Notes
CHAPTER 1 WHERE ARE THE RADICALS?
1 Quoted in Simon Houpt, “Beyond the Bottle: Coke Trumpets its Green Initiatives,” Globe and Mail, January 13, 2011, p. B6. (WWF Network stands for World Wildlife Fund/World Wide Fund for Nature.) For more on Bob Hunter’s thinking as he was cofounding Greenpeace, see Robert Hunter, The Storming of the Mind (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1971).
2 Journalist Christine MacDonald disagrees, at least in the case of the environmental movement, arguing that a “good cause has gone bad.” See Christine Catherine MacDonald, Green, Inc.: An Environmental Insider Reveals How a Good Cause Has Gone Bad (Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2008).
3 Hundreds of other books scrutinize the sources, traits, and power of activism and social movements. Many of these analyze the influence of NGOs and movements on business actions and state policies. Research on this topic took off in the 1960s and 1970s with the rising influence of civil rights, anti-war, and environmental movements. Scholars of international relations began to study the power of NGOs and activism in a big way following the end of the Cold War (1947–1991) and the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. Relatively few scholars have flipped the investigative lens, however, to explore the consequences of corporate partnerships, values, and money for the nature of activism and world politics.
For examples of scholarship on the implications and political importance of environmental NGOs and movements, see Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany: SUNY Press, 2006); Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Sylvia Noble Tesh, Uncertain Hazards: Environmental Activists and Scientific Proof (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000); Peter Newell, Climate for Change: Non-State Actors and the Global Politics of the Greenhouse (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Steven Bernstein, The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001); Gary C. Bryner, Gaia’s Wager: Environmental Movements and the Challenge of Sustainability (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001); Michelle M. Betsill and Elisabeth Corell, eds, NGO Diplomacy: The Influence of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Environmental Negotiations (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008); Paul Wapner, Living through the End of Nature: The Future of American Environmentalism (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010).
4 E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present 50/1 (1971), pp. 76–136.
5 Charles C. Tilly and Sidney G. Tarrow, Contentious Politics (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007), p. 17. For a sampling of the scholarship on social movements, especially contentious politics, see Sidney G. Tarrow, Struggle, Politics and Reform: Collective Action, Social Movements, and Cycles of Protest (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989); Charles C. Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States: AD 990–1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990); Charles C. Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758–1834 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995); Sidney G. Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Charles C. Tilly, Stories, Identities, and Political Change (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002); Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper, eds, Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004); Charles C. Tilly, Contention and Democracy in Europe, 1650–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Sidney G. Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Charles Tilly and Lesley J. Wood, Social Movements, 1768– 2008 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2009).
6 We use the terms “nonprofit organization” and “nongovernmental organization” as synonyms, even though we recognize that in some jurisdictions, such as the United States, these can signify different tax or legal obligations for an organization. In most places, however, no effective difference exists, and even for the US most analysts tend to use the terms interchangeably. Broadly, those organizations that focus more on services and advocacy of better services tend to call themselves “nonprofits,” while those that focus more on political advocacy of a “cause” tend to call themselves NGOs; however, even this distinction does not hold up well over time or across jurisdictions. It is therefore least confusing (although admittedly not a perfect solution) to treat the terms as synonyms and thus exclude for-profit enterprises, such as corporations, from our definition of NGO.
7 “It is easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine the end of capitalism” is the title of chapter 1 in Mark Fisher, Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative? (Washington, DC: Zero Books, 2009).
8 See Antonio Gramsci, The Prison Notebooks, vols 1–3, trans. Joseph A. Buttigieg (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).
9 See, for example, Sarah Ann Soule, Contention and Corporate Social Responsibility (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
10 See Michael Edwards, Small Change: Why Business Won’t Save the World (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2008); Matthew Bishop and Michael Green, Philanthrocapitalism: How Giving Can Save the World (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008); Ilan Kapoor, Celebrity Humanitarianism: The Ideology of Global Charity (London and New York: Routledge, 2013).
11 Quoted in Pink Ribbons, Inc., a National Film Board of Canada documentary based on Samantha King, Pink Ribbons, Inc.: Breast Cancer and the Politics of Philanthropy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006). Also see Barbara Ehrenreich, “Welcome to Cancerland: A Mammogram Leads to a Cult of Pink Kitsch,” Harper’s Magazine, November 2001, pp. 43–53.
12 Lisa Ann Richey and Stefano Ponte, Brand Aid: Shopping Well to Save the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011).
13 Quoted in Al Baker, “When the Police Go Military,” New York Times, December 3, 2011, p. SR6.
14 Jacquelin Magnay, “London 2012 Olympics: Government Confirms Use of Surface-to-Air Missiles,” Daily Telegraph, July 3, 2012 (www.telegraph.co.uk).
15 See, for instance, “Documents Show NYPD Infiltrated Liberal Groups,” USA Today, March 23, 2012; Kevin Walby and Jeffrey Monaghan, “Private Eyes and Public Order: Policing and Surveillance in the Suppression of Animal Rights Activists in Canada,” Social Movement Studies: Journal of Social, Cultural and Political Protest 10/1 (2011), pp. 21–37; American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), “Maryland State Police’s Heavily Redacted Spy Files on Peaceful Activists Show No Illegal Activity, Broader Time Period,” November 19, 2008 (www.aclu.org).
16 Ralph Atkins, “City Demonstrates its Leftwing Credentials,” Financial Times, June 11, 2012, p. 2.
17 Quoted in Les Perreaux and Rhéal Séguin, “Quebec’s Emergency Law Blasted by Critics,” Globe and Mail, May 18, 2012.
18 The trilogy by Ronald J. Deibert, John G. Palfrey, Rafal Rohozinski, and Jonathan Zittrain provides a pathbreaking analysis of the growth and consequences of state surveillance of and power struggles within cyberspace. See Access Denied: The Practice and Policy of Global Internet Filtering (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008); Access Controlled: The Shaping of Power, Rights, and Rule in Cyberspace (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010); and Access Contested: Security, Identity, and Resistance in Asian Cyberspace (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011).
19 See Isabella Bakker, “Neo-Liberal Governance and the Reprivatization of Social Reproduction: Social Provisioning and Shifting Gender Orders,” in Isabella Bakker and Stephen Gill, eds, Power, Production and Social Reproduction (London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 66–82.
20 Michael F. Maniates, “Individualization: Plant a Tree, Buy a Bike, Save the World?” Global Environmental Politics 1/3 (2001), pp. 31–52.
21 See C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959).
22 Stephen Marche, “Is Facebook Making Us Lonely?” Atlantic Magazine, May 2012.
23 See, for example, Alan Sears, “The End of 20th Century Socialism?” New Socialist 61 (2007), pp. 5–9.
24 E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Victor Gollancz, 1963).
25 This is the title of chapter 9 in Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977).
26 See Mills, The Sociological Imagination.
27 “Greenpeace: From Hippies to Lobbyists,” Al Jazeera World, June 19, 2012, www.aljazeera.com. The salary of the executive director of Greenpeace International is reported at Greenpeace, Annual Report (Amsterdam: Greenpeace International, 2012), p. 42 (income figures are at p. 16). For consistency, throughout this book conversion from euros to US dollars uses the exchange rate on June 3, 2013.
28 WWF International, WWF Annual Review, 2012 (www.wwf.org.uk/ what_we_do/about_us/annual_review/), pp. 38–9.
30 The quote is from Greenpeace USA, “Market Solutions and Corporate Campaigning,” at www.greenpeace.org. Journalist Rex Weyler, in Greenpeace: How a Group of Journalists, Ecologists, and Visionaries Changed the World (Vancouver: Raincoast Books, 2004), provides an insider’s insights into changes within Greenpeace during the early years.
31 For an in-depth analysis of the Earthwatch–Rio Tinto partnership, see Maria May Seitanidi and Andrew Crane, “Implementing CSR [corporate social responsibility] through Partnerships: Understanding the Selection, Design and Institutionalisation of Nonprofit–Business Partnerships,” Journal of Business Ethics 85 (2009), pp. 413–29. For an analysis of why big-brand companies in particular are now competing hard to establish “sustainability” partnerships with NGOs, see Peter Dauvergne and Jane Lister, Eco-Business: A Big-Brand Takeover of Sustainability (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013).
32 MacDonald, Green, Inc., p. 69; Johann Hari, “The Wrong Kind of Green,” The Nation, March 22, 2010, www.thenation.com.
33 Karyn Strickler, “Lost in the Fumes,” Counterpunch, April 9, 2008, www.counterpunch.org.
34 Rickke Mananzala and Dean Spade, “The Nonprofit Industrial Complex and Trans Resistance,” Sexuality Research & Social Policy 5/1 (2008), p. 55. The union density data are from Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, “Trade Union Density” (data extracted on May 21, 2013, from http://stats.oecd.org).
35 For an analysis, see Barry Carin, “CIDA, NGOs and Mining Companies: The Good, the Bad and the Ugly,” iPolitics, May 8, 2012, www.ipolitics.ca. Also see Stephen Brown, ed., Struggling for Effectiveness: CIDA and Canadian Foreign Aid (Montreal: McGill– Queen’s University Press, 2012).
36 Personal communication with Susanne Soederberg (Queen’s University) and Adrienne Roberts (University of Manchester).
37 Bjørn Lomborg, The Skeptical Environmentalist: Measuring the Real State of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
38 Roger Scruton, How to Think Seriously about the Planet: The Case for an Environmental Conservatism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
39 Patrick Moore, Confessions of a Greenpeace Dropout: The Making of a Sensible Environmentalist (Vancouver: Beatty Street, 2010), p. 1.
40 Rob Nixon, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).
41 Peter Dauvergne and Genevieve LeBaron, “The Social Cost of Environmental Solutions,” New Political Economy 18/3 (2013), pp. 410–30; Peter Dauvergne, The Shadows of Consumption: Consequences for the Global Environment (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008).
42 Edward Said, “The Public Role of Writers and Intellectuals,” The Nation, September 17, 2001, p. 10.
CHAPTER 2 SEEING LIKE A CORPORATION
1 Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), p. 742 (first published in German in 1867).
2 The estimate of Amnesty’s fundraising costs for 2010 is from Global Reporting Initiative (filled in by George Macfarlane), Amnesty International 2011 Report to INGO Accountability Charter using GRI NGO Level C Reporting Template (Amsterdam: Global Reporting Initiative, 2011), p. 15. Komen’s fundraising and education expenses for 2011 are listed in Susan G. Komen for the Cure, 2010–2011 Annual Report, p. 7.
3 See Susan G. Komen for the Cure, ww5.komen.org.
4 See Ross Perlin, Intern Nation: How to Earn Nothing and Learn Little in the Brave New Economy (New York: Verso, 2012).
5 David Hulme and Michael Edwards, “NGOs, States and Donors: An Overview,” in David Hulme and Michael Edwards, eds, NGOs, States and Donors: Too Close for Comfort? (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997), p. 3.
6 Quoted in Sarah Murray, “NGOs Tread Gingerly When Matchmaking,” Financial Times, June 23, 2011, p. 4.
7 Naomi Klein, No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies (Toronto: Viking Canada, 2000), p. 338.
8 E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered (New York: Harper & Row, 1973).
9 Bryan Walsh, “Exclusive: How the Sierra Club Took Millions from the Natural Gas Industry – and Why They Stopped,” Time, February 2, 2012, www.science.time.com.
10 The “pro-gas stance” comment is from Ben Casselman, “Sierra Club’s Pro-Gas Dilemma,” Wall Street Journal, December 22, 2009, available at http://online.wsj.com/article/SB126135534799299475.html; the Steingraber quote is from Sandra Steingraber, “Breaking Up with the Sierra Club,” Orion Magazine Blog, March 26, 2012, available at https://www.commondreams.org/view/2012/03/26-7.
11 The evidence in this paragraph is from Royal Dutch Shell, Sustainability Report 2011 (http://reports.shell.com/sustainability-report/), p. 8; WWF International Board (wwf.panda.org), as of June 2013; United States Climate Action Partnership (www. us-cap.org), as of June 2013.
12 See Amazon Defense Coalition, www.texacotoxico.org/eng.
13 For a discussion of Chevron’s partners, see www.chevron.com; for a listing of ExxonMobil’s partners as of June 2013, see Exxon Mobil, “Community & Development,” at www.exxon.mobil.com.
14 Quoted in Tim Smedley, “More NGOs Finding Fruitful Collaborations with the Private Sector,” Guardian Professional, August 7, 2012.
15 For the Chevron donation, see Chevron, 2010 Corporate Sustainability Report (www.chevron.com/documents/pdf/ corporateresponsibility/Chevron_CR_Report_2010.pdf), p. 12; for Shell’s support for Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves, see Royal Dutch Shell, Sustainability Report 2011, p. 11.
16 Shell International, Scenarios: An Explorer’s Guide (www.shell. com/global/future-energy/scenarios/explorers-guide.html), p. 19. Also see Anna Zalik, “Oil ‘Futures’: Shell’s Scenarios and the Social Constitution of the Global Oil Market,” Geoforum 41 (2010), pp. 553–64.
17 The data in this paragraph are from Suzanne Perry, “How Much Must Charities Disclose about Donors?” Chronicle of Philanthropy, September 6, 2010 (www.philanthropy.com). Also see Alzheimer’s Disease International, www.alz.co.uk; National Alliance on Mental Illness, www.nami.org; American Heart Association, www.heart.org; American Cancer Society, www. cancer.org; Mental Health America, www.mentalhealthamerica. net.
18 Samantha King, Pink Ribbons, Inc.: Breast Cancer and the Politics of Philanthropy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), p. 38; American National Health Council website (www. nationalhealthcouncil.org).
19 Suzanne Perry, “Senator Examines Disclosure of Board Member Ties to Medical Companies,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, September 6, 2010 (www.philanthropy.com). Also see American Diabetes Association, www.diabetes.org; North American Spine Society, www.spine.org.
20 See the AIDS Institute, www.theaidsinstitute.org (as of June 2013).
21 Essential Action, Pharmaceutical Links of NGOs Contributing to the World Health Organization’s Second Public Hearing on Health, Innovation and Intellectual Property, November 7, 2007 (www. essentialaction.org/access/uploads/igwg.contributorlinks.pdf), p. 2.
22 Quoted in Smedley, “More NGOs Finding Fruitful Collaborations with the Private Sector” (this article transcribed “Doha” as “Dohar,” which we have corrected).
23 The “marketing partner” quote is from Christine Catherine MacDonald, Green, Inc.: An Environmental Insider Reveals How a Good Cause Has Gone Bad (Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2008), p. 65; the Global Forest and Trade Network’s quote is from Global Forest and Trade Network, “Why We Need the GFTN and How it Works,” www.gftn.panda.org. For a critique of the Global Forest and Trade Network, see Global Witness, Pandering to the Loggers: Why WWF’s Global Forest and Trade Network Isn’t Working (London: Global Witness, 2011). For an overview of Conservation International’s corporate partnerships, see Conservation International, Corporate Partnership, www.conservation.org.
24 See Natural Resources Defense Council, “Board of Trustees,” www.nrdc.org; World Wildlife Fund, worldwildlife.org; Conservation International, board of directors, www.conservation. org.
25 See Fair Labor Organization, www.fairlabor.org; Human Rights Campaign, www.hrc.org; Oxfam, www.oxfam.org.uk; Care International, board of directors, www.care.org. Castro-Wright retired from Walmart in July 2012 as the US Justice Department was investigating bribery allegations during his tenure in Walmart’s Mexico operations. As of June 2013, Care International still listed him as a member of the board of directors.
26 See Adrienne Roberts, “What Happened to Power? The Rise of Transnational Business Feminism and the Necessity of Feminist IR,” International Feminist Journal of Politics (2013), forthcoming; Adrienne Roberts and Susanne Soederberg, “Gender Equality as Smart Economics? A Critique of the 2012 World Development Report,” Third World Quarterly 33/5 (2012), pp. 949–68.
27 This paragraph draws on information from the Girl Effect, www.girleffect.org; Every Woman Every Child, www. everywomaneverychild.org (the quote is from the main website page); International Business Leaders Forum, www.iblf.org; World Bank Group, Gender Action Plan, www.worldbank.org; UN Global Compact, www.unglobalcompact.org.
28 Quoted in Nestlé, Annual Report 2011 (www.nestle.com), p. 16.
29 See Matthew Bishop and Michael Green, Philanthrocapitalism: How the Rich Can Save the World (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008), pp. 1–12.
30 Ira De A. Reid, “Philanthropy and Minorities,” Phylon 5/3 (1944), p. 266. Also see Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “In the Shadow of the Shadow State,” in INCITE! Women of Color against Violence, ed., The Revolution Will Not Be Funded (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2007) (with the Reid quote at p. 41).
31 The 1955 and 1982 figures are from Charles T. Clotfelter, Federal Tax Policy and Charitable Giving (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), table 1.2; the 2012 figure is from Charity Navigator, “Giving Statistics,” accessed August 1, 2013 (www. charitynavigator.org) (the original data source is Giving USA 2013, The Annual Report on Philanthropy for the Year 2012).
32 Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, www.gatesfoundation. org.
33 See Bishop and Green, Philanthrocapitalism. For a critique of “philanthrocapitalism,” see Michael Edwards, Small Change: Why Business Won’t Save the World (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2008).
34 The Jacqueline Novogratz quote is from her article “Meeting Urgent Needs with Patient Capital,” innovations 2/1–2 (2007), pp. 29–30. The “fortune at the bottom” quote is the second half of the section title of Klaus M. Leisinger, “Corporate Philanthropy: The ‘Top of the Pyramid’,” Business and Society Review 112/3 (2007), p. 321. The Human Rights Watch statistic is from Human Rights Watch, Inc., Financial Statements: Year Ended June 30, 2011 (www.hrw.org), p. 16. The Gates Foundation quote is from Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, “Who We Are, Foundation Fact Sheet” (www.gatesfoundation.org/Who-We-Are/GeneralInformation/Foundation-Factsheet). The “Girl Effect” quote is from the Nike website, http://nikeinc.com/pages/the-girl-effect.
35 Kurt Hoffman, letter in The Guardian, April 18, 2008, quoted in Edwards, Small Change, p. 3.
36 Bishop and Green, Philanthrocapitalism, p. 6.
37 See “The Giving Pledge,” www.givingpledge.org.
38 The term “bottom billion” comes from Paul Collier, The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done about It (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). For critiques of celebrity activism, see Lisa Ann Richey and Stefano Ponte, Brand Aid: Shopping Well to Save the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011); Ilan Kapoor, Celebrity Humanitarianism: The Ideology of Global Charity (London and New York: Routledge, 2013).
39 Robert B. Reich, “A Few Hundred Supernovas,” American Prospect, October 2, 2006 (www.prospect.org), partly quoted in Edwards, Small Change, p. xiii.
40 Oxfam, “The Cost of Inequality: How Wealth and Income Extremes Hurt Us All,” January 18, 2013 (www.oxfam.org); World Economic Forum, Global Risks 2013 (www.weforum.org/reports/ global-risks-2013-eighth-edition), p. 10. The Oxfam estimate of the rise in the real income of the world’s wealthiest individuals is from Branko Milanovi´c, Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: In History and Now, Policy Research Working Paper 6259 (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2012), p. 12.
41 The Ehrenreich quote is from Barbara Ehrenreich, “Welcome to Cancerland: A Mammogram Leads to a Cult of Pink Kitsch,” Harper’s Magazine, November 2001, pp. 43–53 (quote on p. 45). The King quote is from King, Pink Ribbons, Inc., p. vii. King’s book provides a thorough analysis and history of Susan G. Komen for the Cure (before 2007 known as Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation). The estimate of the number who participated in Race for the Cure events in 2011 is from Susan G. Komen for the Cure, ww5.komen.org.
42 See Susan G. Komen for the Cure, corporate partners, ww5. komen.org.
43 King, Pink Ribbons, Inc., p. 2.
44 “Another World is Possible” is a slogan of the annual World Social Forum, which first met in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, and provides the title both for David McNally’s Another World is Possible: Globalization & Anti-Capitalism, rev. edn (Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring, 2006), and for a book on the World Social Forum edited by William F. Fisher and Thomas Ponniah, Another World is Possible: Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum (London and New York: Zed Books, 2003).
45 Fairtrade International, www.fairtrade.net (the quote is under the tab “What is Fairtrade?”).
46 Gavin Fridell, Fair Trade Coffee: The Prospects and Pitfalls of Market-Driven Social Justice (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), p. 6. Also see Gavin Fridell, “The Co-operative and the Corporation: Competing Visions of the Future of Fair Trade,” Journal of Business Ethics 86 (April 2009), pp. 81–95.
47 See Gavin Fridell, “Corporations Occupy Fair Trade,” The Bullet (Socialist Project, E-Bulletin no. 565), November 7, 2011, www. socialistproject.ca/bullet/565.php. As of June 2013, the president and CEO of Fair Trade USA is Paul Rice, who opened the first US office in 1998; the chief operating officer is Todd Stark, who, before joining Fair Trade USA in 2008, held senior management positions at Proctor & Gamble and Chiquita Brands International.
48 See Starbucks, Starbucks Company Profile and Ethical Sourcing Factsheet, at www.starbucks.com.
49 Peter Dauvergne and Jane Lister, “The Prospects and Limits of Eco-Consumerism: Shopping Our Way to Less Deforestation?” Organization & Environment 23/2 (2010), pp. 132–54. For details, see Marine Stewardship Council, www.msc.org; Forest Stewardship Council, www.fsc.org; Programme for the Endorsement of Forest Certification International, www. pefc.org; Round Table on Responsible Soy Association, www. responsiblesoy.org; and Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil, www.rspo.org. For academic analyses, see Lars H. Gulbrandsen, Transnational Environmental Governance: The Emergence and Effects of the Certification of Forests and Fisheries (Cheltenham, and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2010); Jane Lister, Corporate Social Responsibility and the State: International Approaches to Forest Co-Regulation (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011).
50 The quotes in this paragraph are from “WWF Accused of Selling Out to Industry with New ASC Aquaculture Standards,” Vietnam Seafood News, May 5, 2011 (vietnamseafoodnews.com).
51 Aziz Choudry and Dip Kapoor, eds, Learning from the Ground Up: Global Perspectives on Social Movements and Knowledge Production (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 24.
52 Also see Keith Aoki, “Neocolonialism, Anticommons Property, and Biopiracy in the (Not-So-Brave) New World Order of International Intellectual Property Protection,” Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 11 (1998–9), pp. 163–86; Martin Khor, Rethinking IPRs and the TRIPs Agreement (Penang: Third World Network, 2001); James Boyle, The Public Domain: Enclosing the Commons of the Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008).
53 The RED motto is at RED, “Fighting for an Aids Free Generation,” www.joinred.com. For details and analysis of RED and the branding value of cause marketing, see Richey and Ponte, Brand Aid.
54 Quoted in Michael Edwards, “‘Philanthrocapitalism’ and its Limits,” International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law 10/2 (April 2008), p. 23.
55 Bono’s 2006 speech at the “Emporio Armani RED One Night Only Event” is available (starting at minute/second 2.05) at www.myspace.com/video/joinred/emporio-armani-red-one-nightonly-event/3698048 (viewed December 3, 2012). Bono’s remarks are also quoted in the front matter of Richey and Ponte, Brand Aid.
56 Richey and Ponte, Brand Aid, p. 17.
57 WWF, “Marketing Partnerships,” on the WWF website (www. worldwildlife.org) (accessed December 3, 2012). Also see King, Pink Ribbons, Inc.; Richey and Ponte, Brand Aid; and Kapoor, Celebrity Humanitarianism.
58 Greg Sharzer, No Local: Why Small-Scale Alternatives Won’t Change the World (Winchester: Zero Books, 2012), p. 37.
59 See ibid.; Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, in book I, chapter II, “Of the Principle which Gives Occasion to the Division of Labour,” 1776 (second paragraph after the start of the chapter).
CHAPTER 3 SECURITIZING DISSENT
1 Protest and Assembly Rights Project, Suppressing Protest: Human Rights Violations in the U.S. Response to Occupy Wall Street (Global Justice Clinic, NYU School of Law, and the Walter Leitner International Human Rights Clinic at the Leitner Center for International Law and Justice, Fordham Law School, 2012), available at http://chrgj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/suppressingprotest.pdf, pp. 27–9, p. 36. Also, see Chuck Wexler, Managing Major Events: Best Practices from the Field (Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum, 2011).
2 See Alex S. Vitale, “From Negotiated Management to Command and Control: How the New York Police Department Polices Protests,” Policing & Society: An International Journal of Research and Policy 15 (2005), pp. 283–304; Alex S. Vitale, “The Command and Control and Miami Models at the 2004 Republican National Convention: New Forms of Policing Protests,” Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12 (2007), pp. 403–15.
3 Maina Kiai, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association, Addendum, Observations on Communications Transmitted to Governments and Replies Received, United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council, twentieth session, June 19, 2012, available at www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/ RegularSession/Session20/A-HRC-20-27-Add3_EFS.pdf.
4 Alicia A. D’Addario, “Policing Protest: Protecting Dissent and Preventing Violence through First and Fourth Amendment Law,” New York University Review of Law & Social Change 31 (2006), p. 97.
5 Luis A. Fernandez, Policing Dissent: Social Control and the Anti-Globalization Movement (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008), pp. 69–70.
6 Quoted in National Lawyers Guild, “Police Response to G-20 protests Included Excessive Force as Means of Crowd Control,” on the National Lawyers Guild website (www.nlg.org).
7 Protest and Assembly Rights Project, Suppressing Protest, p. 1.
8 Quoted in Chitrangada Choudhury, “NYPD ‘Consistently Violated Basic Rights’ during Occupy Protests – Study,” The Guardian, July 25, 2012, www.guardian.co.uk.
9 Naomi Klein, “Foreword: G20 Trials and the War on Activism,” in Tom Malleson and David Wachsmuth, eds, Whose Streets? The Toronto G20 and the Challenges of Summit Protest (Toronto: Between the Lines Press, 2011), p. xii. Also see André Marin, Caught in the Act: Investigation into the Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services’ Conduct in Relation to Ontario Regulation 233/10 under the Public Works Protection Act, Ombudsman Report (Toronto, 2010).
10 See Neil Smith and Deborah Cowen, “Martial Law in the Streets of Toronto: G20 Security and State Violence,” Human Geography 3/3 (2010), pp. 29–46. Toronto police chief William Blair reported the C$125 million budget estimate to the Canadian House of Commons. See Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, “Toronto G20 Security Cost $125M: Police Chief,” CBCNews, November 4, 2010 (www.cbc.ca).
11 Nina Power, “A Threat to Our Right to Protest: The Metropolitan Police’s Crackdown on Student Protesters Seems Part of a Wider Attempt to Suppress Legitimate Dissent,” The Guardian, April 27, 2011. For analysis of protest politics in London since 9/11, see Clive Bloom, Riot City: Protest and Rebellion in the Capital (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).
12 The data on activist killings in this paragraph are from Global Witness, A Hidden Crisis? Increase in Killings as Tensions Rise Over Land and Forests (London: Global Witness Briefing, June 19, 2012), summarized on p. 2.
13 Todd Gordon, Imperialist Canada (Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring, 2010), p. 207. Also, see US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2008, vol. 1. Report submitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations, US Senate, and the Committee on Foreign Affairs, US House of Representatives. 111th Congress, 2nd Session (December 2010).
14 Thomas L. Friedman, “A Manifesto for the Fast World,” New York Times Magazine, March 28, 1999, adapted from Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree: Understanding Globalization (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1999).
15 See Peter Kraska, “Militarizing American Police: The Rise of Paramilitary Units,” Social Problems 44/1 (1997), pp. 1–18; Peter Kraska, ed., Militarizing the American Criminal Justice System: The Changing Roles of the Armed Forces and the Police (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2001); Peter Kraska, “Militarization and Policing – its Relevance to 21st Century Police,” Policing 1/4 (2007), pp. 501–13.
16 See Erik Kain, “Police Militarization in the Decade Following 9/11,” Forbes, September 12, 2011; Brad Lockwood, “The Militarizing of Local Police,” Forbes, November 30, 2011. In March 2013 the American Civil Liberties Union launched a campaign across twenty-three US states to document the militarization of policing, working in particular to determine the extent of federal funding to militarize small-town America. See ACLU, “The Militarization of Policing in America,” www.aclu.org/ militarization.
17 Quoted in Derrick Mahone, “Cobb Police Add Tank to Arsenal,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, October 10, 2008. The subheading and information on the town of Jasper is in Chuck Murphy and Sydney P. Freedberg, “Fort Florida,” St Petersburg Times, March 2, 2003. Also see Radley Balko, Overkill: The Rise of Paramilitary Police Raids in America (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2006).
18 Arthur Rizer and Joseph Hartman, “How the War on Terror Has Militarized the Police,” The Atlantic, November 7, 2011, www. theatlantic.com.
19 Amory Starr, Luis Fernandez, and Christian Scholl, Shutting Down the Streets: Political Violence and Social Control in the Global Era (New York: New York University Press, 2011), p. 43.
20 Fernandez, Policing Dissent, quotes from pp. 72 and 73 (also see pp. 68–73, which includes extracts from the revised Miami Streets and Sidewalks Ordinance).
21 Starr, Fernandez, and Scholl, Shutting Down the Streets, p. 69.
22 Marin, Caught in the Act, pp. 5 and 12.
23 Klein, “Foreword: G20 Trials and the War on Activism,” p. xiv.
24 Tom Malleson and David Wachsmuth, “Introduction,” in Tom Malleson and David Wachsmuth, eds, Whose Streets? The Toronto G20 and the Challenges of Summit Protest (Toronto: Between the Lines Press), p. 9. Also see Adrian Morrow and Kim Mackrael, “How Police Infiltrated Groups Planning G20 Protests,” Globe and Mail, November 22, 2011 (last updated September 6, 2012).
25 Portland mayor Sam Adams issued the reasons for closing Lownsdale and Chapman Squares on November 10, 2011, quoted in Jamie Pfeiffer, “The Blurry Line between Protesting and Occupying: What the Difference Means to Your Civil Rights,” Oregon Civil Rights Newsletter, December, 2011, p. 7.
26 Nathalie Des Rosiers, “Letter to Mayor Fontana, City of London,” Canadian Civil Liberties Association, November 11, 2011. Also, for Utah, see ACLU, “ACLU of Utah Sues Utah Department of Transportation Over Unconstitutional Restrictions on Free Speech Events,” Media Release, May 2, 2011.
27 See the UK National Council for Civil Liberties, “Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill 2011,” at www.liberty-human-rights. org.uk. Also see UK legislation The Police and Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 (Commencement No. 4) Order 2012, No. 896 (C. 27), Licences and Licensing, March 20, 2012. For consistency, throughout this book conversion from pounds sterling to US dollars uses the exchange rate on June 3, 2013.
28 Canadian Civil Liberties Association, “CCLA Denounces Drastic, Broad Infringements of Fundamental Constitutional Rights in Quebec Bill 78,” Press Release, May 22, 2012. Also see Government of Quebec, Bill 78: An Act to Enable Students to Receive Instructions from the Postsecondary Institutions They Attend, National Assembly Second Session, Thirty-Ninth Legislature, assented to May 18, 2012.
29 Quoted in CBC News, “Ottawa Defends Bill 78 against UN Critique,” June 18, 2012, www.cbc.ca. Restrictions on public assembly continue to increase in Canada. Later in 2012, for example, the federal government passed a private member’s bill banning “masks” during “unlawful assemblies.”
31 Tony Clarke, “The Recriminalization of Dissent,” Policy Options (September 2002), p. 50.
32 Quoted in Ann Davis, “Use of Data Collection Systems is Up Sharply Following 9/11,” Wall Street Journal, May 22, 2003 (www.wsj.com).
33 Michel Chossudovsky, “The ‘Use of the Armed Forces’ in America under a National Emergency: Unrestricted & Arbitrary Powers conferred to the President & Vice President,” Global Research, June 27, 2007, www.globalresearch.ca.
34 Chris Hedges, “Criminalizing Dissent,” August 13, 2012, posted at www.truthdig.com.
35 Andrew Napolitano, “Freedom under Fire: HR 347 Makes Protest a Felony,” Fox News, posted on YouTube, March 12, 2012. For the Act, see United States Government, “H.R. 347: Federal Restricted Buildings and Grounds Improvement Act,” 112th Congress, 1st Session, Washington, DC, 2011.
36 See (including the Sam Adams quote) Allison Kilkenny, “Did Mayors, DHS Coordinate Occupy Attacks?” In These Times, November 16, 2011; also see Linda Lye, “Spying on Occupy?” July 19, 2012, www.aclu.org/blog/free-speech-national-security/ spying-occupy; Naomi Wolf, “Revealed: How the FBI Coordinated the Crackdown on Occupy,” The Guardian, December 29, 2012.
37 See, for example, Christian Parenti, The Soft Cage: Surveillance in America from Slavery to the War on Terror (New York: Basic Books, 2003); US Department of Justice, A Review of the FBI’s Investigation of Certain Domestic Advocacy Groups (Washington, DC: Office of the Inspector General, Oversight and Review Division, September 2010).
38 ACLU, “No Real Threat: The Pentagon’s Secret Database on Peaceful Protest,” January 17, 2007. Also see Inspector General, United States Department of Defense, Threat and Local Observation Notice (TALON) Report Program, Report No. 07-INTEL-09, June 27, 2007, www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/ NSAEBB230/16.pdf.
39 See US Department of Justice, A Review of the FBI’s Investigation of Certain Domestic Advocacy Groups.
40 New York Police Department (NYPD) Intelligence Unit, “Deputy Commissioner’s Briefing,” April 25, 2008; Adam Goldman and Matt Apuzzo, “NYPD Intelligence Officers Monitored Liberal Groups, Files Reveal,” The Guardian, March 23, 2012; ACLU, “Police Documents Released by NYCLU Show Broad Surveillance of Peaceful Political Activity Before RNC,” May 16, 2007.
41 ACLU, “Spying on First Amendment Activity: State by State,” November 4, 2011.
42 Kevin Johnson, “Eyes in the Sky Watching Everyone in London, at Olympics,” USA Today, July 31, 2012; Nina Power, “Let’s Stop Assuming the Police Are on Our Side,” The Guardian, July 26, 2011; CBC News, “Quebec Police Admit They Went Undercover at Montebello Protest,” August 23, 2007; Kim Mackrael and Adrian Morrow, “Undercover Officers Knew of Plans for Downtown Mayhem during G20,” Globe and Mail, November 23, 2011 (last updated September 6, 2012).
43 See, for example, Jules Boykoff, Beyond Bullets: The Suppression of Dissent in the United States (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2007).
44 For the quotes by Joe Oliver, see “An Open Letter from the Honourable Joe Oliver,” minister of natural resources, the Media Room), Natural Resources Canada (www.nrcan.gr.can), January 9, 2012.
45 Peter Kent made his remark on the April 28, 2012, episode of CBC Radio’s The House (the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation); for a media account, see Shawn McCarthy, “CRA Audits Charitable Status of Tides Canada amid Tory Attack,” Globe & Mail, May 7, 2012 (front page story). For Suzuki’s remarks, see David Suzuki, “An Open Letter from Dr. David Suzuki,” David Suzuki Foundation (www.davidsuzuki.org), April 13, 2012.
46 The “Toews” quote is in Shawn McCarthy, “Ottawa’s New Antiterrorism Strategy Lists Eco-Extremists,” Globe and Mail, February 10, 2012 (last updated September 6, 2012); also see Building Resilience against Terrorism: Canada’s Counter-Terrorism Strategy, 2nd edn (Ottawa: Government of Canada), p. 9. Monaghan’s and Walby’s research is summarized in Stephen Leahy, “Canada’s Environmental Activists Seen as ‘Threat to National Security’”, The Guardian, February 14, 2013; Mike Chisholm and Jenny Uechi, “CSIS Spying on Citizens at Alarming Rate, FOIs Reveal,” Vancouver Observer, February 25, 2013 (www.vancouverobserver. com).
47 David Akin, “One in Two Worried about Eco-terrorist Threats,” Toronto Sun, August 20, 2012.
48 The Lewis quote is in Henry Schuster, “Domestic Terror: Who’s Most Dangerous?” CNN, August 24, 2005 (posted on cnn. com); the Gonzales and Mueller quotes are in US Department of Justice, “Eleven Defendants Indicted on Domestic Terrorism Charges,” Press Release, 20 January 2006.
49 Starr, Fernandez, and Scholl, Shutting Down the Streets, p. 109.
50 Paul Wallsten, “Activists Cry Foul Over FBI Probe,” Washington Post, June 13, 2011.
51 Quoted in Amory Starr, Luis Fernandez, Randall Amster, Lesley J. Wood, and Manuel J. Caro, “The Impacts of State Surveillance on Political Assembly and Association: A Socio-Legal Analysis,” Qualitative Sociology 31 (2008), p. 264. For a personal story of the “green scare,” see Will Potter, Green is the New Red: An Insider’s Account of a Social Movement Under Siege (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2011).
52 Jeff Monaghan and Kevin Walby, “The Green Scare is Everywhere: The Importance of Cross-Movement Solidarity,” Upping the Anti 6 (2008), p. 131.
53 David McNally, Another World is Possible: Globalization & Anti-Capitalism, 2nd rev. edn (Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring, 2006), p. 279.
CHAPTER 4 PRIVATIZING SOCIAL LIFE
1 Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, 1914–1991 (London: Abacus, 1994), p. 334.
2 Fernand Braudel, Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism, trans. Patricia M. Ranum (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1977), p. 7. Also see Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible (London: Collins; New York: Harper & Row, 1981). Stephen Gill sees the inexorable spread of capitalism into daily life taking us toward a “market civilization”: Stephen Gill, “Globalization, Market Civilization, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 24/3 (1995), pp. 399–423.
3 Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, p. 334.
4 Alan Sears, “The End of Twentieth Century Socialism?” New Socialist 61 (2007), p. 9.
5 A. Sivanandan, “Capitalism, Globalization, and Epochal Shifts: An Exchange,” Monthly Review 48 (February 1997), p. 20.
6 Stephen Gill and Adrienne Roberts, “Macroeconomic Governance, Gendered Inequality, and Global Crises,” in Brigitte Young, Isabella Bakker, and Diane Elson, eds, Questioning Financial Governance from a Feminist Perspective (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 168.
7 See Sears, “The End of Twentieth Century Socialism?” (the quote is on p. 6).
8 Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, p. 306. Also see E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Victor Gollancz, 1963); Alan Sears, “The ‘Lean’ State and Capitalist Restructuring: Towards a Theoretical Account,” Studies in Political Economy 59 (1999), pp. 91–114; Raphael Samuel, “The Lost World of British Communism,” New Left Review I/154 (1985); and Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem during the Depression (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983).
9 Dan La Botz, “What Happened to the American Working Class?” New Politics 12/4 (2010), p. 80. Also see, for example, Kathleen A. Brown and Elizabeth Faue, “Social Bonds, Sexual Politics, and Political Community on the U.S. Left, 1920s–1940s,” Left History 7/1 (2000), pp. 9–45.
10 Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984), p. xii. Also see Harwood K. McClerking and Eric L. McDaniel, “Belonging and Doing: Political Churches and Black Participation,” Political Psychology 26 (2005), pp. 721–33; Adolph L. Reed, ed., Race, Politics, and Culture: Critical Essays on the Radicalism of the 1960s (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986); Christopher Parker, “When Politics Become Protest: Black Veterans and Political Activism in the Postwar South,” Journal of Politics 71/1 (2009), pp. 113–31; Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South during the 1950’s (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969).
11 See Chris Shilling and Philip A. Mellor, “Durkheim, Morality and Modernity: Collective Effervescence, Homo Duplex, and the Sources of Moral Action,” British Journal of Sociology 49/2 (1998), pp. 193–209; Edward Tiryakian, “Collective Effervescence, Social Change, and Charisma: Durkheim, Weber, and 1989,” International Sociology 10 (1995), pp. 269–81.
12 We thank Alan Sears for this point.
13 “Social liberalization” is Hobsbawm’s phrase; others talk of social “disintegration,” “fragmentation,” and “disembedding” (drawing on the Hungarian historian Karl Polanyi).
14 Leo Panitch, “Globalization and the State,” in Leo Panitch, Colin Leys, Alan Zuege, and Martijn Konings, eds, The Globalization Decade: A Critical Reader (London: Merlin Press, 2004), p. 19.
15 Alan Sears, “Driving the Dream Belt: Suburban Circuits,” in Marnie Fleming, ed., Is There a There There? (Ottawa: National Gallery of Art, 2008), p. 29.
16 Dolores Hayden, Building Suburbia: Green Fields and Urban Growth, 1820–2000 (New York: Pantheon Books, 2003), p. 3.
17 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, OECD Employment Outlook 1998 (Paris: OECD, 1998), p. 153.
18 Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, pp. 306–7.
19 See ibid. (quote at p. 338).
20 Over the past three decades, per capita incomes have been going up for much of the global middle class. However, higher personal income, as economist John Helliwell has made a career showing, does not ensure happiness – and may even correlate to unhappiness (and feelings of social alienation and ennui). See, for example, John Helliwell, Richard Layard, and Jeffrey Sachs, eds, World Happiness Report (New York: Columbia University, Earth Institute, 2012).
21 Putnam provides a wealth of statistics (e.g., membership in unions, parent–teacher associations, and women’s clubs, as well as the number of family dinners and friends over to visit) to document these trends in the United States. See Robert D. Putnam, “Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital,” Journal of Democracy 6/1 (1995), pp. 65–78; Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000).
22 Our understanding here is in the tradition of Braudel (1902– 1985) and the Annales School of historiography. See, for example, Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life, 1400–1800 (London: Fontana, 1974).
23 See Christian Parenti, Lockdown America: Police and Prisons in the Age of Crisis, 2nd edn (London and New York: Verso, 2008), quote on p. 4.
24 See Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin, The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire (London and New York: Verso: 2012), p. 172.
25 See, for instance, Janine Brodie and Isabella Bakker, Where Are the Women? Gender Equity, Budgets and Canadian Public Policy (Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2008). For an analysis of the consequences of economic globalization on collective identity within the women’s movement, see Marian Sawer, “Premature Obituaries: How Can We Tell if the Women’s Movement is Over?” Politics & Gender 6 (2010), pp. 602–9.
26 John B. Thompson, Merchants of Culture: The Publishing Business in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge: Polity, 2010).
27 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, How’s Life?: Measuring Well-Being (Paris: OECD, 2011), p. 131.
28 See Isabella Bakker, “Neo-Liberal Governance and the Reprivatization of Social Reproduction: Social Provisioning and Shifting Gender Orders,” in Isabella Bakker and Stephen Gill, eds, Power, Production and Social Reproduction (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 66–82.
29 See Rebecca MacKinnon, Consent of the Networked: The Worldwide Struggle for Internet Freedom (New York: Basic Books, 2012).
30 Colin Mooers, “Can We Still Resist? Globalization, Citizenship, Rights and Class Formation,” in Dave Broad and Wayne Andrew Anthony, eds, Citizens or Consumers? Social Policy in a Market Society (Halifax, NS: Fernwood, 1999), p. 288.
31 Alan Sears, “Education for a Lean World,” in Mike Burke, Colin Mooers, and John Shields, eds, Restructuring and Resistance: Canadian Public Policy in the Age of Global Capitalism (Halifax, NS: Fernwood, 2000), p. 147.
32 Interview with Margaret Thatcher, in Douglas Keay, Woman’s Own, October 31, 1987, pp. 8–10. (Keay edited the interview; the quoted text is from the unedited interview transcript.)
33 Sears, “The End of Twentieth Century Socialism?,” p. 6.
34 David McNally, Global Slump: The Economics and Politics of Crisis and Resistance (Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2010), p. 151.
35 Peter Dauvergne, “The Problem of Consumption,” Global Environmental Politics 10/2 (2010), pp. 1–10; also see Peter Dauvergne, The Shadows of Consumption: Consequences for the Global Environment (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008).
36 For an especially insightful analysis of the consequences of such consumption, see Thomas Princen, Michael Maniates, and Ken Conca, eds, Confronting Consumption (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002).
37 Michael F. Maniates, “Individualization: Plant a Tree, Buy a Bike, Save the World?” Global Environmental Politics 1/3 (2001), p. 44.
39 These tips are direct quotes, easily accessible by searching the Internet under each heading (thus, we do not note each Internet address).
40 USAID, “Challenge Slavery,” www.challengeslavery.org.
41 See, for instance, Heather Rogers, Gone Tomorrow: The Hidden Life of Garbage (New York and London: New Press, 2005).
42 Sustainable Action Coalition, “Overview,” www.apparelcoalition. org.
43 See, for example, Janine Brodie, “We Are All Equal Now: Contemporary Gender Politics in Canada,” Feminist Theory 9/2 (2008), pp. 145–64; and Gill, “Globalization, Market Civilization, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism.”
44 James Cairns and Alan Sears, The Democratic Imagination: Envisioning Popular Power in the Twenty-First Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012), p. 3.
45 Neil Smith, “The Revolutionary Imperative,” Antipode 41/1 (2009), p. 51.
46 Peter Dauvergne, “Dying of Consumption: Accidents or Sacrifices of Global Morality?” Global Environmental Politics 5/3 (2005), p. 38.
47 Wolfgang Streeck, “Citizens as Consumers: Considerations on the New Politics of Consumption,” New Left Review 76 (July–August 2012); Don Slater, Consumer Culture & Modernity (Cambridge: Polity 1997), p. 10.
48 Both quotes are from Streeck, “Citizens as Consumers,” p. 33.
49 William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Random House, 1993). Also see Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin, 2011).
50 Slater, Consumer Culture & Modernity, p. 11.
51 Maniates, “Individualization,” p. 38.
52 Quoted in Bryan Walsh, “Why Coke is Going White for Polar Bears,” Time, October 27, 2011.
53 Simon Houpt, “Beyond the Bottle: Coke Trumpets its Green Initiatives,” Globe and Mail, January 13, 2011, p. B6. Coca-Cola stopped production of the “polar bear can” after only a month following consumer complaints that it was hard to distinguish diet from regular Coke. See “Coke Pulls Polar Bear Cans after Customer Confusion,” Environmental Leader: Environmental and Energy Management News, December 5, 2011 (www. environmentalleader.com).
54 Streeck, “Citizens as Consumers,” p. 36.
55 This comes from the title of Janine Brodie’s article “We Are All Equal Now.”
56 James Livingston, Against Thrift: Why Consumer Culture is Good for the Economy, the Environment, and Your Soul (New York: Basic Books, 2011), p. xi.
CHAPTER 5 INSTITUTIONALIZING ACTIVISM
1 The annual Edelman Public Relations survey is at www.edelman. com (see Trust Barometer 2012). For analysis of branding within nonprofit and nongovernmental organizations, see Nathalie Laidler-Kylander, John A. Quelch, and Bernard L. Simonin, “Building and Valuing Global Brands in the Nonprofit Sector,” Nonprofit Management and Leadership 17/3 (2007), pp. 253–77 (Edelman’s 2004 survey showing a high trust ranking for Amnesty International and WWF is summarized on p. 254); Nathalie Kylander and Christopher Stone, “The Role of Brand in the Nonprofit Sector,” Stanford Social Innovation Review (Spring 2012), pp. 37–41. The phrase “super brands” is from Jonathan Wootliff and Christopher Deri, “NGOs: The New Super Brands,” Corporate Reputation Review 4/2 (2001), pp. 157–64.
2 For the most part our examples of “institutions” are formal “organizations,” such as WWF and Amnesty International. The institutionalization of activism, however, goes beyond just more advocacy organizations: thus, following Fiona Mackay, Surya Monro, and Georgina Waylen, we conceive of institutions “as formal and informal collections of interrelated norms, rules, and routines, understandings and frames of meaning that define ‘appropriate’ action and roles and acceptable behavior of their members.” Fiona Mackay, Surya Monro, and Georgina Waylen, “The Feminist Potential of Sociological Institutionalism,” Politics & Gender 5/2 (2009), p. 255.
3 Social movement theorists who agree with this point include Merrindahl Andrew, “Women’s Movement Institutionalization: The Need for New Approaches,” Politics & Gender 6/4 (2010), p. 609; Marian Sawer, “Premature Obituaries: How Can We Tell if the Women’s Movement is Over?” Politics & Gender 6/4 (2010), p. 602.
4 See Oxfam International, www.oxfam.org.
5 International Fund for Animal Welfare, IFAW Annual Report, 1 July 2010–30 June 2011, at www.ifaw.org. Also see Brian Davies, Red Ice: My Fight to Save the Seals (London: Methuen, 1989); Peter Dauvergne and Kate J. Neville, “Mindbombs of Right and Wrong: Cycles of Contention in the Activist Campaign to Stop Canada’s Seal Hunt,” Environmental Politics 20/2 (2011), pp. 192–209.
6 United Way Worldwide, 2011 Annual Report, p. 24; Habitat for Humanity International, Annual Report FY2012, July 1, 2011– June 30, 2012, p. 29; the Nature Conservancy, Annual Report 2012, p. 51; KPMG, World Vision, Inc. and Affiliates, Consolidated Financial Statements, September 30, 2011 and 2012, Independent Auditors’ Report, p. 4; Save the Children, Results for Children: An Update from Save the Children, p. 17; Ernst & Young, Consolidated Financial Statements and Supplementary Information for the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation, p. 3. (Note: the definition of “fiscal year” varies across these organizations, so the year “2011” in this paragraph is comparing slightly different twelve-month periods).
7 Greenpeace USA, 2010/11 Annual Report, p. 26.
8 See Amy Blackwood, Katie L. Roeger, and Sarah L. Pettijohn, The Nonprofit Sector in Brief: Public Charities, Giving, and Volunteering, 2012 (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2012) (quote at p. 4).
9 See above, chapter 1, note 6, for our explanation of why we treat “nonprofit” and “nongovernmental” as synonyms.
10 See James McGann and Mary Johnstone, “The Power Shift and the NGO Credibility Crisis,” Brown Journal of World Affairs XI/2 (2005), p. 161 (partly summarizing figures from The Economist); Blackwood, Roeger, and Pettijohn, The Nonprofit Sector in Brief, p. 1; Archna Shukla, “First Official Estimate: An NGO for Every 400 People in India,” Indian Express, July 7, 2010; Katherine Marshall, “International NGOs,” in Mark Juergensmeyer and Wade Clark Roof, eds, Encyclopedia of Global Religion (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2012), pp. 566–8; and the National Center for Charitable Statistics, at www.nccs.urban.org.
11 Susan M. Roberts, John Paul Jones III, and Oliver Fröhling, “NGOs and the Globalization of Managerialism: A Research Framework,” World Development 33 (2005), p. 1848 (also see pp. 1845–64); WWF International, WWF Annual Review, 2010, p. 43.
12 Molly F. Sherlock and Jane G. Gravelle, An Overview of the Nonprofit and Charitable Sector (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2009), p. 21; Coca-Cola Company, “The Coca-Cola Foundation,” at www.coca-colacompany.com. The data on the assets of corporate foundations are from the Foundation Center, “Top Funders: 50 Largest Corporate Foundations by Asset Size” (as of January 28, 2013), www.foundationcenter.org.
13 Blackwood, Roeger, and Pettijohn, The Nonprofit Sector in Brief, p. 5; Foundation Center, “Top Funders”; Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Building Better Lives Together: 2011 Annual Report, p. 8. Also see Joan E. Spero, The Global Role of U.S. Foundations (New York: Foundation Center, 2010).
14 Catherine Walker and Cathy Pharoah (with Marina Marmolejo and Denise Lillya), UK Corporate Citizenship in the 21st Century (London: Centre for Charitable Giving and Philanthropy, 2012), pp. 1, 3–4, 6–8.
15 Quoted in Nathalie Kylander, The Girl Effect Brand: Using Brand Democracy to Strengthen Brand Affinity (Cambridge, MA: Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations, Harvard University, 2011), p. 2 (emphasis added).
16 Laidler-Kylander, Quelch, and Simonin, “Building and Valuing Global Brands in the Nonprofit Sector,” p. 272.
17 The phrase “symbiotic relationships” is from Dylan Rodriguez, “The Political Logic of the Non-Profit Industrial Complex,” in INCITE! Women of Color against Violence, ed., The Revolution Will Not Be Funded (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2007), p. 21.
18 Robert Mark Silverman and Kelly Patterson, “The Effects of Perceived Funding Trends on Non-Profit Advocacy: A National Survey of Non-Profit Advocacy Organizations in the United States,” International Journal of Public Sector Management 24 (2010), p. 438. Also see Andrea Smith, “Social-Justice Activism in the Academic Industrial Complex,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 23/2 (2007), pp. 140–5.
19 Andrea del Moral, “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” LiP Magazine, April 4, 2005, p. 3, at www.incite-national.org/media/ docs/6634_lip-npic.pdf.
20 Madonna Thunder Hawk, “Native Organizing Before the Non-Profit Industrial Complex,” in The Revolution Will Not Be Funded, quote at p. 105; Adjoa Florência Jones de Almeida, “Radical Social Change: Searching for a New Foundation,” ibid., quote at p. 186; Amara H. Pérez, “Between Radical Theory and Community Praxis: Reflections on Organizing and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex,” ibid., quote at pp. 92–3.
21 See Robert Hunter, Warriors of the Rainbow: A Chronicle of the Greenpeace Movement (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1979), p. 365; the phrase “senior manager” is from Greenpeace International, at www.greenpeace.org.
22 For analysis of the early history of Greenpeace, see John-Henry Harter, New Social Movements, Class, and the Environment: A Case Study of Greenpeace Canada (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2011). For a discussion of social movements during this time, see Lawrence Wilde, “Class Analysis and the Politics of the New Social Movements,” Capital & Class 14/3 (1990), pp. 55–78.
23 For background, see George Barnett, “Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs),” Encyclopedia of Social Networks (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2011), pp. 660–4.
24 The salary estimates for the World Wildlife Fund, the US Fund for UNICEF, Human Rights Watch, and World Vision are from the Charity Navigator (www.charitynavigator.org); also, see Anya Kamenetz, Generation Debt: Why Now is a Terrible Time to Be Young (New York: Riverhead Books, 2006).
25 James Petras, “NGOs: In the Service of Imperialism,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 29/4 (1999), p. 430. Also see James Petras, “Imperialism and NGOs in Latin America,” Monthly Review: An Independent Socialist Magazine 47/9 (1997), pp. 10–27.
26 One example, among many, is Greenpeace’s appeal at www. greenpeace.org (under the tab “Get Involved”).
27 This estimate of nonprofit revenues adjusts for inflation. See Blackwood, Roeger, and Pettijohn, The Nonprofit Sector in Brief, p. 2.
28 See David Campbell, Giving Up the Single Life: Leadership Motivations for Interorganizational Restructuring of Nonprofit Organizations, Working Paper, Center for Nonprofit Strategy and Management, Baruch College, City University of New York, 2008; Paul Light, Making Nonprofits Work: A Report on the Tides of Nonprofit Management Reform (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2000).
29 See Paul B. Firstenberg, Transforming the Dynamics of Nonprofit Boards: From Passive to Active Agencies, Working Paper, Center for Nonprofit Strategy and Management, Baruch College, City University of New York, 2008.
30 Julie Mertus, “From Legal Transplants to Transformative Justice: Human Rights and the Promise of Transnational Civil Society,” American University International Law Review 14 (1999), pp. 1372–3.
31 See Rodriguez, “The Political Logic of the Non-Profit Industrial Complex” (quotes at p. 29).
32 Del Moral, “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” p. 3.
33 Silverman and Patterson, “The Effects of Perceived Funding Trends on Non-Profit Advocacy,” p. 436.
34 Rodriguez, “The Political Logic of the Non-Profit Industrial Complex,” p. 29.
35 See the polling results of GlobeScan at www.globescan.com.
36 Marshall, “International NGOs,” p. 566. Also see McGann and Johnstone, “The Power Shift and the NGO Credibility Crisis.”
37 Barnett, “Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs), p. 8.
38 “Angry and Effective,” The Economist, September 23, 2000, p. 129.
39 See Michelle Nichols, “Occupy Wall Street in New York Running Low on Cash,” Reuters, March 9, 2012; Jessica Firger, “Occupy Groups Get Funding,” Wall Street Journal, February 28, 2012. Also see the website, #OccupyWallStreet, NYC General Assembly, at www.nycga.net. Occupy movements in other cities seem to have followed these practices. See, for example, the Occupy movement in Vancouver, Canada (“Committees and Workgroups,” at www. occupyvancouver.com/group-detail.php?8.)
40 Michael Meyer, Renate Buber, and Anahid Aghamanoukjan, “In Search of Legitimacy: Managerialism and Legitimation in Civil Society Organizations,” VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 24/1 (2013), pp. 167–93 (quotes are from pp. 167, 173).
41 For definitions of “effectiveness” and “efficiency,” see ibid., p. 174.
42 See Melissa Tyler, “Benchmarking in the Non-Profit Sector in Australia,” Benchmarking: An International Journal 12/3 (2005), pp. 219–35. To reiterate, the trend toward managerialism among advocacy groups varies somewhat across social causes and political jurisdictions. Benchmarking, for instance, is more common among US nonprofit organizations than among Australian ones.
43 See Hugo Slim, “By What Authority? The Legitimacy and Accountability of Non-governmental Organisations,” International Council on Human Rights Policy International Meeting on Global Trends and Human Rights – Before and after September 11, Geneva, January 10–12, 2002, available at www. gdrc.org/ngo/accountability/by-what-authority.html.
44 Marshall, “International NGOs,” p. 567; also see Angela M. Eikenberry and Jodie Drapal Kluver, “The Marketization of the Nonprofit Sector: Civil Society at Risk?” Public Administration Review 66/2 (2004), pp. 132–40; Anthony J. Bebbington, Samuel Hickey, and Diana C. Mitlin, “Introduction: Can NGOs Make a Difference? The Challenge of Development Alternatives,” in Anthony J. Bebbington, Samuel Hickey, and Diana C. Mitlin, eds, Can NGOs Make A Difference? The Challenge of Development Alternatives (London and New York: Zed Books, 2008); Silverman and Patterson, “The Effects of Perceived Funding Trends on Non-Profit Advocacy,” pp. 435–51.
45 Roberts, Jones, and Fröhling, “NGOs and the Globalization of Managerialism,” p. 1850.
46 Ibid., pp. 1848–9.
47 Quoted in Katie Johnston, “Nonprofits Quantify their Success,” Boston Globe, August 15, 2012.
48 For Alnoor Ebrahim’s remark, see ibid.; the Petras quote is in Petras, “NGOs: In the Service of Imperialism,” p. 434. Also see Meyer, Buber, and Aghamanoukjan, “In Search of Legitimacy,” pp. 167–93; Eikenberry and Kluver, “The Marketization of the Nonprofit Sector,” pp. 132–40; and Bebbington, Hickey, and Mitlin, eds, Can NGOs Make A Difference?
49 Laidler-Kylander, Quelch, and Simonin, “Building and Valuing Global Brands in the Nonprofit Sector,” pp. 258, 273.
50 Quoted in Christopher Stone, Amnesty International: Branding an Organization that’s also a Movement (Cambridge, MA: Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations, Harvard University, 2011), p. 2. This publication gives details on Amnesty’s branding efforts from 2006 to 2011.
51 Quoted ibid. Beeko was in charge of Amnesty’s rebranding project during the first few years.
52 The GlobeScan quotes are at “A New Brand Identity for Next 50 Years: Amnesty International,” www.globescan.com.
53 John A. Quelch, “Charities Begin at Home – Then They Develop a Brand Name that Corporations Can Only Dream Of,” The Independent, August 14, 2005. Also see John A. Quelch and Nathalie Laidler-Kylander, The New Global Brands: Managing Non-Government Organizations in the 21st Century (Mason, OH: South-Western, 2005).
54 For the Starbucks reference, see Laidler-Kylander, Quelch, and Simonin, “Building and Valuing Global Brands in the Nonprofit Sector,” p. 265; for the Lowe’s and Whirlpool reference, see John A. Quelch, James E. Austin, and Nathalie Laidler-Kylander, “Mining Gold in Not-for-Profit Brands,” Harvard Business Review 82/4 (2004), p. 24.
55 The phrase “corporate mimicry” is from anti-racism activist Suzanne Pharr, as summarized in del Moral, “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” p. 2; the phrase “as agents of systemic social and political change” is from Bebbington, Hickey, and Mitlin, “Can NGOs Make a Difference?,” p. 17.
56 See McGann and Johnstone, “The Power Shift and the NGO Credibility Crisis.”
57 Alan Thomas, “Whatever Happened to Reciprocity? Implications of Donor Emphasis on ‘Voice’ and ‘Impact’ as Rationales for Working with NGOs in Development,” in Bebbington, Hickey, and Mitlin, eds, Can NGOs Make A Difference?, pp. 90–110; Silverman and Patterson, “The Effects of Perceived Funding Trends on Non-Profit Advocacy,” pp. 435–51. See also Lester M. Salamon, ed., The State of Nonprofit America (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution/Aspen Institute, 2002). Lester M. Salamon and Stephanie L. Geller (with Susan C. Lorentz), Nonprofit America: A Force for Democracy? (Baltimore: John Hopkins University, Center for Civil Society Studies, 2008).
58 Bebbington, Hickey, and Mitlin, “Can NGOs Make A Difference?,” p. 16.
59 Quoted in Kim Murphy, “Greenpeace Forced to Get More Creative,” Los Angeles Times, June 10, 2012. See also Brooke Jarvis, “Behind the Shell Hoax,” Salon, June 8, 2012 (www.salon.com) (contains a link to the “Shell Hoax” YouTube video).
60 Alan R. Andreasen, “Profits for Nonprofits: Find a Corporate Partner,” Harvard Business Review 74 (November 1996), pp. 47–50, 55–9; Lanying Du, Jundong Hou, and Yupeng Huang, “Mechanisms of Power and Action for Cause Related Marketing,” Baltic Journal of Management 3/1 (2007), pp. 92–104; Laidler-Kylander, Quelch, and Simonin, “Building and Valuing Global Brands in the Nonprofit Sector,” p. 262; and BRAC (www.brac. net).
61 See Roberta Hawkins, “A New Frontier in Development? The Use of Cause-Related Marketing by International Development Organizations,” Third World Quarterly 33 (2012), pp. 1783–1801 (the surveys are summarized at p. 1785). For further analysis, see one of Hawkins’s original survey sources, Cone LLC, 2010 Cone Cause Evolution Study (www.conecomm.com). For a critical analysis of the effects of cause marketing on international development efforts, see Lisa Ann Richey and Stefano Ponte, Brand Aid: Shopping Well to Save the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011).
62 Quoted in del Moral, “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” p. 2.
CHAPTER 6 A CORPORATIZED WORLD ORDER
1 Political economists, such as David McNally, tend to see the global economic turmoil since 2008 as kindling a new round of social unrest. See David McNally, Global Slump: The Economics and Politics of Crisis and Resistance (Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2010), p.181. Social movement theorist Ruth Reitan places more emphasis on this unrest as arising out of a cycle of protest going back to the mid-1990s, manifesting over the past two decades in the many anti-WTO, anti-G8/G20, anti-globalization, and anti-capitalist demonstrations. See Ruth Reitan, “Theorizing and Engaging the Global Movement: From Anti-Globalization to Global Democratization,” Globalizations 9/3 (2012), p. 324.
2 The “Beverly Bell” quotes are from Beverly Bell (and the Other Worlds Collaborative), Who Says You Can’t Change the World? Just Economies and Societies on an Unjust Planet, vol. 1, rev. (New Orleans: Other Worlds, June 2009), p. 6. The Panitch, Albo, and Chibber quote is from Leo Panitch, Greg Albo, and Vivek Chibber, “Preface,” in Leo Panitch, Greg Albo, and Vivek Chibber, eds, The Question of Strategy: Socialist Register 2013 (Pontypool: Merlin, 2012), p. ix. The One Billion Rising quotes and information are from the movement’s website at www. onebillionrising.org.
3 See “Person of the Year: The Protestor,” Time 178, December 26, 2011; the Mason quote is at Paul Mason, “From Arab Spring to Global Revolution,” The Guardian, February 5, 2013, and is an excerpt from Paul Mason, Why it’s Kicking off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions (London and New York: Verso: 2012); the “radical manifesto” quotes are at Federico Campagna and Emanuele Campiglio, eds, What We Are Fighting For: A Radical Collective Manifesto (London: Pluto Press, 2012), front cover and preface; the “Rebick” quote is at Judy Rebick, “2012: A Year of Activism from Maple Spring to Idle No More,” posted December 31, 2012, to Judy Rebick’s blogs at www.rabble.ca and www. transformingpower.ca.
4 Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, “Undercover Officer Spied on Green Activists,” The Guardian, January 9, 2011; the Chivers remark is quoted in Meirion Jones, “Trial Collapses after Undercover Officer Changes Sides,” BBC Newsnight, January 10, 2011 (www. bbc.co.uk).
5 McNally, Global Slump, p. 150; McNally, as we did in chapter 4, is drawing on Alan Sears for the concept “infrastructure of dissent.” For a sample of Sears’s latest thinking, see James Cairns and Alan Sears, The Democratic Imagination: Envisioning Popular Power in the Twenty-First Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012).
6 See, for example, Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity, 1991); Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age (Cambridge: Polity, 1991).
7 For an analysis of the significance of self and identity for activism, see Sheldon Stryker, Timothy J. Owens, and Robert W. White, eds, Self, Identity, and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000).
8 Slavoj Zˇizˇek’s “Don’t Fall in Love with Yourselves” speech is reprinted in Keith Gessen and Astra Taylor, eds, Occupy! Scenes from Occupied America (London: Verso, 2011), p. 66–9 (quote on p. 68).
9 For the Frank quote, see Thomas Frank, “To the Precinct Station: How Theory Met Practice … and Drove it Absolutely Crazy,” The Baffler no. 21 (November 2012), pp. 10–21 (Frank attributes the phrase “cult of participation” to historian Christopher Lasch, who lived from 1932 to 1994). For the “micro-politics” quote, see Panitch, Albo, and Chibber, “Preface,” p. x.
10 For Canada, see, for example, Daniel LeBlanc, “CIDA Funds Seen to be Subsidizing Mining Firms,” Globe and Mail, September 6, 2012 (www.theglobeandmail.com); for more on the Girl Hub, see the Girl Effect, Turning Talk into Action, at www.girleffect.org/ about/girl-hub.
11 Quoted in Simon Houpt, “Beyond the Bottle: Coke Trumpets its Green Initiatives,” Globe and Mail, January 13, 2011, p. B6. For a “pro-WWF” take on the history of WWF, see Alexis Schwarzenbach, Saving the World’s Wildlife: WWF – The First 50 Years (London: Profile Books, 2011).
12 “Celebrate and demonstrate” was the theme of Toronto’s 2012 Pride week, which, according to Pride Toronto (www. pridetoronto.com) is a festival for “Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Transsexual, Intersex, Queer, Questioning, Two-Spirited and Allies (LGBTTIQQ2SA) communities.” The “occupation of Palestine” quote is at Queers against Israeli Apartheid, www.queersagainstapartheid.org.
13 Quoted in Peter Kuitenbrouwer, “Council to Control Funds for Pride Parade,” National Post, July 7, 2010 (www.nationalpost. com).
14 Natalie Alcoba, “Councillors Oppose Funding Pride Toronto if Anti-Israel Group Decides to March,” National Post, May 22, 2012; Natalie Alcoba, “Pride Toronto Gets Grant Despite Apartheid Controversy,” National Post, June 8, 2012; Jonathan Kay, “Pride Toronto Cuts Three Positions, Loses $250,000 – All Thanks to Anti-Israeli Bigots,” National Post, July 16, 2010; Andrea Houston, “Pride Toronto Board Faces Tough Questions on Deficit,” Extra! Canada’s Gay & Lesbian News, January 28, 2011 (www.xtra.ca); Pride Toronto, Financial Statements: Year Ended July 31, 2010 (Toronto: Adams & Miles LLP, Chartered Accountants); Vidya Kauri, “Queers against Israeli Apartheid Allowed to March in Pride Parade,” National Post, June 30, 2012; CBC News, “Pride Parade Draws Big Crowds under Sunny Skies,” CBC News, July 1, 2012 (www.cbc.ca).
15 LBGT stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender. See Queers for an Open LGBT Center (QFOLC) at www. openthecenter.blogspot.ca.
16 Teivo Teivainen, “Global Democratization without Hierarchy or Leadership? The World Social Forum in the Capitalist World,” in Stephen Gill, ed., Global Crises and the Crisis of Global Leadership (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 182.
17 Naomi Klein, “Farewell to ‘the End of History’: Organization and Vision in Anti-Corporate Movements,” Socialist Register 38 (2002), p. 3. Klein’s 1999 book No Logo has now sold more than 1 million copies. See Naomi Klein, No Logo: 10th Anniversary Edition (London: Picador, 2009).
18 See Teivainen, “Global Democratization without Hierarchy or Leadership?, Reitan, “Theorizing and Engaging the Global Movement,” and Klein, “Farewell to ‘the End of History’,” all of whom use the phrase “movement of movements.”
19 Reitan, “Theorizing and Engaging the Global Movement,” p. 325.
20 Klein, “Farewell to ‘the End of History’,” p. 7.
21 The quotes (translated from Portuguese) are at World Social Forum, “Frequently Asked Questions,” “What is the Social Forum?” (www.forumsocialmundial.org.br). Also see Orin Langelle, “The World Social Forum 2009,” Z Magazine: The Spirit of Resistance Lives (April 2009) (www.zcommunications.org). (At the time Langelle was media coordinator for the Global Forest Coalition and the Global Justice Ecology Project). For more on the World Social Forum, see William F. Fisher and Thomas Ponniah, eds, Another World is Possible: Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum (London and New York: Zed Books, 2003).
22 Jackie Smith, “The World Social Forum and the Challenges of Global Democracy,” Global Networks 4/4 (2004), p. 418.
23 Debra Anthony and José Silva, “The Consensus of Porto Alegre?,” Global Policy Forum, January 30, 2005 (www.globalpolicy.org); Chloe Tribich and John McGough, Fifth World Social Forum,” Against the Current (May–June 2005) (www.solidarity-us.org). The “decentralized coordination and networking” quote is from World Social Forum, “Frequently Asked Questions,” “What is the Social Forum?”; the Smith quote is from Smith, “The World Social Forum and the Challenges of Global Democracy,” p. 418. In contrast to Smith, Scott Byrd sees strength and resilience in the “participatory” “methods” of the Global Social Forum. See Scott C. Byrd, “The Porto Alegre Consensus: Theorizing the Forum Movement,” Globalizations 2/1 (2005), pp. 151–63. For a recent analysis of the World Social Forum, see Teivainen, “Global Democratization without Hierarchy or Leadership?,” pp. 181–98.
24 Alan Sears, “Need Collective Inquiry Rooted in Activism,” New Socialist, no. 62 (2007), p. 41.
25 See Peter Dauvergne and Jane Lister, Eco-Business: A Big-Brand Takeover of Sustainability (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013).
26 Fortune 500, “Annual Ranking of the World’s Largest Companies, 2012” CNNMoney: A Service of CNN, Fortune & Money (money.cnn.com); the comparison of Walmart’s workforce with the US and Chinese militaries is from Christopher Albin-Lackey, “Without Rules: A Failed Approach to Corporate Accountability,” Human Rights Watch, World Report 2103 (www.hrw.org).
27 For an update of Korten’s 1995 edition, see David C. Korten, When Corporations Rule the World, 2nd edn (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2001); see, in addition, David C. Korten, The Post-Corporate World: Life after Capitalism (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2000). Also see Joel Bakan, The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power (New York: Free Press, 2004); Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (London: Picador, 2007); Susan George, Whose Crisis, Whose Future? Towards a Greener, Fairer, Richer World (Cambridge: Polity, 2010); and Joel Bakan, Childhood under Siege: How Big Business Targets Your Children (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011).
28 Joseph L. Bower, Herman B. Leonard, and Lynn S. Paine, Capitalism at Risk: Rethinking the Role of Business (Boston: Harvard Business Review Press, 2011), pp. 3–4, 13.
29 Fortune 500, “Annual Ranking of the World’s Largest Companies, 2012 and 2007.”
30 See UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework (New York: United Nations, 2001); John Gerard Ruggie, Just Business: Multinational Corporations and Human Rights (New York: W. W. Norton, 2013).
31 Susanne Soederberg, “Taming Corporations or Buttressing Market-Led Development? A Critical Assessment of the Global Compact,” Globalizations 4/4 (2007), p. 500.
32 A. Claire Cutler, “Private Transnational Governance and the Crisis of Global Leadership,” in Gill, ed., Global Crises and the Crisis of Global Leadership, p. 63.
33 The wealth estimates of Helu, Gates, Ortega, and Buffett are from Forbes, “The World’s Billionaires,” net worth as of March 2013 (www.forbes.com); the Time quote and rankings are in David M. Ewalt, “The World’s Most Powerful People,” Forbes, December 5, 2012 (www.forbes.com).
34 For the World Bank estimate (as of June 2013), see World Bank, “Poverty & Equity Data,” www.povertydata.worldbank.org; Buffett is quoted in Ben Stein, “In Class Warfare, Guess Which Class is Winning,” New York Times, November 26, 2009 (www.nytimes. com).