1. Some of the estate maps still survive (not the one for Kilcolman): see National Maritime Museum, Dartmouth Collection, P/49/28, 38, which show the survey of the lands to the east of Youghal.
2. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 67.
3. Colonel James Grove White, Historical and Topographical Notes, etc, on Buttevant, Castletownroche, Doneraile, Mallow, and Places in their vicinity, 4 vols. (Cork: Guy and Co., 1905–25), iii. 264; Fiants, iv. 121. Irish land was traditionally divided up into units called ‘townlands’, which ‘retained their identity largely irrespective of the patterns of settlement and land-utilization at any given time’. Any method of assessing land for rent and taxation was imposed on these units which varied in size throughout Ireland: Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, pp. 138–9.
4. Henley, Spenser in Ireland, p. 60.
5. Walter A. Jones, ‘Doneraile and Vicinity’, JCHAS, 2nd ser. 7 (1901), 238–42, at 239. The Roches were also in dispute with Spenser’s neighbour, Norris, early in the 17th century: Henry F. Berry, ‘The English Settlement in Mallow under the Jephson Family’, JCHAS, 2nd ser. 12 (1906), 1–26, at 9. On the Roche family in Munster, see Eithne Donnelly, ‘The Roches, Lords of Fermoy: The History of a Norman-Irish Family’, JCHAS 38 (1933), 86–91; 39 (1934), 38–40, 57–68; 40 (1935), 37–42, 63–73; 41 (1936), 20–8, 78–84; 42 (1937), 40–52.
6. For details, see Eric Klingelhofer, ‘Edmund Spenser at Kilcolman Castle: The Archaeological Evidence’, Post-Medieval Archaeology 39 (2005), 133–54; Eric Klingelhofer, ‘Current Archaeological Excavations at Kilcolman Castle’, Bulletin of the Early Modern Ireland Committee 1 (1994), 51–4. See also D. Newman Johnson, ‘Kilcolman Castle’, Sp. Enc., pp. 417–22; James N. Healy, The Castles of County Cork (Cork: Mercier, 1988), pp. 343–4.
7. Herbert Francis Hore, ‘Woods and Fastnesses in Ireland’, UJA, 1st ser. 6 (1858), 145–61, at 145; Power, ‘Archaeology of the Munster Plantation’, p. 24.
8. Chronology, p. 40; CSPI, 1574–85, p. 533.
9. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 119.
10. J. H. Andrews, ‘Land and People, c.1685’, in Moody et al. (eds.), New History of Ireland, iii. 454–77, at p. 470.
11. C. Litton Falkiner, ‘The Woods in Ireland’, in Illustrations of Irish History, Topography, mainly of the seventeenth century (London: Longman, 1904), pp. 143–59, at p. 157; Eileen McCracken, The Irish Woods Since Tudor Times: Distribution and Exploitation (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1971), pp. 37, 39, 45. On deforestation in Ireland, see Smyth, Map-Making, Landscapes and Memory, pp. 86–102.
12. Andrews, ‘Land and People,’ p. 460. On the Blackwater, see Mary Hickson, ‘The Blackwater, Cappoquin, and the Barons of Burnchurch’, JRSAI 20 (1890), 244–6.
13. See e.g. National Maritime Museum, Dartmouth Collection, P/49/20, 27. It was possible to travel at 12–19 miles per day in Munster, and 29 miles per day could be achieved if necessary: McCormack, Earldom of Desmond, p. 36. For the use of waterways more generally and their representation in literary texts, see Andrew McRae, Literature and Domestic Travel in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), ch. 1.
14. Flavin and Jones (eds.), Bristol’s Trade with Ireland and the Continent, passim.
15. David Dickson, Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630–1830 (Cork: Cork University Press, 2005), p. 22. On the importance of bridges for understanding pre-industrial society, see David Harrison, The Bridges of Medieval England: Transport and Society 400–1800 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004), pp. 221–32.
16. TNA PRO MPF 1/273; Smyth, Map-Making, Landscapes and Memory, p. 46.
17. For an assessment of the impact of this role on Spenser’s literary imagination, see Benjamin P. Myers, ‘The Green and Golden World: Spenser’s Rewriting of the Munster Plantation’, ELH 76 (2009), 473–90.
18. Robert Dunlop, ‘The Plantation of Munster’, EHR 3 (1888), 250–69, at 267–8; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, pp. 291–2. See also Louise Imogen Guiney, ‘Sir Walter Raleigh of Youghal in the County of Cork’, Atlantic Monthly 66 (1890), 779–86; Nicholls and Williams, Raleigh, pp. 36–8.
19. Dunlop, ‘The Plantation of Munster’, p. 255.
20. Berry, ‘English Settlement in Mallow’, p. 11.
21. Carew MS 631, fo. 10; Bradner, ‘Spenser’s Connections with Hampshire’; Ray Heffner, ‘Spenser’s Acquisition of Kilcolman’, MLN 46 (1931), 493–8; Michael MacCarthy-Morrogh, ‘The Munster Plantation, 1583–1641’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1983, pp. 367–8. For details of Reade’s Hampshire lands, see Victoria County History: Hampshire, Hants (1911), iv. 316, 325, 363, 507.
22. Reade’s will, dated 24 Oct. 1623, makes no mention of Irish lands and shows him existing as a Hampshire landowner: TNA PROB 11/142.
23. Hadfield, ‘Secrets and Lies’, pp. 64–5.
24. Carew, 1575–88, p. 449.
25. Heffner, ‘Spenser’s Acquisition of Kilcolman’, pp. 494–5.
26. CSPI, 1588–92, p. 198.
27. Robert Payne, A Briefe Description of Ireland (London, 1589); Ciaran Brady, ‘Spenser, Plantation and Government Policy,’ Sp. Handbook, pp. 86–105, at p. 101. On Payne, see the ODNB entry by Andrew Hadfield. On Munster’s fertility, see Dickson, Old World Colony, p. 215.
28. Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London, 1590). Michael MacCarthy-Morrogh has argued that migration to southern Ireland seemed similar to moving house within England and should be seen in these terms: ‘The English Presence in Early Seventeenth-Century Munster’, in Ciaran Brady and Raymond Gillespie (eds.), Natives and Newcomers (Dublin: Irish Academic Press), pp. 171–90.
29. W. H. Grattan Flood, ‘Molana Abbey, Co. Waterford’, JCHAS 22 (1916), 1–7; NLI MS 41, 985/1–2 (patent of grant of Molana Abbey to Sir Walter Ralegh and grant of Molana Abbey to Sir Thomas Harriot); John W. Shirley, ‘Sir Walter Ralegh and Thomas Harriot’, in James W. Shirley (ed.), Thomas Harriot: Renaissance Scientist (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 16–35, at pp. 21–2; Nicholls and Williams, Raleigh, p. 39.
30. Harriot’s involvement in the production of some local maps for Ralegh provides further evidence of his presence in Ireland: see Barber, ‘Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470–1650’, p. 1613. White was also involved in making maps for his patron. W. A. Wallace argues that White lived in Ballynoe (Newtown), also on the Ralegh estates, about 2 miles from Molana. David Beers Quinn argues that White was a client of Hugh Cuffe’s and lived near Charleville about 10 miles north of Kilcolman. Either way, White lived in Spenser’s orbit: see W. A. Wallace, John White, Thomas Harriot and Walter Ralegh in Ireland (London: Historical Association, 1985), pp. 7–10.
31. See the ODNB entry on Harriot, by J. J. Roche.
32. Shirley, ‘Ralegh and Harriot’; Shohachi Fukada, ‘Fanchin, Molanna’, Sp. Enc., p. 300.
33. It is possible, but unlikely, that Spenser was significantly misleading the commissioners, although we might be sceptical about some of the details in his answers to the Munster commission.
34. Spenser, Letters, pp. 213–14.
35. Carew MS 617, fo. 166; Carew, 1589–1600, pp. 61–2.
36. On Maurice Roche, see the ODNB entry on ‘David Roche’ by Robert Dunlop, rev. Bernadette Cunningham.
37. CSPI, 1588–92, pp. 14–26; Heffner, ‘Spenser’s Acquisition of Kilcolman’, p. 496.
38. TNA PRO SP 63/147/14 and 15; Chronology, p. 51.
39. Annals of the Four Masters, ii. 670.
40. Wilson McLeod, Divided Gaels: Gaelic Cultural Identities in Scotland and Ireland, c.1200–c.1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 117, 125, 182, passim.
41. Transcribed in Chronology, pp. 51–2.
42. Pawlisch, Sir John Davies, p. 109.
43. Andrew Zurcher, Shakespeare and the Law (London: Black, 2010), p. 82. See also B. J. Sokol and Mary Sokol, Shakespeare’s Legal Language: A Dictionary (London: Athlone, 2000), pp. 408–10; Julia Reinhard Lupton, ‘Mapping Mutability: or, Spenser’s Irish Plot’, in Bradshaw et al. (eds.), Representing Ireland, pp. 93–115; McRae, God Speed the Plough, pp. 158, 167.
44. Dunlop, ‘Plantation of Munster’, pp. 250, 252, 259.
45. TNA PRO SP 63/147/16; Spenser, Letters, p. 217.
46. Bernadette Cunningham, ‘Native Culture and Political Change in Ireland, 1580–1640’, in Brady and Gillespie (eds.), Natives and Newcomers, pp. 148–70.
47. Variorum, x. 65–6. Patricia Coughlan, ‘The Local Context of Mutabilitie’s Plea’, IUR: Spenser in Ireland, 1596–1996, ed. Anne Fogarty (Autumn/Winter 1996), 320–41.
48. Carew, 1575–88, pp. 256–7.
49. ODNB entry on ‘David Roche’. On Maurice Roche, see also Judson, Life, pp. 133–4; Richard Bagwell, Ireland under the Tudors, i. 76.
50. Ironically enough, although it was not unusual for late 16th-century Ireland, Maurice Roche’s son, David, having been a rebel, then became a noted loyalist under James I, securing much land, the friendship of Richard Boyle and George Carew, and the hatred of his countrymen. Spenser’s grandchildren fought on opposite sides in the Williamite Wars: ODNB entry on ‘David Roche’; Henley, Spenser in Ireland, pp. 208–11.
51. MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, p. 131.
52. On the number of disputes in everyday life in England, see Emmisson, Elizabeth Life: Home, Land & Work, ch. 17; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, ch. 1.
53. Fiants, iv. 121.
54. Lupton, ‘Mapping Mutability’, pp. 106–11. See also Coughlan, ‘The Local Context of Mutabilitie’s Plea’.
55. Spenser, Letters, p. 221; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, pp. 290–1.
56. BL Add. MS 19869, transcribed in Spenser, Letters, p. 220.
57. Patricia Coughlan, ‘Cross-Currents in Colonial Discourse: The Political Thought of Vincent and Daniel Gookin’, in Jane Ohlmeyer (ed.), Political Thought in Seventeenth-Century Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 56–82.
58. Jones, ‘Doneraile and Vicinity’, p. 234; Henley, Spenser in Ireland, p. 200.
59. Jones, ‘Doneraile and Vicinity’, pp. 233–4; Walter A. Jones and Mananaan Mac Lir, The Synans of Doneraile (Cork: Guy, 1909).
60. Transcribed in Carpenter, Reference Guide, p. 35; Judson, Life, p. 135. On the list of sheriffs, see Henry F. Berry, ‘Sheriffs of the County of Cork: Henry III to 1660’, JRSAI 15 (1905), 39–52, at 47.
61. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, pp. 123–4.
62. Anthony J. Sheehan, ‘Official Reaction to Native Land Claims in the Plantation of Munster’, IHS 23 (1983), 297–318, at 297.
63. Brady, (ed.), Sidney’s Memoir, pp. 44, 46, passim.
64. Sokol and Sokol, Shakespeare’s Legal Language, pp. 189–93; Horwitz, Chancery Equity Prodceedings, pp. 31–6.
65. Edward MacLysaght (ed.), ‘Doneraile Papers’, Analecta Hibernica 15 (1944), 335–62; 20 (1958), 56–91, at 57; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, p. 168. See also Seamus Crowley, ‘Some of Spenser’s Doneraile Neighbours’, North Cork Writers Journal, 1 (1894), 71–5. Another contemporary, Nicholas Synan, was a prominent friar, ‘probably the last Conventual Franciscan in Ireland’: Fr. Candice Mooney, The Friars of Broad Lane: The Story of a Franciscan Friary in Cork, 1229–1977 (Cork: Tower Books, 1977), p. 36.
66. Basil O’Connell, ‘The Nagles of Ballygriffin and Nano Nagle’, Irish Genealogist 3 (1957), 67–73, at 68, suggests the marriage took place c.1630. For further details, see Appendix One.
67. David Edwards, ‘A Haven of Popery: English Catholic Migration to Ireland In the Age of Plantations’, in Alan Ford and John McCafferty (eds.), The Origins of Sectarianism in Early Modern Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 95–126, at p. 117.
68. See p. 342.
69. Jeffries, Irish Church, pp. 136–7.
70. Edwards, ‘Have of Popery,’ p. 121.
71. Conveyance of Lands of Rossagh and Kilcolman from Richard Nagle to Sylvanus Spenser, Doneraile Papers, TNA MS 32,867 (1); Bond of Arbitration between Sir William St Leger and William Spenser, Doneraile Papers, TNA MS 34,058 (1). See also MacLysaght (ed.), ‘Doneraile Papers’, Analecta Hibernica 15. 337, 339; 20. 59, 67–8, 70.
72. Berry, ‘English Settlement in Mallow,’ p. 2.
73. Power, ‘Archaeology of the Munster Plantation’, p. 28.
74. H. G. Leask, ‘Mallow Castle, Co. Cork’, JCHAS 49 (1944), 19–24. See also Tadhg O’Keefe and Sinéad Quirke, ‘A House at the Birth of Modernity: Ightermurragh Castle, Co. Cork’, in James Lyttleton and Colin Rynne (eds.), Plantation Ireland (Dublin: Four Courts, 2009), pp. 86–112, at p. 102; Tadhg O’Keefe, ‘Plantation-era Great Houses in Munster: A Note on Sir Walter Ralegh’s House and Its Context’, in Herron and Potterton (eds.), Ireland in the Renaissance, pp. 274–88, at pp. 277–8; Healy, Castles of Cork, pp. 356–8; White, Historical and Topographical Notes, iv. 80–9.
75. Berry, ‘English Settlement in Mallow’, p. 14.
76. Sheehan, ‘Official Reaction’, p. 297.
77. Hammer, Polarisation of Elizabethan Politics, pp. 306–8.
78. A. L. Rowse, Sir Walter Ralegh: His Family and Private Life (London: Harper, 1962), pp. 62–3, 98, passim.
79. MacCarthy-Morrogh, ‘Munster Plantation’, pp. 375–8. See also Rolf Loeber and Terence Reeves-Smith, ‘Lord Audley’s Grandiose Building Schemes in the Ulster Plantation’, in Brian Mac Curta, SJ (ed.), Reshaping Ireland, 1550–1700: Colonization and Its Consequences: Essays Presented to Nicholas Canny (Dublin: Four Courts, 2011), pp. 82–100.
80. TNA PRO SP 63/203, 119, fo. 1.
81. Andrew Hadfield and Willy Maley, ‘Introduction: Irish Representations and English Alternatives’, in Bradshaw et al. (eds.), Representing Ireland, pp. 1–23, at p. 3; Amoretti 22, line 10, Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 398.
82. Personal communication by Kenneth Nicholls. I am extremely grateful to Prof. Nicholls for discussing the dialogue with me and sharing his knowledge and insights. Hiram Morgan has suggested that the author was Henry Chettle (http://www.ucc.ie/celt/contents/online/E590001-001/nav.html, introd.). On Chettle, see the ODNB entry by Emma Smith. There is no evidence that Chettle had any particular connection with Ireland. The dialogue appears in a ‘Book on the State of Ireland’ (c.1599), which has the signature of Thomas Wilson at the bottom of the opening page, presumably the Thomas Wilson (d. 1629), servant of and record keeper for the Cecils. Wilson claimed that he was writing a treatise on Ireland, but this has never materialized and is unlikely to be this dialogue, although Mark Netzloff makes a case that he could be the author: see CSPI, 1598–9, pp. 505–8; Sir Thomas Wilson, ‘The State of England Anno. Dom. 1600’, in Camden Miscellany, 3rd ser. 16 (London: Camden Society, 1936), pp. 1–47; Mark Netzloff, ‘Forgetting the Ulster Plantation: John Speed’s The Theatre of Great Britain (1611) and the Colonial Archive’, JMEMS 31 (2001), 313–48, at 345 n. 76. The most plausible candidate, if the author is not Cuffe, is now thought to be Hugh Collier, a messenger and government spy (http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E590001-001/index.html). If so, the title needs to be explained: perhaps Collier met the brothers in London in 1599 and composed it as homage to their father. I am grateful to Hiram Morgan for discussing the text with me.
83. Berry, ‘Sheriffs of the County Cork’, p. 47. It is also worth noting that Sir Robert Tynte, the third husband of Elizabeth Boyle, served as sheriff from 1625 to 1626.
84. Judson, ‘Spenser and the Munster Officials’; Chronology, pp. 85–108.
85. MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, pp. 289–92. Hatton, who died in 1591, was eager to be involved in plantation ventures, but never visited Ireland, and lost interest in his estate there. His seigniory of 12,880 acres was at Knocknamona: MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, p. 291; Brooks, Hatton, pp. 322–3.
86. See Christopher Butler, ‘“Pricking” and Ambiguity at the Start of The Faerie Queene’, N&Q 55 (2008), 159–61; Judith H. Anderson, ‘“A Gentle Knight was pricking on the plaine”: The Chaucerian Connection’, ELR 15 (1985), 166–74; Hadfield, ‘Spenser and Jokes’, p. 9.
87. Beal (ed.), Dictionary of English Manuscript Terminology, p. 313.
88. For an overview of early modern horse riding, see Anthony Dent, Horses in Shakespeare’s England (London: Allen, 1987). Spenser would undoubtedly have known the widely available horse manual, Thomas Blundeville’s The Foure Chiefest Offices Belonging to Horsemanship (London, 1565), frequently reprinted afterwards. I am grateful to Donna Landry for advice on horses and horsemanship.
89. For discussion, see McRae, Literature and Domestic Travel, esp. ch. 2; Crofts, Packhorse, Waggon and Post; Richard Joyce, ‘Irish Postal History—Part 1’, Cahir Na Mart 26 (2008), 59–79. I am grateful to Natalie Mears for this last reference.
90. MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, p. 31; Nicholas Canny, From Reformation to Restoration: Ireland, 1534–1660 (Dublin: Hellicon, 1987), p. 87; Myers, ‘Green and Golden World’, p. 477.
91. Richard W. Hoyle, ‘Woad in the 1580s: Alternative Agriculture in England and Ireland’, in Landscape, People and Alternative Agriculture: Essays Celebrating Joan Thirsk at Eighty (Agricultural History Rev., suppl. ser. 3, 2004), pp. 56–73.
92. Marcel Kocken and Etienne Rynne, ‘A Belgian Bronze Mortar from Co. Cork’, JCHAS 67 (1962), 80–1.
93. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, pp. 144–5. See also Raymond Gillespie, ‘The Problems of Plantations: Material Culture and Social Change in Early Modern Ireland’, in Lyttleton and Rynne (eds.), Plantation Ireland, pp. 43–60.
94. Baptista Boazio and Robert Dunlop, ‘Sixteenth-Century Maps of Ireland’, EHR 20 (1905), 309–37; J. H. Andrews, ‘Colonial Cartography in a European Setting: The Case of Tudor Ireland’, in Woodward (ed.), History of Cartography, iii/2. 1670–83.
95. Michael MacCarthy-Morrogh points out that Edward Denny, the Kerry undertaker, was the first cousin of both Ralegh and Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and had served under Grey, to whom he was related by marriage (Munster Plantation, p. 49). Such evidence further suggests that Spenser’s connections in the Irish civil service were crucial to his career advancement.
96. ODNB entry on ‘Sir Edward Fitton’ by Bernadette Cunningham.
97. Sheehan, ‘Official Reaction’, p. 301; Quinn, ‘Munster Plantation’, p. 24. ‘Coyne and livery’ was food and lodging for a superior’s soldiers.
98. MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, pp. 81–3.
99. Ibid. 192–3. On Spenser’s paranoia, see Thomas H. Cain, Praise in The Faerie Queene (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), chs. 4–7; Christopher Highley, Shakespeare, Spenser and the Crisis in Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), ch. 5.
100. A handsome linen map on vellum (c.1595), by Francis Jobson, the surveyor employed by the Munster Commissioners, shows the estates of the planters: National Maritime Museum, Dartmouth Collection, P/49/20. There is an equally attractive, smaller colour copy, showing that it was widely known and used (27).
101. Thomas Herron, ‘Early Modern Ireland and the New English Epic: Connecting Edmund Spenser and Sir George Carew’, Eolas 1 (2006), 27–52, at 43. Sir Peter had served in France with Sir John Wallop, Henry Wallop’s uncle, providing yet another link between the English gentry who went to Ireland in the 16th century, and suggesting how closely connected such figures and their clients were: John Wagner, The Devonshire Gentleman: A Life of Sir Peter Carew (Hull: Hull University Press, 1998), pp. 66–70; ODNB entry on Sir John Wallop by Alan Bryson. On Spenser’s knowledge of Holinshed, see Variorum, x. 266, 292–6, passim.
102. See the ODNB entry on Carew by Ute Lotz-Heumann; Standish O’Grady (ed.), Pacata Hibernia: or a history of the Wars in Ireland during the reign of Queen Elizabeth especially within the Province of Munster under the government of Sir George Carew) (London: Downey, 1896).
103. George Carew, The Historie of Aravcana, written in verse by Don Alonso de Ercilla translated out of the spanishe into Englishe prose allmost to the Ende of the 16: Canto, ed. Frank Pierce (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1964). For comment, see David Armitage, ‘Literature and Empire’, in Nichoas P. Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 99–123, at pp. 118–19; Palmer, Language and Conquest, p. 111; Barbara Fuchs, ‘Travelling Epic: Translating Ercilla’s La Araucana in the Old World’, JMEMS 36 (2006), 379–95, at 387–92.
104. As is noted by Sidney Lysaght, ‘Kilcolman Castle’, The Antiquary 5 (1882), 153–6, at 155.
105. The opening pages of Barnabe Googe’s translation of Conrad Heresbach’s Foure Bookes of Husbandry (London, 1577), fos. 3r–7r, discuss the role of a bailiff in running an estate.
106. See White, Historical and Topographical Notes, ii. 120–7. On Castlepook Cave, see R. F. Scharff, H. J. Seymour, and E. T. Newton, ‘The Exploration of Castlepook Cave, County Cork, Being the Third Report from the Committee Appointed to Explore Irish Caves’, PRIA, sect. B, 34 (1917–19), 33–72.
107. Colin Clout, lines 92, 117, 130, 135; FQ VII.vi.40, line 4.
108. Chancery Bill A171, National Archives of Ireland (transcribed fully in Brink, ‘Documenting Edmund Spenser’). I am especially grateful to Kenneth Nicholls for bringing this possible relationship to my attention and for discussing the sources with me.
109. Patricia Palmer, ‘Interpreters and the Politics of Translation and Traduction in Sixteenth-Century Ireland’, IHS 131 (2003), 257–77, at 259; Sir Thomas Browne, writing in 1610, cited in Canny, Upstart Earl, p. 127.
110. Pauline Henely, ‘Notes on Irish Words in Spenser’s Viewe of Ireland’, JCHAS 57 (1952), 121–4.
111. John W. Draper, ‘Linguistics in The Present State of Ireland’, MP 17 (1919–20), 471–86, at 472. See also the excellent discussion in Patricia Palmer, Language and Conquest in Early Modern Ireland: English Renaissance Literature and Elizabethan Imperial Expansion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 78–9; Eiléan Ní Chuuilleanáin, ‘Ireland, the cultural context’, Sp. Enc., pp. 403–4.
112. Draper, ‘Spenser’s Linguistics’, p. 472.
113. Cited in Connolly, Contested Island, p. 33. See also Colm Lennon, Richard Stanihurst, the Dubliner, 1547–1618 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1981), p. 145; Vincent Carey, ‘“Neither good English nor good Irish”: Bi-lingualism and Identity Formation in Sixteenth-Century Ireland’, in Morgan (ed.), Political Ideology in Ireland, pp. 45–61.
114. Variorum, x. 127.
115. Palmer, ‘Interpreters and the Politics of Translation’, pp. 260–3.
116. See Roland M. Smith, ‘The Irish Background of Spenser’s View’, JEGP 42 (1943), 499–515; Roland M. Smith, ‘More Irish Words in Spenser’, MLN 59 (1944), 472–7; Clare Carroll, ‘Spenser’s Relation to the Irish Language: The Sons of Milesio in A View, Faerie Queene V, and the Leabhar Gabhála’, in Circe’s Cup: Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Ireland (Cork: Cork University Press, 2001), pp. 61–8.
117. McCabe, Spenser’s Monstrous Regiment, p. 47.
118. See Palmer, Language and Conquest in Early Modern Ireland, p. 79; Henley, Spenser in Ireland, p. 103; Roland M. Smith, ‘Spenser, Holinshed, and the Leabhar Gabhala’, JEGP 43 (1944), 390–401. On Brehon Law, see Pawlisch, Sir John Davies, pp. 55–9, passim.
119. Leabhar Gabhála: The Book of the Conquests of Ireland. The recension of Micheál Ó Cléirigh, ed. R. A. Stewart Macalister and John MacNeill (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis, 1916).
120. Eusebius of Caesarea, The Auncient Ecclesiasticall Histories of the first six hundred yeares after Christ, trans. Meredith Hanmer (London, 1577). On some of Hanmer’s multiple ecclesiastical positions, see James B. Leslie, Ossory Clergy and Parishes: being an account of the clergy of the Church of Ireland in the Diocese of Ossory, from the earliest period (Enniskillen: Fermanagh Times Office, 1933), pp. 193, 261, 284, 319, 349.
121. Calendar of the Lismore Manuscripts with Index of Matters, AD 1396–1974, 13 vols. (Chatsworth House Archives), i. 8.
122. Dr Meredith Hanmer’s collection of historical notes and documents’, SP 63/214, fo. 230v.
123. Sir James Ware, Ancient Irish Histories. The Works of Spencer, Campion, Hanmer, and Marleburrough (Dublin, 1633).
124. See the ODNB entry on Hanmer by Alan Ford.
125. D. B. Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 14–15, 53–4, passim; Hadfield and McVeagh (eds.), Strangers to that Land, pp. 74–6.
126. Joan Thirsk, ‘Farming Techniques’, in Joan Thirsk (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales, iv. 1500–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), pp. 161–99, at p. 163; Myers, ‘Green and Golden World’, pp. 477–8.
127. Variorum, x. 97–8.
128. Andrew Hadfield, ‘Briton and Scythian: Tudor Representations of Irish Origins’, IHS 112 (1993), 390–408; Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Nauigations, Voiages and Discoueries of the English Nation (London, 1589), pp. 332–74; Giles Fletcher, Of the Russe Commonwealt, or Maner of gouernement of the Russe emperour, (commonly called the Emperour of Moskouia) with the manners, and fashions of the people of that countrey (London, 1591), fos. 65–75.
129. Variorum, x. 98.
130. Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, ‘Dismantling Irena: The Sexualising of Ireland in Early Modern England’, in Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and Patricia Yaeger (eds.), Nationalisms and Sexualities (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 157–71.
131. See Mary O’Dowd, ‘Gaelic Economy and Society’, in Brady and Gillespie (eds.), Natives and Newcomers, pp. 120–47. O’Dowd notes that historians need to be careful of descriptions of Irish society from English observers, which have been used due to the absence of Gaelic sources, because ‘such accounts were usually written with a particular political or propaganda end in view’ (p. 120).
132. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, p. 132.
133. Ibid. 132–5.
134. Thirsk, ‘Farming Techniques’, p. 99. For English agricultural practices in this period, see also Baker, ‘Changes in the Later Middle Ages’, p. 216; D. C. Coleman, The Economy of England, 1450–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), ch. 2.
135. See Connolly, Contested Island, pp. 16–18. Indeed, agriculture in northern Europe could be seen as part of a much larger and more coherent economic system: Aldo De Maddalena, ‘Rural Europe, 1500–1750’, in Carlo M. Cipolla (ed.), The Fontana Economic History of Europe: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (London: Fontana, 1974), pp. 273–353.
136. Payne, Briefe Description, pp. 8–9.
137. See Hore, ‘Woods and Fastnesses’, p. 158.
138. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 179; Robert Dunlop, ‘An Unpublished Survey of the Plantation of Munster in 1622’, JRSAI 54 (1924), 128–46, at 145.
139. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 19.
140. McCracken, Irish Woods, pp. 15–16; On Spenser’s relationship to the destruction of woodland in his poetry, see Elizabeth M. Weixel, ‘Squires of the Wood: The Decline of the Aristocratic Forest in Book VI of The Faerie Queene’, Sp. St. 25 (2010), 187–213.
141. McCracken, Irish Woods, ch. 4.
142. Eileen McCracken, ‘Charcoal Burning Ironworks in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century Ireland’, UJA 20 (1957), 123–38, at 134.
143. See Colin Rynne, ‘The Social Archaeology of Plantation-Period Ironworks in Ireland: Immigrant Industrial Communities and Technology Transfer, c.1560–1640’, in Lyttleton and Rynne (eds.), Plantation Ireland, pp. 248–64, at pp. 253, 258; Seamus Crowley, ‘Mallow Iron Mines’, MFCJ 22 (2004), 21–32, at 29–32; Eileen McCracken, ‘Supplementary List of Irish Charcoal Burning Iron Works’, UJA 28 (1965), 132–6, at 132. On the excavations at Mogeely, see Eric Klingelhofer, ‘Elizabethan Settlements: Mogeely Castle, Curraglass and Carrigeen, C. Cork (Part II)’, JCHAS 105 (2000), 155–74; Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, pp. 73–8. See also Richard Caulfield, The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, from 1610 to 1659, from 1666 to 1687, and from 1690 to 1800 (Guildford: Billing and Sons, 1878), pp. xliv–vi; Denis Power et al. (eds.), Archaeological Inventory of County Cork, 4 vols., ii. East and South Cork (Dublin: Stationery Office), 1994, pp. 216–17.
144. On Munster, see McCormack, ‘Social and Economic Consequences of the Desmond Rebellion’. On land in England see Thirsk, ‘Farming Techniques’, p. 177.
145. Thirsk, ‘Farming Techniques’, p. 171; Gervase Markham, The English Housewife, ed. Michael R. Best (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1986), chs. 4, 9.
146. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, p. 133. See also the description in Fynes Moryson, An Itinerary Containing His Ten Yeeres Travell through the Twelve Dominions of Germany, Bohmerland, Sweitzerland, Netherland, Denmarke, Poland, Italy, Turky, France, England, Scotland, and Ireland (1617), 4 vols. (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1908), iv. 192–203; Markham, English Housewife, ch. 8.
147. J. Tierney, ‘Plant Remains’, in Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, pp. 147–8.
148. ‘Doneraile Papers’, pp. 59, 62.
149. Colin Clout, line 318; ‘Two Cantos of Mutabilitie’, VII.vi.55, line 8; Epithalamion, line 69.
150. Campbell, English Yeoman, pp. 197–204; Eileen M. Murphy, ‘An Overview of Livestock, Husbandry, and Economic Practices’, in Horning et al. (eds.), Post-Medieval Archaeology of Ireland, pp. 371–91, at pp. 377–81.
151. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 171; Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 13. See also Thomas Herron, ‘Irish Archaeology and the Poetry of Edmund Spenser: Content and Context’, in Lyttleton and Rynne (eds.), Plantation Ireland, pp. 229–47, at p. 243.
152. M. McCarthy, ‘Appendix I: Faunal Remains Summary’, in Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, pp. 150–1.
153. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 123.
154. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, p. 138. If such sheep were used, then this might be seen as a further example of the bad faith of A View, and Spenser’s desire to disguise how Irish farms really worked. On English sheep breeds and breeding, see Thirsk, ‘Farming Techniques’, pp. 189–91.
155. Herron, Irish Archaeology and Spenser’, p. 243; Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland, pp. 144–5; McCormack, ‘Social and Economic Consequences of the Desmond Rebellion’, pp. 6–7.
156. See Gordon Batho, ‘Noblemen, Gentlemen and Yeomen’, in Thirsk (ed.), Agrarian History, pp. 276–305, at pp. 290–1, passim.
157. The Private Life of an Elizabethan Lady: The Diary of Lady Margaret Hoby, 1599–1605 (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), p. 64.
158. Dickson, Old World Colony, p. 20.
159. See H. G. Leask, Irish Castles and Castellated Houses (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1977), chs. 9–10.
160. See Terence Reeves-Smith, ‘Community to Privacy: Late Tudor and Jacobean Manorial Architecture in Ireland, 1560–1640’, in Horning et al. (eds.), Post-Medieval Archaeology of Ireland, pp. 269–326, at pp. 290–300. Evidence suggests that Ralegh developed Myrtle Grove in a similar fashion: O’Keefe, ‘Plantation-Era Great Houses in Munster’, p. 287.
161. Peck, Consuming Splendor, pp. 195–6; Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, p. 552.
162. Hamling, Decorating the ‘Godly’ Household, pp. 77–8, 221.
163. Catherine Richardson, Domestic Life and Domestic Tragedy in Early Modern England: The Material Life of the Household (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), pp. 46–7.
164. Burton, Elizabethans at Home, pp. 98–101.
165. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, pp. 154–5; Myrtle Grove, renovated at about the same time as Kilcolman, had all of these features: Goddard H. Orpen, ‘Ralegh’s House, Youghal,’ JRSAI, 5th ser. 33 (1903), 310–12.
166. Hamling, Decorating the ‘Godly’ Household, pp. 30, 37.
167. Ibid. 105–8.
168. Hilary Jenkinson, ‘English Wall-Paper of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, AJ 5 (1925), 237–53. I owe this reference to Angus Vine.
169. As was the case, on a grander scale, with Hill Hall: see Drury with Simpson, Hill Hall, pp. 467–506. See also Maurice Howard, The Early Tudor Country House: Architecture and Politics, 1490–1550 (London: George Philip, 1987), ch. 1. Compare also the architectural developments at Barryscourt Castle: Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 111.
170. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 121.
171. Parlours were often added to houses in late 16th-century England: Richardson, Domestic Life and Domestic Tragedy, p. 90.
172. Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, pp. 137, 149; Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 109; Dunlop, ‘Unpublished Survey’, pp. 143–4.
173. Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, p. 142; Klingelhofer, ‘Current Archaeological Excavations at Kilcolman’; Newman Johnson, ‘Kilcolman Castle’, p. 422.
174. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 120.
175. Ibid. 95.
176. Ibid. 154.
177. Markham, English Housewife, ch. 2.
178. Murphy, ‘An Overview of Livestock, Husbandry, and Economic Practices’, pp. 382–4.
179. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, p. 123.
180. Klingelhofer, ‘Elizabethan Settlements’, p. 169. On Spenser and music, see Bruce Pattison, Music and Poetry of the English Renaissance (2nd edn., London: Methuen, 1970), pp. 65–7, 142–4, passim. On the verse on the earl’s lute, see Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 779; David Lee Miller, ‘The Earl of Cork’s Lute’, in Anderson et al. (eds.), Spenser’s Life, pp. 146–77.
181. Peck, Consuming Splendor, p. 215; Muldrew, Economy of Obligation, pt. 2.
182. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, pp. 26, 133.
183. Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, pp. 144–8.
184. Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, pp. 126–7.
185. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, pp. 171–6.
186. Ibid. 133.
187. Markham, English Housewife, pp. 60–2;
188. Klingelhofer, ‘Spenser at Kilcolman’, pp. 143–4. On English garden styles and fashions, see Roy Strong, The Renaissance Garden in England (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), ch. 2; Burton, Elizabethans at Home, ch. 8.
189. Jane H. Ohlmeyer, ‘“Civilizinge of those Rude Partes”: Colonization within Britain and Ireland, 1580s–1640s’, in Canny (ed.), Origins of Empire, pp. 124–47, at p. 140; Alexandra Walsham, The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity, and Memory in Early Modern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 313–16. For specific examples, see James Lyttleton, ‘Gaelic Classicism in the Irish Midland Plantations: An Archaeological Reflection’, in Herron and Potterton (eds.), Ireland in the Renaissance, pp. 231–54, at pp. 248–51; Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 126. On Italian garden design and its wider impact, see John Dixon Hunt (ed.), The Italian Garden: Art, Design and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and, for an account of an English Italianate garden, see Diary of Baron Waldstein, pp. 159–63.
190. Breen, Archaeology of South-West Ireland, p. 26; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, p. 125; Dunlop, ‘Unpublished Survey’, p. 143.
191. Bate, Soul of the Age, ch. 3; John Dixon Hunt and Michael Leslie, ‘Gardens’, Sp. Enc., pp. 323–5.
192. Wallace, Virgil’s Schoolboys, ch. 3; Lees-Jeffries, England’s Helicon, pt. 2; William A. Sessions, ‘Spenser’s Georgics’, ELR 10 (1980), 202–38.
193. See, pp. 325–6.
194. See pp. 409–10; Macfarlane, The Family Life of Ralph Josselin (London: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 146–8.
195. Macfarlane, Family Life of Ralph Josselin, app. B, pp. 205–10.
196. Michael Quiane, ‘The Diocesan Schools, 1570–1870’, JCHAS 66 (1961), 26–50.
197. Personal communication from Eric Klingelhofer. On the tutoring role of servants, see Sheila McIsaac Cooper, ‘Servants as Educators in Early-Modern England’, Pedagogical History 43 (2007), 457–63, at 550.
198. On the poverty of Irish ecclesiastical livings, see Ford, Protestant Reformation, ch. 5, ‘Protestant Preachers in Munster and the Pale’.
199. Personal communication from Brian Cummings.
200. Personal communication from Eric Klingelhofer.
201. See Grove White, Historical and Topographical Notes, i. 334–49, 72–89.
202. Canny, Upstart Earl, p. 27.
203. See Appendix 1 for details.
204. The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Brian Cummings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), introd., pp. xxv–xxxiv.
205. Shohachi Fukuda, ‘Bregog, Mulla’, Sp. Enc., p. 110.
206. For analysis, see Joyce, Wonders of Ireland, pp. 107–12; Henley, Spenser in Ireland, pp. 85–7; Roland M. Smith, ‘Spenser’s Irish River Stories’, PMLA 50 (1935), 1047–56.
207. Anon., ‘Spenser’s Streams: The Mull and Arlo’, Dublin University Magazine 38 (1851), 233–52.
208. R. W. Evans, ‘Notes on River Bregog’, JCHAS 18 (1912), 201–3, at 201.
209. Daniel Carey, ‘Spenser, Purchas, and the Poetics of Colonial Settlement’, in Fiona Bateman and Lionel Pilkington (eds.), Studies in Settler Colonialism: Politics, Identity and Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), pp. 28–46, at p. 29. On Spenser and the bards, see also Christopher Highley, ‘Spenser and the Bards’, Sp. St. 12 (1998), 77–103.
210. Carey, ‘Spenser, Purchas’, pp. 30–3. Carey points out that Spenser represents the Bregog, possibly as a metonymic self-portrait, as deceitful or lying in Colin Clout, line 118. For later reflections on the relationship between Spenser and this area, see Elizabeth Bowen, Bowen’s Court & Seven Winters (London: Vintage, 1999), pp. 3–32.
211. Walsham, Reformation of the Landscape, ch. 4.
212. Eamon Duffy, ‘Bare Ruined Choirs: Remembering Catholicism in Shakespeare’s England’, in Richard Dutton, Alison Findlay, and Richard Wilson (eds.), Theatre and Religion: Lancastrian Shakespeare (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), pp. 40–57.
213. Alison Shell, Oral Culture and Catholicism in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 4–5.
214. Ben Jonson, ‘Conversations with William Drummond’, in The Complete Poems, ed. George Parfitt (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), pp. 459–80, at p. 465.
215. Although it has been noted Jonson’s judgement has had little impact on the general consensus about Spenser’s religious leanings and has not often been connected to the destruction of religious houses in Britain and Ireland, see e.g. F. M. Padelford, ‘Spenser and the Puritan Propaganda’, MP 11 (1913), 85–106, at 106; King, Spenser’s Poetry and the Reformation Tradition, pp. 237–8; James A. Riddell and Stanley Stewart, Jonson’s Spenser: Evidence and Historical Criticism (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1995), pp. 22–3. An exception is Merritt Y. Hughes, ‘Spenser’s “Blatant Beast”’, MLR 13 (1918), 267–75, at 270–2, although Hughes describes Spenser’s verses as a moment of ‘rare tolerance’ (270) and still sees Spenser as sympathetic to the fairly hot sort of Protestants.
216. Stewart, Close Readers, ch. 5.
217. A notorious modern misreading was the basis of a modern psychoanalytical study of Luther’s conversion: see Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (1958; New York: Norton, 1962), pp. 204–6; Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), ii. 7.
218. FQ I.iii.16–22; Darryl J. Gless, ‘Abessa, Corceca, Kirkrapine’, Sp. Enc., pp. 3–4.
219. Claire McEachern, ‘Spenser and Religion’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 30–47, at p. 39.
220. F. L. Cross, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, rev. E. A. Livingstone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 320; J. Charles Cox and Alfred Harvey, English Church Furniture (London: Methuen, 1907), chs. 2–4.
221. Book of Common Prayer, introd., p. xxiv.
222. See, Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, pt. 3; Aston, England’s Iconoclasts, ch. 7; Gilman, Iconoclasm and Poetry, ch. 2.
223. On Stow’s religious sympathies, see David Womersley, Divinity and State (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 71–94.
224. ODNB entry on Edmund Campion by Michael A. R. Graves; ODNB entry on Richard Stanihurst by Colm Lennon.
225. Smith, A Letter Sent by I. B. Gentleman, sig. C2r–v. I am grateful to Willy Maley for this reference.
226. Jeffries, Irish Church, pp. 242–3.
227. Henley, Spenser in Ireland, pp. 69–70.
228. Myrtle Grove had a library: Orpen, ‘Ralegh’s House’.
229. Thomas Kelly, Early Public Libraries (London: Library Association, 1966), ch. 2.
230. J. H. Baker, ‘The Third University, 1450–1550: Law School or Finishing School?’, in Archer et al. (eds.), Inns of Court, pp. 8–24, at p. 17.
231. Raymond Gillespie, ‘The Book Trade in Southern Ireland, 1590–1640’, in Gerard Long (ed.), Books Beyond the Pale: Aspects of the Provincial Book Trade in Ireland Before 1850 (Dublin: Rare Books Group of the Library Association of Ireland, 1996), pp. 1–17, at p. 1.
232. Elizabethanne Boran, ‘Libraries and Collectors, 1550–1700’, in Gillespie and Hadfield (eds.), Oxford History of the Irish Book, iii. 91–110.
233. Plant, English Book Trade, pp. 238–47.
234. Hanmer was notorious for his acquisition of ecclesiastical livings. It is also worth noting that in London, he had been accused of melting down church brass in order to counterfeit coins: see ODNB entry.
235. Geraróid Mac Niocaill (ed.), Crown Surveys of Lands, 1540–41, with the Kildare Rental begun in 1518 (Dublin: Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1992), pp. 312–14. I owe this reference to Willy Maley.
236. Spenser’s library would certainly have been much more substantial than that constructed by Jonathan Bate as Shakespeare’s small working library: Soul of the Age: The Life, Mind and World of William Shakespeare (London: Viking, 2008), pp. 141–57.
237. R. M. Fisher, ‘William Crashawe’s Library at the Temple’, The Library, 5th ser. 30 (1975), 116–24. On Crashaw, see the ODNB entry by W. H. Kelliher.
238. David Pearson, ‘English Book Owners in the Seventeenth Century: A Work in Progress Listing’ (The Bibliographical Society: http://www.bibsoc.org.uk/electronic-publications.htm); David Pearson, ‘The Libraries of English Bishops, 1600–40’, The Library, 6th ser. 14 (1992), 221–57; Sears Jayne, Library Catalogues of the English Renaissance (rev. edn., Godalming: St Pauls, 1983), pp. 125–8, 131, passim.
239. Evidence from ‘Catalogus Librorum Biblotheca Petworthiana’, the library catalogue of Petworth House made in 1694, suggests that books were lent out to readers (fos. 74–5). On the catalogue, see G. R. Batho, ‘The Library of the “Wizard” Earl: Henry Percy, Ninth Earl of Northumberland (1564–1632)’, The Library, 5th ser. 15 (1960), 246–61.
240. Fisher, ‘William Crashaw’s Library’, p. 121.
241. On books imported into Ireland, see Flavin and Jones (eds.), Bristol’s Trade with Ireland and the Continent, pp. 836, 841, 842, 895, 896. On the importance of the ports in south-west Ireland, the most important of which was Waterford, see Ada Kathleen Longfield, Anglo-Irish Trade in the Sixteenth-Century (London: Routledge, 1929), pp. 35–6, 39.
242. See 65, pp. 95–7.
243. Graham Pollard, ‘Changes in the Style of Bookbinding, 1550–1830’, The Library, 5th ser. 11 (1956), 71–94, at 72.
244. See Sears Jayne and Francis R. Johnson (eds.), The Lumley Library: The Catalogue of 1609 (London: British Library, 1956); David J. McKitterick (ed.), The Library of Sir Thomas Knyvett of Ashwellthorpe, c.1539–1618 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Library, 1978); Robert H. MacDonald (ed.), The Library of Drummond of Hawthornden (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1971).
245. Nicholas Barker and David Quentin (eds.), The Library of Thomas Tresham and Thomas Brudenell (London: Roxburghe Club, 2006), introd., p. 98. The remnants of the library of Bishop Henry King (1592–1669), bought back by Chichester Cathedral after it was dispersed during the Civil War, is exclusively in Latin, obviously a choice made by the cathedral. Containing principally theological works, there are also copies of Buchanan’s History of Scotland, Colet’s Greek dictionary, various works by Erasmus and Petrarch, and John Bale’s Illustrium Maioris Britanniae Scriptorum (1548), his catalogue of British writers based on his extensive research into the libraries broken up after the dissolution of the monasteries, providing further evidence that Spenser was likely to have had some of these works: Mary Hobbs, John Fines, and Peter Atkinson (eds.), Chichester Cathedral Library Catalogue, 3 vols. (Chichester: Chichester Cathedral, 2001–2), ii, app. 9. On King, see the ODNB entry by Mary Hobbs.
246. Sir Thomas Knyvett possessed an impressive collection of French literature and history: McKitterick (ed.), Library of Sir Thomas Knyvett. Sir Thomas Browne, whose catalogue stretches to 2,448 titles, also had an impressive range of foreign language books in addition to his collection of Latin works: see Jeremiah S. Finch, ‘Sir Thomas Browne’s Library’, English Language Note 19 (1982), 360–70.
247. McKitterick (ed.), Library of Sir Thomas Knyvett, introd., p. 30; Barney, ‘Reference Works’.
248. There were other serious collectors of books of English poetry, such as the Anglo-Dutch merchant John Morris: see T. A. Birrell, The Library of John Morris: The Reconstruction of a Seventeenth-Century Collection (London: British Library, 1976), introd., pp. xiv–xv.
249. McKitterick (ed.), Library of Sir Thomas Knyvett, p. 8; Pollard, ‘Changes in the Style of Bookbinding’; Cristina Dondi, ‘The European Printing Revolution’, in Michael F. Suarez, SJ, and H. R. Woudhuysen (eds.), The Oxford Companion to the Book 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 53–61, at p. 56.
250. Fehrenbach and Leedham-Green (eds.), Private Libraries in Renaissance England, passim; David Scott Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 27. For an argument that Spenser made special use of Cicero’s De Oratore, see Judith H. Anderson, ‘Spenser’s Faerie Queene and Cicero’s De Oratore’, Sp. St. 25 (2010), 365–70.
251. Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance, p. 30.
252. Pearson, ‘Libraries of English Bishops’, p. 228.
253. Zurcher, Spenser’s Legal Language, passim; Jayne and Johnson (eds.), Lumley Library, introd., pp. 28–9.
254. Googe, Foure Bookes of Husbandry, fo. 1r–v; Thomas Tusser, Fiue Hundreth Points of good husbandry (London, 1573); Nicholas Malby, A Plaine and Easie Way to Remedie a Horse that is Foundered in his Feete (London, 1576); Nicholas Malby, Remedies for Diseases in Horses (London, 1576); Stern, Harvey, p. 237. See also Andrew McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 138–9, 146–51; Campbell, English Yeoman, p. 168.
255. Birrell, Library of John Morris, introd., p. xix; Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance, pp. 82–5.
256. Conversely, it would be unsafe to rely on the Complaints or the 1st edn. of The Faerie Queene.
257. McKitterick (ed.), Library of Sir Thomas Knyvett, introd., pp. 28–9; Humphrey Llwyd, The Breviary of Britain, with selections from The History of Cambria, ed. Philip Schwyzer (London: MHRA, 2011), introd., pp. 29–30.
258. On Spenser’s use of Chaucer, see Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance, p. 26. On Dante, see Mathew Tosello, ‘Spenser’s Silence about Dante’, SEL 17 (1977), 59–66. See also Robin Kirkpatrick, ‘Dante Alighieri’, Sp. Enc., pp. 295–8; Hamilton, Structure of Allegory, pp. 30–43. As Tosello points out, although Dante is not mentioned in Spenser’s works, there are numerous possible allusions and Dante was known to Harvey and was cited in van der Noot’s Theatre (fos. 55–6), as a critic of the papacy. On Spenser and Boccaccio, see Rosamund Tuve, ‘Spenser’s Reading: The De Claris Mulierbus’, in Essays by Rosamund Tuve, pp. 83–101. On Du Bartas’s importance for both Spenser and Harvey, see Peter Augur, ‘The Semaines’ Dissemination in England and Scotland until 1641’, RS (forthcoming).
259. Carlo M. Bajetta, Sir Walter Ralegh: Poeta di corte elisabettiano (Milan: Mursia, 1998), pp. 189–91; Steven W. May, Sir Walter Ralegh (Boston: Twayne, 1989), pp. 11, 43; H. R. Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), pp. 153, 329; Koller, ‘Spenser and Ralegh’.
260. Tuve, ‘Some Pictorial Conventions’.
261. Definite conclusions must await the publication of Hugh Adlington’s John Donne’s Books. I am extremely grateful to Dr Adlington for sharing his research with me and advising me on early modern libraries.
1. BL Add. MS 19837, fo. 79; Raymond Gillespie and Andrew Hadfield, ‘Two References to Edmund Spenser in Chancery Disputes’, N&Q 246 (Sept. 2001), 249–51.
2. Welply, ‘Spenser: Recent Researches’, p. 50.
3. CSPI, 1586–8, p. 403. Brysse was one a group of military men who signed a certificate to state that James FitzSimmons had served in Ireland for seven years.
4. CSPI, 1588–92, pp. 140, 341; Judson, Life, p. 137.
5. Caulfield, Council Book of Youghal, pp. xxii–xxiv; Hennessy, Ralegh in Ireland, pp. 114–16; Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, p. 146; Rowse, Ralegh, pp. 154–8; Judson, Life, p. 138; Guiney, ‘Raleigh’, pp. 780–2. On Ralegh and Myrtle Grove, see Klingelhofer, Castles and Colonists, pp. 144–5; Orpen, ‘Ralegh’s House’; Nicholls and Williams, Raleigh, p. 37. The story is so well known that it is often repeated in garbled forms, e.g., Simon Schama’s statement that Spenser ‘entertained Walter Raleigh at his house on the Blackwater River in Ireland’ (Landscape & Memory (London: Fontana, 1995), p. 330).
6. Francis Allen to Anthony Bacon: Lambeth MS 647, fos. 247–8; Alexander M. Buchan, ‘Ralegh’s Cynthia—Facts or Legend’, MLQ 1 (1940), 461–74, at 469–70.
7. See Nicholls and Williams, Raleigh, pp. 1, 16, 37, passim.
8. Walter Oakeshott, ‘Carew Ralegh’s Copy of Spenser’, The Library 26 (1971), 1–21. It is also worth noting that outside these annotations, which make the odd claim that the lady, Rosalind, whom Colin serves in Colin Clouts come home againe is, in fact, herself (p. 5). Such comments suggest that the relationship between Spenser and the Raleghs was never really close. Lady Ralegh does not mention Spenser anywhere else: on her life, see Anna Beer, Bess: The Life of Lady Ralegh, Wife to Sir Walter (London: Constable and Robinson, 2004).
9. Oakeshott, ‘Carew Ralegh’s Copy of Spenser’, pp. 5–6; Hadfield, ‘Spenser’s Rosalind’, pp. 941–3.
10. May, Ralegh, p. 11.
11. On the literary relationship between Ralegh and Spenser, see Walter Oakeshott, The Queen and the Poet (London: Faber, 1960); Jerry Leath Mills, ‘Raleigh, Walter’, Sp. Enc., pp. 584–5; Thomas Herron, ‘Ralegh’s Gold: Placing Spenser’s Dedicatory Sonnets’, SLI 38 (2005), 133–47.
12. Spenser, Faerie Queene, p. 716.
13. Ralegh, Poems, pp. 46–66; Oakeshott, Queen and the Poet, ch. 3; Jerome S. Dees, ‘Colin Clout and the Shepherd of the Ocean’, Sp. St. 15 (2001), 185–96; Georgia Brown, Redefining Elizabethan Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 29–30.
14. Jean R. Brink, ‘Dating Spenser’s “Letter to Raleigh”, The Library, 16 (1994), 219–24.
15. May, ‘Abraham Fraunce’.
16. Joseph Loewenstein, ‘Spenser’s Retrography’, in Anderson et al. (eds.), Spenser’s Life, pp. 99–130, at p. 103.
17. Jason Scott-Warren, ‘Unannotating Spenser’, in Helen Smith and Louise Wilson (eds.), Renaissance Paratexts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 153–64. I am extremely grateful to Dr Scott-Warren for allowing me to see this important essay in advance of its publication. See also Jason Scott-Warren, Sir John Harington and the Book as Gift (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
18. On Field see the ODNB entry by David Kathman.
19. Owens, Enabling Engagements, pp. 70–5.
20. See, pp. 239–40, 305.
21. Richard A. McCabe, ‘Introduction’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 1–10, at p. 1.
22. Colin Burrow, Epic Romance: Homer to Milton (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), ch. 5.
23. Altman, Tudor Play of Mind, chs. 1–2.
24. Darryl J. Gless, Interpretation and Theology in Spenser (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 48.
25. Zurcher, ‘Spenser’s Dedications’, p. 173; Ty Buckman, ‘Forcing the Poet into Prose: “Gealous Opinions and Misconstructions” and Spenser’s Letter to Ralegh’, in Erikson (ed.), 1590 Faerie Queene, pp. 17–34, at p. 30.
26. The letter and the commendatory verses are to be found in Edmund Spenser, The Faerie Queene (London, 1590), pp. 591–600. The dedicatory sonnets are unpaginated, which indicates that they were hastily bound into the volume, as many commentators have noted, and which tells its own story of Spenser’s problematic relationship with his potential patrons: see Johnson, Critical Bibliography, pp. 11–18; L. G. Black, ‘The Faerie Queene, commendatory verses and dedicatory sonnets’, Sp. Enc., pp. 291–3; Jean R. Brink, ‘Precedence and Patronage: The Ordering of Spenser’s Dedicatory Sonnets (1590)’, in Erikson (ed.), 1590 Faerie Queene, pp. 51–72.
27. See Jane Grogan, Exemplary Spenser: Visual and Poetic Pedagogy in The Faerie Queene (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009), p. 30.
28. Grogan, Exemplary Spenser, p. 33.
29. Adams, Leicester and the Court, ch. 7, ‘Elizabeth’s Eyes at Court: The Earl of Leicester’.
30. See, pp. 327–8.
31. Brink, ‘Precedence and Patronage’, p. 60; James P. Bednarz, ‘The Collaborator as Thief: Ralegh’s (Re)Vision of The Faerie Queene’, ELH 63 (1996), 279–307, at 279.
32. Richard Beacon, the Munster planter, dedicated his dialogue on Ireland, Solon His Follie (1594), to Elizabeth, presumably not because he was on good terms with his queen but because he wanted it to be read by those close to her: see Beacon, Solon His Follie, ed. Carroll and Carey; Sydney Anglo, ‘A Machiavellian Solution to the Irish Problem: Richard Beacon’s Solon His Follie (1594)’, in Edward Chaney and Peter Mack (eds.), England and the Continental Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1990), pp. 153–64.
33. Calendar of Patent Rolls 33 Elizabeth I (1590–1591), ed. Simon R. Neal (Kew: List and Index Society, 2005), p. 38.
34. Carpenter, Reference Guide, p. 70; Herbert Berry and E. K. Timings, ‘Spenser’s Pension’, RES 11 (1960), 254–9, at 255.
35. ODNB entry on Churchyard by Raphael Lyne; Allan Griffith Chester, ‘Thomas Churchyard’s Pension’, PMLA 50 (1935), 902.
36. Roger A. Geimer, ‘Spenser’s Rhyme or Churchyard’s Reason: Evidence of Churchyard’s First Pension’, RES 20 (1969), 306–9.
37. Ernest A. Strathmann, ‘Spenser’s Legends and Court of Cupid’, MLN 46 (1931), 498–501; Batho, ‘Library of the “Wizard” Earl’, p. 256; Edward Doughtie, ‘John Ramsey’s Manuscript as a Personal and Family Document’, in W. Speed Hill (ed.), New Ways of Looking at Old Texts: Papers of the Renaissance English Text Society, 1985–1991 (Binghamton, NY: MRTS, 1993), pp. 281–8.
38. Bodleian Library, Douce MS 280 (Commonplace Book of John Ramsey), fos. 56–81; Marotti, Manuscript, Print and the English Renaissance Lyric, pp. 189–93.
39. Duncan-Jones, From Crow to Swan, p. 105; Nashe, Works, iii. 128.
40. ODNB entry on Wolfe. For Wolfe’s significance to the printing trade, see Joseph Loewenstein, ‘For a History of Literary Property: John Wolfe’s Reformation’, ELR 18 (1988), 389–412.
41. Gabriel Harvey, A New Letter of Notable Contents (London, 1593).
42. Lawrence, ‘Who the Devil Taught Thee So Much Italian?’, pp. 187–201.
43. Sir Philip Sidney, The Countesse of Pembrokes Arcadia (London, 1590); ODNB entry on Ponsonby by Sidney Lee, rev. Anita McConnell.
44. For comment, see Gordon Braden, ‘Non-Dramatic Verse: Epic Kinds’, in Braden, Cummings, and Gillespie (eds.), Oxford History of Literary Translation, pp. 188–9; Massimiliano Morini, Tudor Translation in Theory and Practice (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 118–28.
45. Edmund Spenser, The Shepheardes Calender (London, 1591); Mark Bland, ‘John Windet’, in Bracken and Silver (eds.), Book Trade, pp. 319–25, at p. 321; Johnson, Critical Bibliography, pp. 6–7.
46. ODNB entry on Hooker by S. Mendyk; Wagner, Life of Peter Carew, ch. 10.
47. Gosling, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, pp. 12–19; Rowse, Ralegh, passim.
48. Richard Carew, The survey of Cornwall (London, 1602); Torquato Tasso, Godfrey of Bulloigne, or The Recouerie of Hierusalem, trans. R. C. [Richard Carew] (London, 1594). On Carew, see ODNB entry by S. Mendyk; A. L. Rowse, Tudor Cornwall: Portrait of a Society (London: Cape, 1941), pp. 421–6, passim.
49. Camden, Remains, pp. 42–51, at p. 51; Baugh and Cable, History of the English Language, p. 207.
50. See p. 535 n. 199.
51. See May, ‘Abraham Fraunce’.
52. Loewenstein, ‘Spenser’s Retrography’, pp. 99–130, at p. 101.
53. See p. 265.
54. See p. 8.
55. On Farleigh Wallop, see Victoria County History: Hampshire, iii. 364–6.
56. ODNB entry.
57. Deveson, En Suivant La Vérité, pp. 1, 6–8.
58. Judson, Life, p. 151.
59. Ibid. 140; W. P. Williams, ‘Bibliography, critical’, Sp. Enc., pp. 90–3, at p. 91; Johnson, Critical Bibliography, p. 27.
60. Chronology, p. 56.
61. F. P. Wilson, ‘Spenser and Ireland’, RES 2 (1926), 456–7. The detail is recorded in Wallop’s Treasury Accounts for 1588–91 (Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson A.317, fo. 351). On the provenance of the manuscript, see F. J. Routledge, ‘Manuscripts at Oxford Relating to the Later Tudors, 1547–1603’, TRHS, 3rd. ser. 8 (1914), 119–59, at 151.
62. Spenser, Shorter Poems, p. 344; Zurcher, ‘Getting It Back to Front’, pp. 184–5.
63. On Colin Clout, see pp. 284–5, 311–12.
64. Scott-Warren, Harington and the Book as Gift, introd.; see also Patricia Wareh, ‘Humble Presents: Pastoral and Gift-Giving in the Commendatory Verses and Dedicatory Sonnets’, in Erikson (ed.), 1590 Faerie Queene, pp. 119–32.
65. See Montrose, ‘Elizabethan Subject and the Spenserian Text’.
66. On Stanley, see the ODNB entry by David Kathman. On Alice Spenser, see the ODNB entry by Louis A. Knalfa; Paul E. McLane, ‘Spenser’s Chloris: The Countess of Derby’, HLQ 24 (1961), 145–50; May, Courtier Poets, pp. 369–76.
67. Strathmann, ‘Lady Carey and Spenser’, pp. 52–3; Sam Meyer, An Interpretation of Edmund Spenser’s Colin Clout (Cork: Cork University Press, 1969), pp. 150–1.
68. For other possible revisions, see Kathrine Koller, ‘Spenser and Ralegh’, ELH 1 (1934), 37–60, at 55–9.
69. David W. Burchmore, ‘The Image of the Centre in Colin Clouts come home againe’, RES 28 (1977), 393–406.
70. ODNB entry on Ralegh by Mark Nicholls and Penry Williams; Rowse, Ralegh, chs. 9–10; Beer, Bess, ch. 2.
71. Koller, ‘Spenser and Ralegh’, pp. 44–5. For attempts to reconstruct the possible revisions of Ralegh’s poem, see also Buchan, ‘Ralegh’s “Cynthia”’; Poems of Ralegh, ed. Rudick, introd., pp. xlvii–li.
72. Cited in ODNB entry. More generally, see Stephen Greenblatt, Sir Walter Raleigh: The Renaissance Man and His Roles (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973).
73. Although the OED suggests that this usage became possible only in the late 17th century.
74. Daniel Javitch, Poetry and Courtliness in Renaissance England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Albert H. Tricomi, Anti-Court Drama in England, 1603–42 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1989).
75. FQ VI.i.3, line 8; I.i.35, line 7.
76. See Hadfield, Spenser’s Irish Experience, pp. 13–17; Nicholas Canny and Andrew Carpenter (eds.), ‘The Early Planters: Spenser and His Contemporaries’, in Seamus Deane (ed.), The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, 3 vols. (Derry: Field Day Publications, 1991), i. 171–234.
77. Canny, Upstart Earl, pp. 6, 19; MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster Plantation, pp. 141–3. It was a common complaint that undertakers spent little time in Munster, perhaps one reason why Spenser so vociferously stated his allegiance to the area: see Dunlop, ‘Unpublished Survey’, p. 146.
78. Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, ch. 5.
79. See, pp. 265–7.
80. FQ IV.vii.36, line 3.
81. FQ IV.viii.18, line 2. On Spenser’s comments on Ralegh in FQ IV, see A. Leigh DeNeef, ‘Timias’, Sp. Enc., pp. 690–1; James P. Bednarz, ‘Ralegh in Spenser’s Historical Allegory’, Sp. St. 4 (1984), 49–70; Cheney, Spenser’s Famous Flight, pp. 133–43; Graham Atkin, ‘Raleigh, Spenser, and Elizabeth: Acts of Friendship in The Faerie Queene, Book IV’, in J. B. Lethbridge (ed.), Edmund Spenser: New and Renewed Directions (Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press), pp. 195–213.
82. Koller, ‘Spenser and Ralegh’, p. 49. For the case against, see Jeffrey Knapp, An Empire Nowhere: England, America, and Literature from Utopia to The Tempest (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), ch. 3, which argues that Spenser was at least as keen to encourage readers to study his poetry as to speculate in New World voyages.
83. Hadfield, ‘Spenser’s Rosalind’, pp. 941–3.
84. Burchmore, ‘Image of the Centre’, p. 399.
85. Thomas Watson, An Eglogue upon the Death of the Right Honorable Sir Francis Walsingham (London, 1590), sig. C4r; Spenser Allusions, pp. 20–1.
86. On Watson, see the ODNB entry by Albert Chatterley.
87. Ibid.
88. Thomas Watson, Hekatompathia, or Passionate Centurie of Love (London, 1582), sig. A3r–v. On Oxford as a patron of poetry, see Nelson, Monstrous Adversity, pp. 236–9, 380–4, passim.
89. Stern, Harvey, p. 108; Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 166, 233; Stephen Clucas, ‘Thomas Watson’s Hekatompathia and European Petrarchanism’, in Martin McLaughlin, Letizia Panizza, and Peter Hainsworth (eds.), Petrarch in Britain: Interpreters, Imitators and Translators over 700 Years (Oxford: Oxford University Press/British Academy, 2007), pp. 217–27.
90. Watson, Hekatompathia, sonnets 15, 16, 20.
91. Carpenter, Reference Guide, p. 86; Mark Eccles, ‘Watson, Thomas’, Sp. Enc., pp. 727–8; Spenser Allusions, pp. 25, 28, 51, 61, 73; Joseph Warren Beach, ‘A Sonnet of Watson and a Stanza of Spenser’, MLN 18 (1903), 218–20.
92. Joseph Black, ‘“Pan is Hee”: Commending The Faerie Queene’, Sp. St. 15 (2001), 121–34; D. Allen Carroll, ‘Thomas Watson and the 1588 MS Commendation of The Faerie Queene: Reading the Rebus’, Sp. St. 16 (2002), 105–23.
93. Spenser, Letters, nos. 10, 12, 14, 16, passim; Plomer, ‘Spenser’s Handwriting’, p. 203. On Walsingham and Ireland, see Haynes, Walsingham, pp. 83–4.
94. Jean R. Brink, ‘Materialist History of the Publication of Spenser’s Faerie Queene’, RES 54 (2001), 1–26, at 2–7.
95. Brink, ‘Materialist History’, p. 7; Plant, English Book Trade, p. 69.
96. This explanation was first suggested by Israel Gollancz, but has held considerable sway over commentators, substituting ‘biographical supposition for textual analysis’, as Brink has argued: see Gollancz, ‘Spenseriana’, pp. 104–5; Johnson, Critical Bibliography, p. 15; Brink, ‘Materialist History’, p. 10; Zurcher, ‘Spenser’s Dedications’, p. 174.
97. Nashe, Works, i. 244.
98. This claim might also explain Spenser’s omission and Nashe’s desire to embarrass Spenser: see Kelsie Harder, ‘Nashe’s Rebuke of Spenser’, N&Q 198 (1953), 145–6.
99. See the ODNB entry on George Chapman by Mark Thornton Burnett.
100. Nicholl, Cup of News, pp. 109–10. Nashe satirized Ralegh and his circle, including Chapman, in Pierce Penilesse (pp. 107–9).
101. Sukanta Chaudhuri, ‘Amyntas’, Sp. Enc., pp. 38–9, at p. 38.
102. This provides yet more evidence that Colin Clout was revised between 1591 and its publication in 1595.
103. On Nashe’s family, see Nicholl, Cup of News, ch. 2.
104. Nicholl, Cup of News, pp. 89–90.
105. Ibid. 90, 110.
106. Nashe, Works, iii. 96.
107. Nicholl, Cup of News, pp. 184–5.
108. Ronald A. Tumelson II, ‘Robert Greene, “Author Playes”’, in Melinkoff and Gieskes (eds.), Writing Robert Greene, pp. 95–114.
109. For a modern judgement that accords with that of Nashe, see Kingsley Amis, ‘Oxford and After’, in Anthony Thwaite (ed.), Larkin at Sixty (London: Faber, 1982), pp. 23–30, recording Larkin’s comment: ‘First I thought Troilus and Criseyde was the most boring poem in English. Then I thought Beowulf was. Then I thought Paradise Lost was. Now I know that The Faerie Queene is the dullest thing out. Blast it’ (cited on p. 25).
110. Nashe, Works, i. 244. For comment, see Brink, ‘Materialist History’, pp. 15–16; Zurcher, ‘Getting It Back to Front in 1590’.
111. Oakeshott, ‘Carew Ralegh’s Copy of Spenser’, p. 4.
112. Ralegh, Poems, p. 140; Bednarz, ‘Collaborator as Thief’, pp. 291–2.
113. Bajetta, Ralegh, pp. 287–8.
114. Andrew Zurcher, Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queene: A Reading Guide (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), p. 163.
115. A. D. Cousins, ‘Ralegh’s “A Vision upon this Conceipt of The Faerie Queene”’, The Explicator 41/3 (spring 1983), 14–16; Bednarz, ‘Collaborator as Thief’, pp. 280–1.
116. For a different reading, see Bednarz, ‘Collaborator as Thief’, pp. 282–3.
117. See William A. Oram, ‘What Did Spenser Really Think of Sir Walter Ralegh When He Published the First Instalment of The Faerie Queene’, Sp. St. 15 (2001), 165–74; Owens, Enabling Engagements, p. 116.
118. Does the reference hint at more than this, suggesting that Spenser may have had clerical ambitions once? Or is it a sly reference to his ecclesiastical livings in Ireland? For comment, see Jeffrey Knapp, ‘Spenser the Priest’, Representations 81 (Winter 2003), 61–78.
119. For analysis of the strategies that those dealing with the court had to adopt, see Bates, Rhetoric of Courtliness, chs. 1–2; Richards, Rhetoric and Courtliness, ch. 1.
120. Black, ‘The Faerie Queene, commendatory verses and dedicatory sonnets’, p. 292. Charles Crawford claims that ‘Ignoto’ was Nicholas Breton (‘Greene’s Funeralls, 1594, and Nicholas Breton’, SP 26, extra ser. 1 (1929), 1–39, at 7), but Ignoto was a commonly used pseudonym: Marcey North, ‘Ignoto in the Age of Print: The Manipulation of Anonymity in Early Modern England’, SP 91 (1994), 390–416, at 412–16.
121. W. I., ‘When stout Achilles heard of Helens rape’, line 15. For analysis, see Wendy Wall, The Imprint of Gender: Authorship and Publication in the English Renaissance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 227–9, at pp. 241–2.
122. Michael Leslie, Spenser’s ‘Fierce Warres and Faithfull Loves’: Martial and Chivalric Symbolism in ‘The Faerie Queene’ (Cambridge: Brewer, 1983); Paul Stevens, ‘Spenser and the End of the British Empire’, Sp. St. 22 (2007), 5–26; Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, pp. 168, 170, passim.
123. Ignoto, ‘To looke vpon a worke of rare deuise’, line 19.
124. For details, see Black, ‘The Faerie Queene, commendatory verses and dedicatory sonnets’; for comment, see Owens, Enabling Engagements, chs. 3–4.
125. See Simon Adams, ‘Court’, Sp. Enc., pp. 193–4. The most conspicuous absentee from those we know to have been Spenser’s patrons is Sir Henry Wallop.
126. Black, ‘The Faerie Queene, commendatory verses and dedicatory sonnets’.
127. Franklin B. Williams, Jr, Index of Dedications and Commendatory Verses in English Books Before 1641 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1962).
128. Arthur F. Marotti, ‘“Love Is Not Love”: Elizabethan Sonnet Sequences and the Social Order’, ELH 49 (1982), 396–428.
129. May, Elizabethan Courtier Poets.
130. For comments, see Stephen Greenblatt, ‘Murdering Peasants: Status, Genre and the Representation of Rebellion’, Representations 1 (1983), 1–29; Andrew Hadfield, ‘Sidney’s “Poor Painter” and John Stubbs’s Gaping Gulf’, SJ 15/2 (Fall 1997), 45–8.
131. Sidney, Apology, p. 85.
132. Nolan, Norreys and the Elizabethan Military World.
133. For a more general analysis, see Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman: A Study in the Fortunes of Scholasticism and Medical Science in European Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).
134. ‘To the right noble Lord and most valiaunt Captaine Sir Iohn Norris knight, Lord President of Mounster’, lines 9–12.
135. William S. Maltby, The Black Legend in England: The Development of Anti-Spanish Sentiment, 1558–1660 (Durham, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1971).
136. George Gascoigne, The spoyle of Antwerpe. Faithfully reported, by a true Englishman, who was present at the same (London, 1576). Spenser would surely have read this work, given the obvious connections they had.
137. ‘To the right Honourable the Earle of Ormond and Ossory’, lines 2, 7, 13–14. For comment, see Hadfield, Spenser’s Irish Experience, pp. 4–6.
138. Howard, Early Tudor Country House, pp. 88–93, passim.
139. Jane Fenlon, Ormond Castle: Visitor’s Guide (Dublin: Office of Public Works, 2008).
140. See p. 167.
141. ‘To the most renowned and valiant Lord, the Lord Grey of Wilton’, lines 1–5.
142. Johnson, Critical Bibliography, p. 17; Hiroshi Yamashita, Haruo Sato, Toshiyuki Suzuki, and Akira Takano, A Textual Companion to The Faerie Queene 1590 (Tokyo: Kenyusha, 1993). William Proctor Williams, ‘Bibliography, critical’, Sp. Enc., pp. 90–3.
143. For analysis see Dorothy Stephens, ‘Spenser’s Language(s)’ and Jeff Dolven, ‘Spenser’s Metrics’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 367–84, 385–402.
144. Cummings, Critical Heritage, p. 294. For recent analyses of the poem’s style, see Catherine Addison, ‘Rhyming Against the Grain: A New Look at the Spenserian Stanza’, in Lethbridge (ed.), Spenser: New and Renewed Directions, pp. 337–51; David Scott Wilson-Okamura, ‘The Formalist Tradition’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 718–32, at pp. 718–23.
145. Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance, p. 124.
146. Ibid. 93.
147. John Dixon, The First Commentary on ‘The Faerie Queene’, being an analysis of the annotations in Lord Bessborough’s copy of the first edition of ‘The Faerie Queene’, ed. Graham Hough (privately printed, 1964); Alastair Fowler, ‘Oxford and London Marginalia to the Faerie Queene’, N&Q 8 (1961), 416–19; John Manning, ‘Notes and Marginalia in Bishop Percy’s Copy of The Faerie Queene’, N&Q 31 (1984), 225–7; Fleck, ‘Early Modern Marginalia in Spenser’s Faerie Queene at the Folger’.
148. Harvey–Spenser Letters, p. 50; Bennett, Evolution of ‘The Faerie Queene’, ch. 1.
149. See p. 155.
150. Miskimin, Renaissance Chaucer, ch. 7.
151. Robert Cummings, ‘Translation and Literary Innovation’, in Braden, Cummings, and Gillespie (eds.), Oxford History of Literary Translation, pp. 32–44, at pp. 38–9.
152. Spenser, Faerie Queene, p. 715; O’Connell, Mirror and Veil, pp. 5–6, 23–31; Cheney, Spenser’s Famous Flight, pp. xi–iii, passim; Burrow, Epic Romance, pp. 100–46; John Watkins, The Specter of Dido: Spenser and Virgilian Epic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).
153. Robert Cummings, ‘Mirrors for Policy’, in Braden, Cummings, and Gillespie (eds.), Oxford History of Literary Translation, pp. 408–17, at pp. 413–14.
154. The bookes of Xenophon contayning the discipline, schole, and education of Cyrus the noble kyng of Persie. Translated out of Greeke into Englyshe, by M. Wylliam Barkar (London, 1552?). Spenser probably consulted the later edition: The VIII. bookes of Xenophon, containinge the institutio[n], schole, and education of Cyrus, the noble Kynge of Persye also his ciuill and princelye estate, his expedition into Babylon, Syria and Aegypt, and his exhortation before his death, to his children (London, 1567). The modern translation is Xenophon, Cyropaedia, trans. Walter Miller (1914; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968). For commentary, see Grogan, Exemplary Spenser, ch. 1. On Barker, see ODNB entry by Kenneth R. Bartlett.
155. See e.g. H. S. V. Jones, A Spenser Handbook (New York: Crofts, 1930), ch. 13; Graham Hough, A Preface to The Faerie Queene (London: Duckworth, 1962), ch. 14; William Nelson, The Poetry of Edmund Spenser (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), pp. 116–46; Peter Bayley, Edmund Spenser: Prince of Poets (London: Hutchinson, 1971), ch. 5; Robin Headlam Wells, Spenser’s Faerie Queene and the Cult of Elizabeth (London: Croom Helm, 1983). For an overview, see Radcliffe, Spenser: Reception History, pp. 178–97.
156. Elizabeth’s decision not to marry was not necessarily a foolish one, given the problems she faced whether she married a foreign prince or an English subject. For discussion, see Doran, Monarchy and Matriarchy.
157. See pp. 209–10.
158. Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, pp. 426–8; McRae, God Speed the Plough, pp. 201–4.
159. See Paul J. Alpers, ‘How to Read The Faerie Queene’, Essays in Criticism 18 (1968), 429–43; Martha Craig, ‘The Secret Wit of Spenser’s Language’, in Paul J. Alpers (ed.), Elizabethan Poetry: Modern Essays in Criticism (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 447–72.
160. For discussion, see King, Spenser’s Poetry and the Reformation Tradition, pp. 50–3, 73–6, passim.
161. Geneva translation (1560).
162. Douglas Brooks-Davies, Spenser’s Faerie Queene: A Critical Commentary on Books I and II (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1977), p. 23.
163. See the excellent—and witty—discussion in Victoria Coldham-Fussell, ‘Spenser’s Divine Comedy: Humour and Humanity in The Faerie Queene’, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2010, ch. 4.
164. R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), p. 18.
165. Bale, Pageant of Popes; King, English Reformation Literature, pp. 425–43; King, Spenser’s Poetry and the Reformation Tradition, passim.
166. Zall (ed.), Hundred Merry Tales, pp. 332, 334.
167. On Protestant conceptions of marriage, see MacCulloch, Reformation, chs. 15–16; Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death, chs. 12–16; Dickens, English Reformation, pp. 336–9, passim.
168. Martin Luther, The Pagan Servitude of the Church (1520), in Martin Luther, Selections from his Writings, ed. John Dillenberger (New York: Doubleday, 1961), pp. 249–359, at pp. 326–40. See also Jean Calvin, Commentaries: The First Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians, ed. John W. Fraser (Edinburgh: Oliver, 1960), pp. 134–69.
169. On the ways in which the narrative of romances, such as Orlando Furioso, inevitably move sideways, or ‘dilate’, see Patricia Parker, Inescapable Romance: Studies in the Poetics of a Mode (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979); Patricia Parker, ‘Romance’, Sp. Enc., pp. 609–18. See also Burrow, Epic Romance, ch. 5.
170. John M. Steadman, ‘Una and the Clergy: The Ass Symbol in The Faerie Queene’, JWCI 21/1–2 (Winter–Spring 1958), 134–7.
171. See the analysis of the picture of the young daughter of the Picts by Jacques Le Morne de Morgues in Juliet Fleming, Graffiti and the Writing Arts of Early Modern England (London: Reaktion, 2001), p. 101.
172. Riverside Chaucer, 1, line 151 (p. 25).
173. For further discussion, see Andrew Hadfield, ‘Spenser and Religion—Yet Again’, SEL 51 (2011), 21–46.
174. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, pp. 4–6.
175. For the significance of Una, see Douglas Brooks-Davies, ‘Una’, Sp. Enc., pp. 704–5.
176. Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English Reformation.
177. Morey, Catholic Subjects, pp. 94–5.
178. Robert Stillman has made a persuasive case that Philip Sidney was influenced by the ideals of moderation espoused by Philip Melanchthon and his followers, the Philippists: see Philip Sidney and the Poetics of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008). Spenser may have had similar intellectual inclinations, but there is no obvious evidence that he was influenced by Melanchthon’s ideas. On reactions to the threat of persecution throughout the 16th century, see Cummings, Literary Culture of the Reformation, passim.
179. Andrew King, The Faerie Queene and Middle English Romance: The Matter of Just Memory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), ch. 6.
180. D. Douglas Walters, Duessa as Theological Satire (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1970); Richard F. Hardin, ‘Adicia, Souldan’, Sp. Enc., pp. 7–8.
181. For arguments about Spenser’s syncretism, see James E. Phillips, ‘Spenser’s Syncretistic Religious Imagery’, ELH 36 (1969), 110–30; Ramachandran, ‘Spenser, Lucretian Neoplatonist’, pp. 396–402.
182. Waetherby, Mirrors of Celestial Grace, p. 31. See also Tom Muir, ‘Without Remainder: Ruins and Tombs in Shakespeare’s Sonnets’, Textual Practice 24 (2010), 21–49.
183. One early reader suggests that Spenser’s poem was ambiguous in its religious affiliation, possibly Catholic: see Guillaume Coatalen, ‘“Lô a Timorous Correction”: Unrecorded Extracts from Spenser and Harrington and Nagative Criticism of The Faerie Queene in a Folio from the Bodleian Library’, RES 56/227 (2005) 730–48. I owe this reference to Sara Trevisan.
184. On Guyon’s obvious relationship to a romance hero, Guy of Warwick, and how this literary relationship qualifies and complicates the Red-Cross Knight’s quest in Book I, see King, ‘Spenser, Chaucer, and Medieval Romance’, Sp. Handbook, pp. 566–7.
185. See Christopher Tilmouth, Passion’s Triumph Over Reason: A History of the Moral Imagination from Spenser to Rochester (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), ch. 2, to which this paragraph is indebted. Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics, trans. David Ross (1925; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 72–8, 159–91.
186. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, pp. 172–5; Tilmouth, Passion’s Triumph Over Reason, pp. 20–1, passim.
187. Fogarty, ‘Literature in English’, p. 151.
188. James Lyndon Shanley, ‘Spenser’s Temperance and Aristotle’, MP 43 (1946), 170–4, at 172.
189. Mary Villeponteaux, ‘“Not as women wonted be”: Spenser’s Amazon Queen’, in Julia M. Walker (ed.), Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), pp. 209–25.
190. Scodel, Excess and Mean in Early Modern English Literature, pp. 143–6; Hadfield, Literature, Politics and National Identity, pp. 194–201; Claire McEachern, The Poetics of English Nationhood, 1590–1612 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), ch. 2.
191. O’Connell, Mirror and Veil, ch. 1; David Norbrook, Poetry and Politics in the English Renaissance (rev. edn., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 125–8.
192. For comment, see Lauren Silberman, Transforming Desire: Erotic Knowledge in Books III and IV of The Faerie Queene (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), ch. 3.
193. Yates, Art of Memory, p. 43.
194. The name ‘Scudamore’ may be a compliment to the Scudamore family of Kentchurch and Holme Lacy, Herefordshire. The head of the family when Spenser was writing The Faerie Queene was Sir John Scudamore (c.1542–1623), whose wife, Mary, was a Boleyn. Sir John was a gentleman usher to the queen and Mary was a lady of the queen’s bedchamber. Mary was beaten by Elizabeth when they were secretly married, but later restored to favour. Spenser may well be drawing a pointed contrast between the treatment of the Scudamores and the Raleghs. John Dowland openly praised the Scudamores in his First Book of Songs or Ayres (1597), using a distinctly Spenserian phrase, which suggests that there were indeed links between Spenser and the Scudamores, perhaps through the Careys who were close to the Scudamores and whom Spenser cultivated at this time (see p. 282). See Linda R. Galyon, ‘Scudamore, family’, Sp. Enc., pp. 634–5; Ian Atherton, ‘Scudamore family, per. 1520–1800’, ODNB; Simon Adams, ‘Scudamore [nee Shelton], Mary, Lady Scudamore (c.1550–1603)’, ODNB; Kirsten Gibson, ‘The Order of the Book: Materiality, Narrative and Authorial Voice in John Dowland’s First Book of Songes or Ayres’, RS 26 (2012), 13–33, at 22–3, 32; Elizabeth Eva Leach, ’The Unquiet Thoughts of Edmund Spenser’s Scudamore and John Dowland’s First Book of Songs’, in M. Jennifer Bloxham, Gioia Filcamo, and Leofranc Holford-Stevens (eds.), Uno Gentile et Subtile Ingenio: Studies in Music in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2009), pp. 513–20.
195. Epithalamion, in Spenser, Shorter Poems, lines 372–89, pp. 447–8. The Latmian shepherd was Endymion who seduced the goddess with a fleece and was condemned to perpetual sleep. This may be a reference to Leicester, whom Elizabeth had nearly married (d. 1588), or Alençon (d. 1584). For further discussion, see pp. 323–4.
196. Anne Shaver, ‘Diana’, Sp. Enc., pp. 217–18.
197. On the numerological significance of the canto, see Michael Baybak, Paul Delaney, and A. Kent Hieatt, ‘Placement “In the Middest” in The Faerie Queene’, Papers in Language and Literature 5 (1969), 227–34.
198. Louis Schwartz, Milton and Maternal Mortality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 2, 148.
199. Mendelson and Crawford, Women in Early Modern England, p. 152.
200. Alan Macfarlane, Family Life of Ralph Josselin, pp. 84–6; The Diary of Ralph Josselin, 1616–1683, ed. Alan Macfarlane (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 415–16.
201. Linda A. Pollack, ‘Embarking on a Rough Passage: The Experience of Pregnancy in Early-Modern Society’, in Valerie Fildes (ed.), Women as Mothers in Pre-industrial England (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 39–67, at pp. 47–9; Schwartz, Milton and Maternal Mortality, ch. 2.
202. Adrian Wilson, ‘The Ceremony of Childbirth and Its Interpretation’, in Fildes (ed.), Women as Mothers, pp. 68–107; Schwartz, Milton and Maternal Mortality, pp. 22–3; Cross, Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, p. 355; Mendelson and Crawford, Women in Early Modern England, p. 153–4.
203. Pollack, ‘Embarking on a Rough Passage’, p. 47.
204. See p. 288.
205. I am grateful to Naomi Tadmor for discussing these issues with me. See pp. 324–5.