10
Online Gaming and Gambling

In Chapter 9 we discussed how the Internet has changed how we spend our time on leisure and entertainment. In this chapter we focus, in more detail, on two forms of entertainment: games and gambling. Both these online activities have been the focus of numerous psychological studies. Some of the major concerns include addiction and whether playing aggressive games leads to aggressive behaviour. With respect to Internet addiction, the research to date suggests that some people have specific online problems, while others use the Internet to carry out established offline addictions (e.g., gambling, sexual addictions). Scholars have yet to agree on whether these should be classed as Internet addictions per se or as problematic behaviours. Researchers also fail to agree on the effects of playing video games. This chapter summarises some of the key research studies and provides an outline of some of the main theories that have been developed to examine the link between media and aggressive behaviour. It also examines the psychological impact of playing out taboo activities in video games. Finally, this chapter considers the types of skills one can acquire from playing games.

10.1 INTERNET ADDICTION

In the mid‐1990s, Ivan coined the phrase ‘Internet addiction disorder’; however, he did not originally treat the notion seriously. His message detailed symptoms such as fantasizing about the Internet and giving up on important social or occupational activities because of excessive Internet use. He intended his post to be a joke – a parody of addiction disorders. In spite of his intention, people took his notion seriously and as a consequence he received numerous emails from individuals claiming to suffer from Internet addiction disorder. Since this time, many scholars have conducted theoretical and empirical work on the topic – to investigate whether this is a real disorder as well as to devise treatment programmes for those with problematic behaviours associated with excessive Internet use.

In the late 1990s, Kimberly Young (1998) published a book entitled Caught in the Net: How to Recognize the Signs of Internet Addiction and a Winning Strategy for Recovery, which considered in detail the problem of Internet addiction. She reported numerous case studies that she believed were examples of Internet addiction. At this time, Young developed an instrument to diagnose Internet addiction, which was an adapted version of the criteria used in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV for pathological gambling. Staying online for an average of 38 hours per week for recreational activity was deemed prima facie evidence of an Internet addiction (though in recent times this might be understood to be normal behaviour). In addition, Young identified five types of internet addiction, namely: cybersexual addiction to adult chat rooms; cyber‐relationship addiction to online friendships or affairs; compulsions to engage in online gambling, auctions or forms of trading; compulsive Web surfing; and addiction to online game‐playing or computer programming.

Young developed the ACE model to explain how ‘accessibility’, ‘control’ and ‘escape’ play significant roles in the development of Internet addiction (see, e.g., Young, Pistner, O’Mara & Buchanan, 1999). According to the ACE model, it is possible that a person looking for sexual kicks, or seeking out a place to gamble or play games, would be attracted to the Internet because of its unique qualities. The Internet, Young argued, allows some degree of escape from everyday life.

There are a number of problems with Young’s work. First, the ACE model implies that the problem lies with the Internet, rather than with individuals who become addicted to it. Second, Griffiths (1999, 2000a, 2000b) has argued that many excessive users are not necessarily ‘Internet addicts’. He states that, in many instances, a gambling addict, a sex addict and so forth are simply using the Internet as a place to engage in their addictive behaviours.

As an alternative to Young’s diagnostic criteria, Griffiths (1998, 2000a, 2000b) argued that, when considering Internet addiction, researchers should consider the six traditional core components of addition: salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, conflict and relapse. However, Grohol (1998) has criticized Griffiths’ suggestion for diagnosing Internet addiction, saying that ‘any behavior can be viewed as addictive given such criteria, whether it be watching television, listening to the radio, ironing, going online, reading, sewing, or exercising’ (p. 396).

The concept of Internet addiction has itself been criticized, with some arguing that it needs to be entirely abandoned (Starcevic, 2013). It might be argued, for instance, that the Internet is simply a medium to fuel other addictions (Griffiths, 2000a, 2000b). Starcevic has made the following emphatic argument:

Although Internet addiction has become a widely used term, it is a misnomer and should be abandoned. This is because of the conceptual heterogeneity of the term and because being addicted to the ‘delivery mechanism’ or, more precisely, addiction to a medium, a means to an end or a vehicle for achieving something. Therefore, Internet addiction is as meaningful a term as ‘casino addiction’, which would denote addictive gambling in casinos (p. 17).

He continued this line of argument, stating the following:

If it is assumed that addictive use of the Internet does exist, the addiction would actually pertain to the corresponding activities and not to the Internet itself. These activities are quite diverse and include gaming, gambling, viewing pornography and related sexual behaviours, shopping, chatting, sending messages, etc. … [A]lthough one can develop some of these other addiction only on the Internet … that does not justify the term Internet addiction. (p. 17).

Starcevic’s argument, together with those of others in the field (e.g., Griffiths, 2000a, 2000b), is an important one, but, as yet, much more research is needed to understand whether Internet addiction per se is a real disorder or whether the individual addictions that the Internet might enable should be the real focus of research investigations as well as treatment. This chapter now turns to consider two types of addictions that have been considered as potential types of online addiction: gambling and gaming.

10.2 INTERNET GAMBLING ADDICTION

Internet gambling is a popular activity and a form of gambling that could potentially be more problematic, for some people, than gambling conducted in the physical world. Griffiths (2003), for example, points out that there are a number of factors that make Internet gambling potentially seductive and/or addictive, including anonymity, convenience, escape, dissociation/immersion, accessibility, event frequency, interactivity, disinhibition, simulation and asociability. He has taken the view that these structural characteristics appear to be enhanced via technological innovation. Although there is no consensus on whether there ought to be a specific addiction labelled as Internet addiction, there is agreement that gambling online can be problematic for some individuals.

Researchers have also examined the profile of a person who is likely to have a gambling problem. The 2010 British Gambling Prevalence Survey found that individuals who used the Internet for multiple types of gambling were more likely be categorized as having a problem compared with those who engaged in fewer Internet gambling activities (Wardle, Moody, Griffiths, Orford & Volberg, 2011). MacKay and Hodgins (2012) found that cognitive distortions are a risk factor in online gambling. Gainsbury, Russell, Wood, Hing and Blaszczynski (2015) investigated whether Internet‐disordered gamblers were a distinct group. They found that individuals vulnerable to developing a gambling problem are also likely to use Internet gambling and that the accessibility of this medium is likely to exacerbate gambling problems. They argued that certain features of Internet gambling (access, privacy, anonymity and better game experience) might increase the risk of developing problems. These features, they believe, enable longer engagement in sessions of immersive play without interruption and are also likely to be associated with poor physical health and disturbances in sleeping and eating patterns.

There have been a number of studies that have focused on adolescents with gambling problems. Olason et al. (2010), for example, found that adolescent Internet gamblers were much more likely to experience problems than what are often termed ‘land‐based gamblers’. They also found that boys and older age groups were more likely to gamble on the Internet compared with girls and younger age groups. Potenza et al. (2011) examined correlates of at‐risk problem Internet gambling in adolescents residing in the United States. They found that adolescents who gambled online were more likely to be classified as at‐risk problem gamblers. These individuals were also more likely to be heavy users of alcohol as well as to report experiencing depression. Adolescent Internet gamblers were found to be less likely to have friends who gamble, compared with non‐Internet gamblers, which these authors argue is consistent with the notion that online gambling is typically solitary in nature. Potenza et al. make the case that the accessibility of online casinos that are available 24 hours per day may influence the development of problematic gambling. They suggest that specific interventions, such as monitoring school computers and limiting access to gambling‐related Internet sites, warrant consideration.

10.3 INTERNET GAMING ADDICTION

A mourning father has sent out a plea to other parents to protect their children from the dangers of playing computer games.

Blood clot victim, Chris Staniforth, 20, died after spending up to 12 hours at a time playing on his Xbox.

The gaming enthusiast suffered a blockage to his lungs when he developed deep vein thrombosis … Chris’ heartbroken father, David told The Sun, ‘As a parent you think playing computer games can’t do them any harm because you know what they are doing.

‘Kids all over the country are playing these games for long periods – they don’t realise it could kill them.’ (Twomey, 2011)

There are many stories in the news similar to the one reported above. Internet addiction was not formally recognized in DSM‐IV‐TR, but DSM‐5 now includes ‘Internet gaming disorder’ in its research appendix. It was included in order to give credence to the problem as well as to encourage better science in achieving a clear aetiology and treatment programme for the disorder. As with online gambling problems, there have been studies dedicated to examining whether playing online games is problematic.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between online gaming disorder and ADHD. Weinstein and Weizman (2012) claim that both video‐game addiction and ADHD share a common mechanism of reward and sensitization, which is mainly mediated by dopamine, which might explain the link. They suggest that future studies should focus on the psychobiological mechanisms for both conditions and explore their commonalities further. Chen, Chen and Gau (2015) found that adolescents with ADHD‐related symptoms reported a greater frequency in playing online games and less time engaging in homework. However, it should be pointed out that the research focused on students’ reports only, rather than conducting a clinical assessment of these participants.

There have also been studies that have examined the relationship between Internet gaming disorder and substance abuse. Yen and Ko (2014), for example, have found comorbidity between Internet gaming disorder and nicotine dependence. In addition, they found that impulsivity could be the shared mechanism between behaviour and substance addition. Walther, Morgenstern and Hanewinkel (2012) found a relationship between tobacco, alcohol and cannabis use and problematic computer gaming. Moreover, they found that problematic computer gamblers were more likely than those without a problem to score high on the following measures: irritability/aggression, social anxiety, ADHD and low self‐esteem. They did, however, find that problematic gamblers tended to be more similar to substance users than problematic computer gamers.

As with online gambling research, much more work is needed to help us understand what is currently referred to as Internet gaming disorder. At this point, it is difficult to make too many claims with confidence. Lam (2014), for instance, conducted a systematic review to examine the effect of problematic use of the Internet (for gaming purposes) on mental health: specifically, sleep problems among young people. Focusing, in particular, on the association between sleep problems and excessive online gaming use, Lam contends that, although there is some evidence to suggest a link, the studies are quite weak, often relying on poor methodologies. He suggests that much more research is needed on excessive online gaming use before psychologists will be able to develop a clear picture of individuals who are more prone to this disorder.

10.4 AGGRESSIVE VIDEO GAMES

In addition to considering problems associated with excessive use of video games, some scholars have emphatically argued that playing video games can lead to aggressive behaviour. This has also been an argument taken up by the media. Some news stories, for instance, have held the playing of violent video games to be the cause of violent acts carried out by young people, such as massacres. The following, for example, was written in the Denver Post (Human, 2007) to explain why (in the writer’s opinion) two children from Columbine High School had massacred children in their school:

Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold went on a killing rage at Columbine High School in 1999 because they were abruptly denied access to their computers, an Oregon psychiatrist says in a published study.

The two young men relied on the virtual world of computer games to express their rage and to spend time, and cutting them off in 1998 sent them into crisis, said Jerald Block, a research and psychiatrist in Portland.

‘Very soon thereafter‐ a couple of days – they started to plan the actual attack,’ Block said.

Block published his research in the current issue of the American Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, a peer‐reviewed journal.

The paper is likely to generate debate, said Cheryl Olson, co‐director of the Center for Mental Health and Media at the Massachusetts General Hospital.

‘Two‐thirds of middle‐school boys play M‐rated games regularly,’ Olson said. M‐rated games contain intense violence or sexual content.

‘They’re not turning kids into killing machines,’ Olson said. ‘The evidence just isn’t there.’

Block sifted through thousands of pages of documents released by Columbine investigators and said he believes both Harris’ and Klebold’s parents banned them from their computers after the two were caught breaking into an electrician’s van in 1998.

Harris and Klebold had each previously been temporarily kept off computers at school or at home, and after each incident, Block said, the boys’ writing or behaviour became more violent.

Block said he worries about people immersing themselves so deeply and also about cutting them off cold‐turkey.

‘How do you pull them out, without triggering homicidal or suicidal behaviour?’ he asked.

The above story is one of many that attempt to explain these boys’ shocking actions. Perhaps onlookers can gain some solace from blaming the use of aggressive video games. In deciding for yourselves, however, whether the playing of video games or the withdrawal of permission to play these games explains why the boys shot their class mates, it might be worthwhile to consider that most children who play aggressive video games or are banned from playing their games do not commit murder. This chapter now turns to consider the psychological theories that have been applied to predict how individuals might change their behaviour as a consequence of playing aggressive video games.

10.4.1 Social learning theory

Before video games became popular and accessible, researchers were considering the effects of other forms of media on behaviour. One well‐known piece of work considered the effects that watching violent television programmes, including cartoons, might have on children (Bandura, Ross & Rose, 1963). The theory used to frame this work is social learning theory, which most undergraduate students will find familiar. Albert Bandura developed this theory as a result of his interest in how observations of other people’s behaviours might shape children’s behaviours. Bandura argued that individuals acquire attitudes, emotional responses and new styles of behaviour by modelling and imitating others’ behaviours; that is, we are not passive observers or recipients of external stimuli. In considering this body of work with respect to video games, some scholars have argued that playing video games that involve hitting or shooting another character might promote violent behaviour in the physical realm (e.g., Silvern & Williamson, 1987). Players are often given explicit rewards, such as points or virtual objects, for engaging in symbolic violent acts, which could potentially reinforce aggressive behaviours, according to this theory.

However, the body of work on media effects and violent behaviour has its critics. Cumberbatch, Jones and Lee (1988), for example, argue that the aggression that is witnessed might instead be understood as play fighting rather than ‘authentic aggression’, and as such experiments appear very artificial. Some suggest that children guess what is expected by the researcher and act accordingly (Borden, 1975). Ferguson (2010) argues that any modelling effects from these experiments appear to be small and short lasting. Social learning theory, in general, has been criticized for its generalizations in findings, with some researchers arguing that modelling is something that individuals can do, rather than something they necessarily do (Ferguson, 2010).

10.4.2 Script theory

Another theory developed to explain why a person behaves in a certain way is script theory. This theory has also been applied to explain aggressive behaviour. Script theory essentially purports that behaviours fall into certain patterns known as ‘scripts’ or knowledge structures. Individuals learn from society and their experiences appropriate ways to behave and ascribed meanings to these behaviours. Script theory has been applied, for example, to explain gendered behaviour, and how people behave in relationships. Children learn gender schemas early in life, based on society’s ideas of what it means to be a male or female in a particular culture. They learn this via their observations of others, as well as from how others treat them. These schemas, it is argued, lead them to act in gendered ways. Applying this theory to aggressive behaviour, theorists have argued that those exposed to aggressive behaviours develop scripts indicating that this behaviour is normal and acceptable (Huesmann, 1988). If children play violent video games, scripts are developed that normalize aggressive behaviour.

10.4.3 Frustration–aggression hypothesis

The frustration–aggression hypothesis is another theory that is well known to many undergraduate psychology students. The theory, proposed by Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer and Sears (1939), posits that frustration is a state that emerges when external factors interfere with a goal response. Frustration is said to lead to aggressive behaviours, which are then displaced. Take, for example, someone who has had a difficult day at work, unable to meet the targets they have been given. Given that it might be risky to show upset in the workplace, they might go home and take their anger or frustration out on their family. Applying this theory to violent video games, it might be argued that the build‐up of frustration in the game and the heightened emotional arousal, due to the violence, might lead the gamer to displace their frustration into violent acts in the physical world. This theory has been broadly criticized as being too simplistic. Social learning theorists, in particular, have criticized this theory, arguing that frustrations typically only create a general emotional arousal and that it is important, instead, to examine how individuals respond to this arousal (Bandura, 1973).

10.4.4 Cognitive neoassociation model

The cognitive neoassociation model (Berkowitz, 1984) builds on the frustration–aggressive hypothesis in an attempt to explain aggressive behaviour. This model rejects the notion that behaviour is learnt (as proposed by theories such as the social learning theory, outlined above). Although he did not intend to dismiss the importance of learning, Berkowitz argued that media influences ‘do not operate through observational learning only, if this concept is understood to refer to a relatively long‐lasting acquisition of new knowledge or the adoption of a novel form of behavior. Some media affects are fairly transient … as if the observed event had activated reactions or thoughts only for a relatively brief period’ (p. 414).

In contrast to social learning theory, Berkowitz contends that it is problematic to argue that individuals imitate media, given that there are few opportunities to act out similar physical acts. He notes that, in most studies that have examined the link between observing aggression and committing aggressive acts, the aggression measured after the observation is typically physically different. According to the cognitive neoassociation model, thoughts, feelings and action tendencies are linked together in a person’s memory, forming an ‘associative network’ (Collins & Loftus, 1975). Concepts that are primed are more accessible in memory. The model posits that individuals repeatedly exposed to a particular stimulus start to link and activate other similar thoughts (Berkowitz, 1984, 1990). When applying this model to explain media effects, it has been suggested that the media promotes actions. Playing a violent video game, therefore, can prime other semantically related thoughts, which increase the chance that the spectator will have other aggressive notions during this period (Anderson & Ford, 1986; Berkowitz, 1984). This process is believed to occur automatically, without conscious awareness. Exposure to any form of aggressive media can trigger aggressive feelings and bring to mind aggressive memories, beliefs and aggression‐related skills. Giumetti and Markey (2007) provide the example of being exposed to an image of a gun in a game, which might evoke notions with similar meanings, such as shooting. This, in turn, might activate other semantically associated ideas, such as hurting someone. Being repeatedly exposed to similar stimuli (e.g., aggressive media) is said to strengthen the association. According to the theory, individuals who regularly play violent video games are therefore more likely to be aggressive individuals.

As with the previous theories, researchers have noted limitations of the cognitive neoassociation model. Sherry (2001) points out that, even if emotional responses are enhanced through watching violence in media, it should not necessarily follow that individuals will act more aggressively. Not all theorists, however, are completely against this theory. Instead, many well‐known scholars in the field of video‐games research have extended the model rather than rejecting it outright. Bushman (1995, 1996), for example, extended this model to include personal dispositions, which he believes makes some people more prone to the effects of priming than others. According to Bushman, individuals who are more dispositionally angry might possess a more developed cognitive–associative network of semantically related ideas about anger compared to those who are not. When such people are exposed to violent media, then, they will be more likely to become primed to act in an aggressive manner compared with people who do not have an angry disposition.

10.4.5 General aggression model

Given the dissatisfaction with many of the aforementioned theories, researchers have developed a more complex model in an attempt to explain and predict aggressive behaviour. This is referred to as the general aggression model (Anderson, 1997, 2004; Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson & Dill, 2000; Bushman & Anderson, 2001). According to the model, both situational and dispositional variables interact to affect a person’s internal state (see Figure 10.1). The internal state contains cognitions, affects and arousals, which all influence each other and have an effect on an individual’s appraisal of an aggressive act. Once appraised, the individual then decides how to act next.

Flowchart of the general aggression model’s episodic processes. It follows arrows from inputs (person and situation), to routes (present internal state), then to outcomes (appraisal and decision processes). — **Figure 10.1** *The general aggression model’s episodic processes*

*(Anderson & Bushman, 2002, p. 34)*

According to the general aggression model, violent video games have both short‐ and long‐term effects. There has been more speculation on the long‐term effects than empirical research. Researchers, however, claim to have obtained empirical findings to support some short‐term effects. Anderson et al. (2003), in a review of the literature, found that many studies reported a number of short‐term effects of playing video games, such as the increased likelihood of physically and verbally aggressive behaviour, and increased aggressive thoughts and emotions. Others have also found some short‐term effects but have argued that these effects are smaller than those produced from watching violent television programmes (Sherry, 2001; see Young & Whitty, 2012, for a more detailed discussion).

Critiques of this theory have argued that the evidence to support the model is weak, at best (Cumberbatch, 2010; Ferguson, 2007; Sherry, 2001). Ferguson emphatically argues that there is no compelling support for either a correlational or causal relationship between violent game play and actual aggressive behaviour. Even when weak results have been obtained, researchers have argued that the tests to measure aggression lack face validity (Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009). Interestingly, in their own research, Ferguson and Rueda (2009) claim that playing violent video games can decrease hostile feelings and depression. Given these mixed results and problems with experimental designs, it is too early to make the claim (if it can ever be made at all) that playing violent video games causes aggressive behaviour. It would be fair to say that any claims that suggest that watching violent media can lead to mass killings (as suggested in an extract earlier in this chapter) are quite outlandish.

10.5 TRANSCENDING TABOOS: VIDEO GAMES

In addition to aggressive acts, researchers have questioned where the limits should be (if anywhere) on the inclusion of acts that are considered taboo or criminal in the real world (Whitty, Young & Goodings, 2011; Young & Whitty, 2012). In addition to killing, some games include cannibalism (e.g., Evil Dead, F.E.A.R. and the Resident Evil series), rape (e.g., Battle Raper, Phantasmagoria and RapeLay) and incest (e.g., The House of the Dead: Overkill). Given that these acts are not able to cause the same form of harm as they do in the real world, researchers have been more concerned about the potential psychological harm that inclusion of these acts might cause (if any). Psychological harm might include stress or anxiety, shame, guilt or upset. The psychological harm might also be lessened or increased depending on how these acts are depicted, whether individuals are rewarded for carrying out the acts and whether the game involves interacting with other people (e.g., MMORPGs) or is single player. A study by Whitty et al. (2012) examined some of these concerns by focusing on how individuals played two different MMORPGs: World of Warcraft and Sociolotron. In World of Warcraft, players can engage in prohibited acts such as stealing, torture and killing. Sociolotron encourages individuals to engage in many actions that are considered taboo offline (e.g., torture, killing, rape, racist behaviour). The individuals reported that some acts were psychologically easier to play out than others and that the game offered them an escape from reality. Acts where there was no sanctioned equivalence (e.g., rape, paedophilia) were seen as worse than others, and players often described them as behaviours they could not psychologically cope with witnessing or playing out in a game. Sanctioned equivalence refers to an action, such as killing, for which there is a sanctioned – as in legal or authorized – equivalent. One may kill someone illegally in the case of murder, for example, but killing may also be sanctioned in the case of state‐authorized execution or during combat, or in cases of self‐defence. There is no sanctioned equivalent in the case of rape, paedophilia or incest (Young & Whitty, 2011).

The look of the game also appeared to make a difference in perceptions of particular acts; for example, some individuals believed they could cope with playing out rape with their characters in Sociolotron because the graphics were not very clear – clearer graphic depictions, they believed, would make the act appear more real to them, making it more difficult to play the game. The researchers also found that not all people experienced the games in the same way, suggesting that a proportion of individuals might not be psychologically harmed. This area of research might well be just as important to investigate as the question of whether playing violent videos games leads to increased aggressive behaviour.

10.6 GAMES FOR LEARNING

Much of what we have examined in this chapter has focused on the negative effects of playing online computer games; however, there are many positive reasons why someone might play these games. The obvious reason is that these games, for some, are an enjoyable leisure activity. Researchers have also found a number of positive effects associated with playing video games. Ferguson (2007), for example, found that playing violent video games was associated with improved visuospatial abilities. Given these results, accompanied by those of other studies, researchers started to reason that online computer games might actually develop useful skills (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1994) and be used for educational and training purposes (Connolly, Boyle, MacArthur, Hainey & Boyle, 2012). Games that are specifically designed to improve or develop new skills are referred to as ‘serious games’, although computer games that have been developed just for entertainment purposes can also teach people new skills. Serious games have been formally defined as ‘mental contest[s], played with a computer in accordance with specific rules, that [use] entertainment to further government or corporate training, education, health, public policy, and strategic communication objectives (Zyda, 2005, p. 26).

Models have been developed to categorize the types of skills individuals might learn from playing video games. Skills can include content understanding, collaboration and/or teamwork, problem‐solving, communication and self‐regulation, changing attitudes, improving knowledge, cognitive skills, motor skills, affective learning outcomes and communicative learning outcomes (O’Neil, Wainess & Baker, 2005; Wouters, Van der Spek & Van Oostendorp, 2009). In addition, video games can be designed with the intention to change motivations and affect – for example, towards exercise. Games have been designed to motivate people to learn subjects such as maths (Wijer, Jonker & Kerstens, 2008) and history (Huizenga, Admirall, Akkerman and ten Dam, 2008), although research has found that not all games achieve their objectives (Huizenga et al., 2008). Games have also been developed to assist individuals with intellectual and physical disabilities. Serious games, for example, have demonstrated great potential for people who are blind to develop work‐based skills and to explore new spaces and reduce their reliance on guides (Evett, Battersby, Ridley & Brown, 2009; Brown et al., 2011).

Various workplaces and organizations have also developed games to teach and train staff. Various military organizations, for example, have developed serious games to train their officers and soldiers in skills such as strategies and tactics as well as cultural awareness, interpersonal communication, adaptability and rapport‐building skills (Smith, 2010). It is common for government and corporations to train their staff. The game It’s A Deal! was created for such purposes, to teach intercultural business communication between Spaniards and Britons in business settings (Guillen‐Nieto & Aleson‐Carbonell, 2012).

There is still much more research needed to determine how effective computer games are at imparting certain skills; however, the early research findings suggest some promise. Moreover, further research is needed to help us understand the various skills a game played in cyberspace might offer, compared with a stand‐alone game (we note that this distinction is often missing in the literature). Some online video games, for instance, might be more effective at teaching team building and cooperation skills compared with their offline counterparts.

10.7 CONCLUSIONS

This chapter has focused on two forms of online entertainment: gambling and gaming. It began by examining whether individuals might be addicted to these activities because of the medium rather than the activity itself. Much more research is needed in this area. We have yet, for example, to arrive at a consensus on whether excessive online gambling and/or gaming can manifest as an addiction disorder and, if it does, how we might diagnose this problem. The DSM‐5 included ‘Internet gaming disorder’ in its research appendix, in order to flag that this is a potential disorder that warrants further investigation. This chapter also examined the research on online gaming, focusing on the theories and empirical evidence on the relationships (if any) between playing violent video games and aggressive behaviour. This is another area of research that warrants further investigation. We added to the mix the notion that there might be other potential psychological harms from playing video games that include other taboo activities (e.g., rape, incest, paedophilia). The chapter concluded by focusing on the positive aspects of video games, pointing out that, in addition to their recreational value, researchers have also found that video games can be effective at imparting particular skills. The research on serious games, for instance, is a growing field, and to date has already offered many new ways to train and help individuals – spanning industry to those with physical disabilities. As video games become increasingly popular, we should be mindful of both their positive and their negative aspects.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

Do you agree with the literature that argues that violent video games can promote aggressive behaviour?
Can people really be addicted to the Internet?
Critically evaluate the research that examines online gaming addiction.
Should there be limits to the sorts of behaviours game designers include in their video games?
What features should researchers be focusing on in their evaluation of the effectiveness of serious games?