A Note on the Areopagus’, PQ 5 (1926), 278–80.
144. See Derek Attridge, Well-Weighed Syllables: Elizabethan Verse in Classical Metres (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp. 130, 138; Kevin Pask, The Emergence of the English Author: Scripting the Life of the Poet in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 98–104.
145. Richard Stanihurst, The First Foure Bookes of Virgils AEneis, translated into English heroicall verse, by Richard Stanyhurst: with other poëticll [sic] deuises thereto annexed (London, 1583), A4r. I owe this point to an unpublished paper by Margaret Tudeau-Clayton.
146. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 56. The scansion is that of Derek Attridge, Well-Weighed Syllables, p. 190.
147. Attridge, Well-Weighed Syllables, p. 190.
148. Thomas Kyd, The Spanish Tragedy, ed. Philip Edwards (1959; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), III.ii, lines 1–11.
149. De Molen, Mulcaster, chs. 2–3; Wesley, ‘Mulcaster’s Boys’, ch. 4.
150. On Fraunce’s significance, see Katherine Koller, ‘Abraham Fraunce and Edmund Spenser’, ELH 7 (1940), 108–20.
151. On Fraunce’s Ramism, see Tamara A. Goeglein, ‘Reading English Ramist Logic Books as Early Modern Emblem Books: The Case of Abraham Fraunce’, Sp. St. 20 (2005), 225–52; Ralph S. Pomeroy, ‘The Ramist as Fallacy-Hunter: Abraham Fraunce and The Lawiers Logicke’, RQ 40 (1987), 224–46. On Fraunce’s possible access to The Faerie Queene, see Steven W. May, ‘Marlowe, Spenser, Sidney and—Abraham Fraunce’, RES (forthcoming). I am extremely grateful to Professor May for sending this article to me in adance of its publication.
152. Abraham Fraunce, The Arcadian Rhetorike, or The praecepts of rhetorike made plaine by examples Greeke, Latin, English, Italian, French, Spanish, out of Homers Ilias, and Odissea, Virgils Aeglogs, […] and Aeneis, Sir Philip Sydnieis Arcadia, songs and sonnets (London, 1588), sig. C4r.
153. Harvey–Spenser, Letters, p. 63.
154. Ibid. 64.
155. De Molen, Mulcaster, p. 105. On the extent of experiments with quantitative metre, especially among Cambridge students, see May, ‘Fraunce’.
156. Sir Thomas Smith, Literary and Linguistic Works, 3 vols. (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1963–83), iii. A Dialogue of the Correct and Improved Writing of English (1983), p. 13.
157. Attridge, Well-Weighed Syllables, p. 174.
158. Ussher, ‘Young’, ODNB.
159. Chronology, p. 9.
160. James P. Bednarz, ‘Young, John’, Sp. Enc., p. 739.
161. Camden, Britannia, p. 326.
162. Thomas Wilson, An Accurate Description of Bromley, in Kent (London, 1797), p. 21. On Tudor Bromley, see Edward Halsted, The History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent, 4 vols. (Canterbury, 1778–99), i. 80–97; E. L. S. Horsburgh, Bromley, Kent from the Earliest Times to the Present Century (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1929), pp. 19–20, 82–3.
163. Unpublished paper by Andrew Foster, University of Chichester, 29 June 2011.
164. See p. 191.
165. Harvey, Rhetor, section 68.
166. ODNB entry on Harrison by Felicity Heal. I owe this point to Ralph Houlbrooke and Helen Parish.
167. David Colclough, ‘Introduction: Donne’s Professional Lives’, in Colclough (ed.), John Donne’s Professional Lives (Cambridge: Brewer, 2003), pp. 1–16.
168. Brian P. Levack, The Civil Lawyers in England, 1603–1641: A Political Study (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), ch. 5.
169. W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, 9 vols. (5th edn., London: Methuen, 1931), i. 592.
170. Levack, Civil Lawyers in England, pp. 167–8.
171. Holdsworth, History of English Law, i. 594–5.
172. Holdsworth, History of English Law, 614, 616, 619.
173. Ibid. 620–2.
174. Zurcher, Spenser’s Legal Language, ch. 3.
175. Tim Stretton, ‘Women, Property and Law’, in Anita Pacheco (ed.), A Companion to Early Modern Women’s Writing (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), pp. 40–57, at pp. 46–8.
176. Warnicke, Lambarde, ch. 7.
177. Lambarde, Perambulation of Kent, pp. 293–314; Camden, Britannia, pp. 332–3.
178. Fowler, Spenser and the Numbers of Time, pp. 172–5; Thomas P. Roche, Jr, The Kindly Flame: A Study of the Third and Fourth Books of Spenser’s Faerie Queene (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 167–84.
179. Leicester Bradner sees a reference to Bromley in the July eclogue: ‘An Allusion to Bromley in The Shepherds’ Calender’, MLN 49 (1934), 443–5. See also Magill, ‘Spenser’s Guyon’, pp. 174–5.
180. Ben Jonson, ‘To Penshurst’, line 31, in Jonson, Poems, p. 89; Camden, Britannia, p. 329.
181. A. M. Buchan, ‘The Political Allegory of Book IV of The Faerie Queene’, ELH 11 (1944), 237–48, at 242–3.
182. Jack B. Oruch, ‘Spenser, Camden, and the Poetic Marriage of Rivers’, SP 64 (1967), 606–24; Buchan, ‘Political Allegory of Book IV’, pp. 239–40. On Camden, see p. 360.
183. Hadfield, Spenser’s Irish Experience, ch. 5.
184. Spenser made extensive use of Irish geography in the extant description of the river marriage: see Joyce, ‘Spenser’s Irish Rivers’; A. C. Judson, Spenser in Southern Ireland (Bloomington: Principia, 1933). See also Oruch, ‘Spenser, Camden’, pp. 622–3.
185. On Bateman and Parker, see the ODNB entries by Rivkah Zim and David J. Crankshaw and Alexandra Gillespie.
186. Timothy Graham, ‘Matthew Parker’s Manuscripts: An Elizabethan Library and Its Use’, in Leedham-Green and Webber (eds.), Cambridge History of Libraries, i. 322–41, at p. 327.
187. Stephen Bateman, The Trauayled Pylgrime (London, 1569).
188. Anne Lake Prescott, ‘Spenser’s Chivalric Restoration: From Bateman’s “Travayled Pylgrime” to the Redcrosse Knight’, SP 86 (1989), 166–97, at 170–1. De La Marche’s other known work in English was The Resolved Gentleman, adapted and translated by Lewes Lewkenor, another writer with a Spenser connection see p. 294).
189. Dorothy Atkinson, ‘Edmund Spenser’s Family and the Church’, N&Q 170 (1936), 172–5. See also Edward Bensly, ‘Edmund Spenser’s Family and the Church’, N&Q 170 (1936), 231–2.
190. Atkinson, ‘Spenser’s Family’, p. 174.
191. Judson, Watts, p. 8.
192. Ibid. 11.
193. Ibid. 17.
194. Ibid. 21.
195. Ibid. 24–5.
196. Lambarde, Perambulation of Kent, p. 266.
197. Harvey, Letter-Book, pp. 1–20, 24–40, 44–54, 159–61; Henry Woudhuysen, ‘Gabriel Harvey’, in Andrew Hadfield (ed.), The Oxford Handbook to English Prose, 1500–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).
198. Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, pp. 446–8, 707–11, passim; Wrightson, English Society, pp. 57–61. Welply suggests that Watts may have helped send Spenser from school to university (‘Spenser: Being an Account of Some Recent Researches’, p. 147); Judson is sceptical (Watts, p. 26).
199. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 116. On ‘Diggon Davie’, a figure who can be related to ‘Colin Clout’ as a version of the honest English ploughman serving the people and the true church, see Scott Lucas, ‘Diggon Davie and Davy Dicar: Edmund Spenser, Thomas Churchyard, and the Poetics of Public Protest’, Sp. St. 16 (2001), 151–65.
200. On Roffyn as Rochester, see McLane, Spenser’s Shepheardes Calender, ch. 10; King, Spenser’s Poetry and the Reformation Tradition, p. 30. On Artegall and Talus, see Michael O’Connell, Mirror and Veil: The Historical Dimension of Spenser’s Faerie Queene (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977), ch. 5; James Nohrnberg, The Analogy of The Faerie Queene (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), pp. 409–25.
201. William Lewin appears to have been chancellor from 1576 until his death in 1598, perhaps working alongside Hugh Lloyd (d. 1601). The archdeacon in this period was Ralph Pickover (1576–98). It is also worth noting that there was a Robert Lougher, who was chancellor in the Exeter diocese in the 1560s, but there is no obvious connection to Rochester. I am extremely grateful to Andrew Foster for help with this note.
202. William Caxton (trans), The History of Reynard the Fox (June 1481), ed. Edward Arber (Westminster: Constable, 1895), pp. 6–7; B. E. C. Davis, Edmund Spenser: A Critical Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933), pp. 22, 102.
203. See e.g. the assumption that the eclogue is anti-Catholic in Hoffman, Spenser’s Pastorals, p. 114; Hume, Edmund Spenser: Protestant Poet, pp. 38–40; King, Spenser’s Poetry and the Reformation Tradition, p. 20. A different reading is provided in Nancy Lindheim, ‘Spenser’s Virgilian Pastoral: The Case for September’, Sp. St. 11 (1990, pub. 1994), 1–16. S. K. Heninger is also sceptical and comments, ‘The precise identities of Lowder and of the wolf in sheep’s clothing … remain hidden’ (‘The Shepheardes Calender’, Sp. Enc., pp. 645–51, at p. 649).
204. John Young, A Sermon Preached Before the Queenes Maiestie, the second of March. An. 1575 (London, 1576); Kevin Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy: Authority and Image in Sixteenth-Century England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), p. 442.
205. Jones, English Reformation, chs. 3, 5; Brian Cummings, The Literary Culture of the Reformation: Grammar and Grace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), passim; Greg Walker, Writing Under Tyranny: English Literature and the Henrician Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 17.
206. Compare the beast fable Sidney told in Germany, which also suggests that the easy divisions between good Protestants and bad Catholics made by Protestant propagandists were misleading: Stewart, Sidney, p. 105; Karl Joseph Hölgen, ‘Why Are There No Wolves in England? Philip Camerarius and a German Version of Sidney’s Table Talk’, Anglia 99 (1981), 60–82.
207. Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism, chs. 1–2; Michael C. Questier, ‘Elizabeth and the Catholics’, in Ethan Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the Protestant Nation: Religious Politics and Identity in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), pp. 69–94; J. J. Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), ch. 6; Adrian Morey, The Catholic Subjects of Elizabeth I (London: Allen and Unwin, 1978), ch. 5. Norfolk was attended in the Tower before his execution by Alexander Nowell and by his old tutor, John Foxe: Michael A. R. Graves, ODNB entry on ‘Thomas Howard, fourth duke of Norfolk’.
208. On Catholics in the south-east, see Michael C. Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England: Politics, Aristocratic Patronage and Religion, c.1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (rev. edn., London: Fontana, 1986), pp. 50, 56, passim; Felicity Heal, Reformation in Britain and Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 209, 215, passim.
209. For comment, see Hamilton, Family of Love, pp. 115–16, 121–2; Marsh, Family of Love, 120–6, passim.
210. ODNB entry on William Wilkinson by Christopher Marsh.
211. Marsh, Family of Love; Wotton, ‘Scot/Fleming’.
212. William Wilkinson, A Confutation of Certaine Articles Deliuered vnto the Familye of Loue with the exposition of Theophilus, a supposed elder in the sayd Familye vpon the same articles (London, 1579), sigs. A1v–B2v.
213. Ibid., sigs. F2v, F3r, T2r–T3v.
214. Ibid., sigs. A3r–v.
215. Marsh, Family of Love, p. 110.
217. The link has been made before: see McLane, Spenser’s Shepheardes’s Calender, pp. 163–7. McLane thinks that Spenser endorses Young’s attack on the Family.