2 2A brief overview of the sacred sites in Gujarat for the period under study amply demonstrates the diversity in the selection of sites as well as monumental architecture demarcating sacred space over time. Most of the structures do not show any signs of the involvement of royalty in their creation or sustenance. Devoid of moorings provided by royal patronage, clues to the emergence and gradual increase in numbers and complexities of sacred sites in Gujarat can be found within archaeological, inscriptional and literary data. A careful analysis of the topography of Gujarat and an understanding of the settlement pattern and location of sacred sites in context are important in presenting a holistic and comprehensive understanding of religious developments. The causes behind the selection of a site could be as varied as political, economic activities (agriculture, craft or trade) or a combination of these, and archaeological data guide us in determining which of these played a crucial role at various sites through different periods of time. Data from archaeological excavations and inscriptional evidence shall be the prime sources utilised to decipher the resource base of sacred sites.
This chapter attempts to construe the economic resource basis of the sacred sites strewn across the varied landscapes of Gujarat. The settlements described and analysed in this study have not been categorised in terms of fortified and non-fortified, or urban and rural, but rather, they have been defined more in terms of economic activities such as of craft production, salt manufacturing, iron extraction, and agriculture and trade, to mention a few. Even though many sacred sites demonstrate continuity in occupation from an earlier period, not all of them attain importance as sacred centres. For instance, south of the river Mahi, the sites of Jokha and Dhatva demonstrate continuity from an earlier period, but these do not have sacred architectural remains. Jokha, in Surat district, is located on the left bank of the river Tapti and has remains of the post-Harappan period, which included Malwa and Jorwe wares, dating to the period between 1500 and 1000 BCE. The site was then reoccupied in the sixth century BCE and continued up to the sixth century CE.1 Located along the bank of the river Tapti is the site of Dhatva, in taluka Kamrej of Surat district, where excavations exposed seven layers with two cultural horizons, and of these, the first period covers the time from c. 1500 BCE to 200 CE.2 The preliminary investigation at the site revealed it to be a production centre (iron manufacturing, bead making, shell crafting etc.) and a trade port having overseas contacts with the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf region.3
Yet other sites demonstrate continuity in settlement and contain evidence of religious remains, as noticed at the sites of Broach, Prabhasa Patan, Dwarka, and Padri. Broach is a site which acquires immense importance in the second sub-period under study as an important trading centre, but the beginnings of the site can be dated to the first sub-period, attested by the presence of the black and red ware and the northern black polished ware at the site. Excavations at Prabhas Patan, close to Somanatha, revealed a long period of occupation, beginning from circa 2000 BCE and continuing well up to the sixth century CE. Period IV covers a time between the fourth and first centuries BCE. The site of Dwarka was reoccupied in 900 BCE and continued up to 500 BCE, and the third occupational layer dates to circa second century BCE.4 The site of Padri provides evidence for the existence of some form of a shrine. Excavations carried out at this site revealed the following sequence – pre-Harappan, Padri culture, mature Harappan, and early Historical.5 In order to be able to comprehend the reasons behind certain sites being chosen for demarcation of sacred space, it is important to delve into the dynamics of the region within the various sub-periods.
Communities are essential components of sacred sites and social networks contribute to the creation, maintenance and continuity of these. An analysis of interactions between various geographical, economic and political factors can help understand factors crucial in creating sacred landscapes within various niches of Gujarat and the various communities that were essential to these sacred sites.
An analysis of available archaeological, literary and inscriptional data is undertaken so as to determine possible economic factors responsible for the establishment and continuity of sacred sites within Gujarat. In each period, sites have been discussed under sub-themes of sub-regions of Gujarat – namely, Saurashtra and Kachchh, North Gujarat and South Gujarat.
Of the sites that demonstrate continuity of settlement, those with evidence of religious importance, either through literary data (Mahabharata, Ramayana or Jatakas) or archaeological remains are Prabhasa Patan (Somanatha), Dwarka, Padri, and Junagadh (sites within the city as well as those in its immediate vicinity). The first site under analysis is Junagadh, which is located at the foot of Mt. Girnar, the highest mountain ranges in Saurashtra, and has rivers Sonarekh and Kalwo flowing by it. Junagadh was not only a site sacred to the Buddhist and Hindus, but also politically and economically, the most important site in Saurashtra. Find of hoards of Saurashtra Janapada coins6 seem to indicate the political importance of the site, and reference to Saurashtra is found in texts as well.
The Surastras find mention not only in the Mahabharata, but also in the Ramayana. In the Kishkindha kanda, Sugriva asks Susena to send one retinue of monkeys in search of Sita to Surastra, which lay in the western direction. In the Mahabharata, they are associated with the countries of the Kuntis and Avantis. (Virata Parva, Chap. I, 12). Reference is also found in the Arthasastra, wherein Saurashtra sangha (II.1. 4) is placed with Kamboja and people are described as living by trade and vocation of arms. Kautilya identifies members of this type of sangha engaged in cattle rearing and trade in peacetime, but taking to arms when necessary.7
The area came under Mauryan control in the time of Chandragupta Maurya and Junagadh became the provincial capital of the Mauryas, as attested by the Girnar rock edict. This rock contains inscriptions from not only the Mauryan period, but also, the Kshatrapa and Gupta periods, signifying the continued importance of the site. The Girnar hills, which contain the site of Junagadh, are an important pilgrimage centre for the Hindus as well as the Jainas to date. The hills contain five peaks – namely, Amba Mata, Gorakhanath, Oghad Sikhar, Guru Dattatreya, and Kalkas peak. In addition, it has three kundas or reservoirs – Gaumukhi, Hanuman Dhara and Kamanadak kunda.8 This hill witnesses a fair in the month of Karttika (November) known as the Parikrama fair, where the pilgrims take a round of Mt. Girnar for two days and two nights. The festival is held for five days, when the village people are free from agricultural pursuits, and is attended by people from all communities.9
The next question that needs to be addressed is as to what kind of resources were available at the site for it to have been the focus of Hindu and Buddhist religious activities in Gujarat. The dam and lake are indicators of the area around it being suitable for agricultural purposes. It has been pointed out that the southern peninsula of Gujarat is comparatively more fertile than the northern peninsula due to the black soil and higher rainfall.10 The selection of Junagadh as the site would have allowed control over the rich agricultural zones of the river valleys of Bhadar, Ojat Kalubhar, Vartu, Hiranya, Shingoda, and Sorathu, as well as the forest resources that the Gir hills had to offer. The land is very fertile and the region of Ghed, which is waterlogged, produces cotton of the best quality.11 In the Early Historical period, settlements of Girnar Valley are found near banks of streams and rivers. The average distance between settlements was 2–3 km.12 Junagadh not only had access to resources from agricultural activity, but also was situated on an important route of communication and had been a busy entrepot in the ancient period. It was well-connected to the coastal route from Dwarka, which proceeded to Somanatha, Amreli, Valabhi, and then, to Broach.13
Coins are further indicators of the existence of trading communities in and around Junagadh. The Saurashtra Janapada coins, which are pre-Mauryan (450–350 BCE), and continued in the Mauryan period as well, are small, struck in silver, single die, with one punch mark on the obverse. Almost all coins were re-struck later and some re-stamped as coins of Magadha Janapada.14 These coins seem to have been used in local trade and were produced by guilds and traders.15 Junagadh had accessibility to the sea coast, and from there, one could have a glimpse of the forest and low hills that ran in one continuous sweep to the sea. Junagadh’s outlet to the sea was at Somanatha/Prabhasa Patan, which regulated trade and traffic to and from the hinterland and excavations at the site brought to light a Mauryan settlement.16
This brings us to the next site, namely, that of Prabhasa Patan, which is situated on the south-western coast of Saurashtra. The site is traditionally associated with Soma, who prayed to Shiva at the site, and thus, linga is called Somanatha. For Hindu pilgrims, the sacred terrain is marked as Prabhasa Ksetra and contains many sacred spots – the temple houses one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva. Triveni is the spot where the three rivers Saraswati, Hiranya and Kapila join before meeting the sea and this site is associated with the cremation of Lord Krishna, and there is the Bhalaka tirtha where Krishna is said to have been killed by the arrow of a Bhil.
In archaeological records, the site was occupied from 2000 BCE to 1200 BCE, and then, reoccupied from fourth century BCE to sixth century CE, covering five periods of occupation. During Period IV, extending from the fourth to first century BCE, it was fortified and is the only site in Gujarat where a flesh rubber incised with characters of second century BCE was found.17 In addition were found ivory hairpins and plaques representing female figures and beads and ear studs of semi-precious stones. It may have been an important nodal point in routes of communication and trade, where items were traded and exchanged.
Another site of immense importance, especially to the Vaishnava community, is that of Dwarka and Bet Dwarka, traditionally associated with Lord Krishna. Also found at the site was an inscribed potsherd with Mauryan Brahmi,18 indicating contacts with northern regions of the subcontinent. Archaeological remains recovered from Dwarka and Bet Dwarka point to the sites being in a prosperous condition and subsisting mainly on activities related to the manufacturing of shell objects and trade. The soil around the region is not conducive to agricultural activities, and being located close to the sea with the ready availability of shell, it would have been natural for the inhabitants to capitalise on what the sea provided. The third occupational layer at Dwarka dates to circa second century BCE and the site has evidence of a township.19
Off the coast of Dwarka is the island of Bet Dwarka, whose antiquity in the historical period dates to third–fourth centuries BCE,20 a comparatively later date than that of Dwarka. According to Sundaresh and Gaur, Bet Dwarka contained a conch shell industry,21 which is proven by the presence of Cyprea ocellata Linn, Murex ramoses and Xanus (Turbinella) Pyrum Linn varieties of shell.22 Even though the topography around the region of Dwarka and Bet Dwarka is not conducive for agricultural practices, the vegetation is suitable for animal husbandry. This, coupled with the specialisation of the sites in manufacturing shell objects, implies involvement of its inhabitants in trading activities for items of consumption such as food. Dwarka also lay on an important trade route connecting it to Kamboja. The route began from Dvaravati, passed through Anarta and Indus river, where it turned north. At Roruka (modern Rodi), the route split into two – one turned east and followed River Saraswati to Hastinapura and Indraprastha, while the second continued north to join the Utttarapatha.
A temple dedicated to the goddess Lajjagauri was found at the site of Padri, in the Bhavnagar district. Padri is located 3 km inland, and according to Paul, it seems to have been a processing centre where salt was extracted and supplied to other settlements.23 An ethnographic study of the present-day salt manufacturing community at the site revealed small rectangular pits made to arrest brackish water from the sea for further evaporation into crystals (keral). Padri, known as kerala ni dharo, was possibly occupied by salt manufacturers.24 Agricultural implements, as well as circular clay tablets with Brahmi script, some copper coins and two boat-shaped terracotta motifs were found at the site.25 The role of agricultural activities seems to have been limited at the site, and the terracotta-shaped boats may have been votive offerings by those who used the sea and river for livelihood purposes, either to exchange salt for other items or for fishing. On the contrary, the temple of Lajjagauri at the site of Padri seems to have been constructed and maintained by the local community.
In addition to the major sites, there are also sites that contain religious remains in the form of terracotta images. One such site is Nagara, district Kheda, where mother goddess figurines have been recovered and the site demonstrates continuity of settlement from the third century BCE to ninth century CE.26 Period II covers the time from the third century BCE to the Early Common Era and the objects encountered were arrowheads, points, chisel-like objects of bone, a punch-marked coin, bangles of conch and terracotta figurines, beads and iron slag, and northern black polished ware.27 Excavations brought to light beads of agate, carnelian, crystal, jasper, and garnet,28 which indicate the involvement of the site in the manufacture of these. The site was also involved in agricultural activity since, ‘available evidence indicates the existence of production of rice and kodarvā as recorded in the excavations at Nagara and the site produces good rice even today. At Nagara small sections of a bund were exposed in the excavations, indicating that earthen bunds were used’.29
At the site of Vadodara, excavations brought to light evidence pertaining to an earlier temple from the Bhimnatha Mahadeo temple. Found on its pavements were mason marks which resembled the old Brahmi letters of ya, kra and chi. According to V.H. Sonawane, these are taken as evidence, even though indirect, of a small township at the site around the second century BCE.30 Terracotta female images have been reported from the sites of Timbarva and Kaira.31 Timbarva is located in Sinor taluka of Vadodara district and has in its earliest levels northern black polished ware and red and black ‘megalithic’ pottery, suggesting contacts with southern India.32
According to R.N. Mehta, ‘The mound at Timbarva would have been the service area of Karvan, old Kayarohana.’ Presence of northern black polished ware (NBPW), as well as megalithic red and black pottery at sites of Timabarva and Nagara, clearly indicates the contacts of these sites with southern as well as northern parts of the country.33 Identification of artificial embankments at Timbarva34 further attests to the involvement of the site in agricultural activities.
The survey of settlement sites that contain sacred spots demonstrates that sacred sites came up in settlements carrying out diverse economic activities. Many of these settlements provide evidence of earlier human habitation, but socio-economic forces enabled communities to gather resources to invest in the creation of sacred spaces. The assemblages of pottery found at various sites furnish information on Gujarat’s trade networks within the subcontinent. The NBPW found at sites of Timbarva, Bharuch, Nagara, and Prabhas Patan represent the earliest trade contacts with the Gangetic plains. At Dwarka, Devnimori and Surpanesvar were found Kaolin ware of Deccan, dated to second century BCE–first century CE, indicating contacts with the latter region. Sherds of the Vasai ware, which is a local variant of Rangmahal Bhinmal pottery, are found in Kachchh peninsula and Banaskantha district bordering Rajasthan and indicating contacts with it.35 Kumaran points out that Gujarat had many small settlements connected by caravan routes – Amreli, Devnimori, Dwarka, Girnar, Karvan, Somanatha, Pindara, Vadnagar, Vadodara, Vala, and Vasai, which were all flourishing as small industrial and administrative townships.36 All the sites mentioned contain evidence of religious remains, whether it be in this sub-period (Vadodara, Somanatha and Dwarka) or in the succeeding sub-period under study (Vala, Amreli and Devnimori). The punch-marked coins from sites of Amreli,37 Jokha38 and Nagara39 and the Saurashtra Janapada coins, with marks which may have belonged to traders, further attest to strong presence of the trading community in Gujarat. Craft specialisation is also noticed in this period, as demonstrated by the presence of the shell industry at Bet Dwarka and a bead industry in circa third century BCE at Broach, where numerous beads in all stages of manufacture were reported.40
Importance of agricultural activities is evident in the presence of dams, such as at Junagadh, or small earthen bunds encountered in the excavations at Nagara. These water harvesting structures would have aided in easy accessibility of water throughout the year for agricultural purposes. Archaeological materials excavated from various sites such as terracotta, shell, iron slags, stone and metal objects, inscribed seals, coins, and various structures at sites clearly indicate a prosperous phase in the economic and social history of Gujarat. Gujarat’s involvement in various economic enterprises created a pool of material resources readily available for demarcation of sacred space through art and architecture.
This sub-period witnessed a growing diversity in terms of settlement as well as sacred sites. Utilisation of bricks for construction purposes, fortification of a site or employment of other means to provide protection are some of the features encountered at sites in this period. Direct evidence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces is available from the sites of Intwa (near Junagadh) and the rock with edicts at the entrance to Junagadh. The Buddhist caves at Intwa have been dated to third century CE on the basis of a clay sealing recovered from the site. The sealing contains the words Maharaja-rudrasena-vihare bhiksu-sanghasya, or in other words, ‘Of (for) the community of the bhikkus in the vihāra of the great king Rudrasena.’41 The other evidence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces is the inscription of the time of Skandagupta on the rock edict at Junagadh, which mentions the construction of a temple of Vishnu by Chakrapalita.42
Archaeologically, the ceramics excavated from various sites – namely, red polished ware (RPW) and black glazed ware, are pointers of Gujarat’s contacts with other regions. The black glazed ware found at the sites of Shamlaji, Amreli and Nagara suggest contacts with parts of north-west India. The RPW, which is found in great quantity from the Kathiawar region in Gujarat, is also found in Maharashtra, clearly indicating contacts between these two regions.
Finds of RPW shards at numerous sites in Saurashtra give vital clues to the trading contacts of Gujarat with the Arab-Persian Gulf from the beginning of the Common era. This is brought out clearly in a paper by Monique Kervran, who states that, ‘In the early centuries of the Christian era the fine RPW, plain or more rarely polychromatic is accompanied by rougher productions in red or grey fabrics, generally polished and with similar shapes. The workshops producing these almost always mica bearing potteries appear to be located in the earlier period in Gujarat and the neighbouring areas and in the medieval period in the Indus delta.’43 She points out that Indian ceramics is a trade item that is absent from the chronicles, but present on the coastal sites of the Persian Gulf. The RPW found in Arabia and on the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf dates to the early five centuries of the Common era.
The largest numbers of RPW shards have been found at Sohar, where seven historical levels have been identified and Indian ceramics occur in each historic level.44 Level I and II contain the handi as a principal form of RPW, and according to Kervran, there are abundant comparable specimens of these at Amreli, Bhoji Kadvar, Umbari, Sutrapada, Baid, Shamlaji, Arikamedu, and Maheshvar Navdatoli.45 The other form of pottery is the incised rim type, of which similar pieces have been noticed at Maheshvar, Bhoji Kadvar and Somanatha.46 Fragments from level I to V at the site of Suhar are similar to those found from sites in Maharashtra and Gujarat.47 As for Qana, where RPW has been found, Sedov points out that, ‘It is most likely that the foundation of Qana, as a port city, was directly connected with the establishment and expansion of the regular sea trade between the Red Sea and the Indian subcontinent in early 1st century CE.’48 Trade between India and Qana seems to have flourished most in the period between second and fourth centuries CE, since ‘the increased material evidence of Arab Persian Gulf and Indian imports as well as the reduction of Mediterranean items show, very likely … change in the character of the sea trade’.49
A study undertaken by Nancy Orton on RPW in Gujarat demonstrates that a large number of sites in the Saurashtra region yielded this ware. The region is dotted with several sites, both in the interior and on the coast, yielding this pottery. Fifteen percent of the total number of sites has been catalogued and these include Ahdhar, Amreli, Baid, Bhoji Kadvar, Chhara, Hubakvadi, Malsaram, Pariyadha, Sutrapada, Umbani, and Vasai.50 Out of these, Baid51 and Una52 are located in Jamnagar district and those in the Junagadh district include Bhoji Kadvar,53 Hubakvadi,54 Pariyadhar,55 Umbari,56 and Una57. Besides Amreli, the sites of Chhara58 and Malasram59 are located within the district of Amreli.
The vast number of RPW sites within Saurashtra, together with the finds of this ware, outside India would suggest wider trade networks of Gujarat – in particular, Saurashtra – with the region of Arab Persian Gulf. A description of the routes of communication within the region reveals location of many sites, as Nagara, Devnimori, Shamlaji and Akota, along the interior routes of communication. One of the trade routes, which came from north and north-western India passed through Shamlaji and Karpatavanijya (Kapadvanj), Mahisaka Pathaka and Kathlal, bifurcated near Nadiad. Of these, one of them crossed the Mahi and reached Broach via Ankottaka (Akota), while the other reached Nagara and Khambhat on the Gulf of Khambat.60 The other route from Ujjain area to Broach passed via Dungarpur, through Bhilodi, Shamlaji, Harsapur (Harsol) to Karpatavanijya, Kathalal and Nadiad in Khetaka mandala.61
Earlier sacred centres discussed above, such as Dwarka, Somanatha and Junagadh, continue to hold importance. There is mention of Prabhasa (Somanatha) in the Nasik cave inscription of Nahapana (c. 119–124 CE). According to it, Nahapana gave eight wives to Brahmanas at the tirtha of Prabhasa.62 A look at the map of this sub-period of various economic activities brings out the diverse resource base supporting sacred sites.
The site of Junagadh not only continued, but also, there is an increase in terms of additional sacred architecture, as discussed in the previous chapter. The edicts of Rudradaman and Skandagupta on the rock edicts authenticate the enduring importance of Junagadh to the succeeding dynasties. In addition to the Bawa Pyara caves, other Buddhist establishments such as the Boria stupa and Intwa vihara belong to this sub-period. It would seem as though there was a spurt in Buddhist building activities at the site and it became a part of the Buddhist circuit in the post-Mauryan period.
Explorations at Junagadh city, along the banks of the river Sonarekha, led to the discovery of a few amphorae fragments, RPW and other ceramic types datable to the early historical period. At Uparkot was found a terracotta figurine of second–third centuries CE, which had similarity with statues of Kanishka from Mathura, on the one hand, and Scythian warriors from Nagarjunakonda, on the other.63 Terracotta figurines, including yaksas, sealings, bullae with portraits of yaksa and a Kshatrapa ruler, stone carvings, beads, indeterminate objects of gold, and a spouted and carinated jar of bones, datable to the second half of the fourth century CE, have been found at Uparkot.64 With the Kshatrapa coins were found portions of clay moulds with perfect impressions clearly showing that counterfeit coining was in progress.65 At the sites of Uparkot and Vasoj, 2,735 Kshatrapa coins were found,66 covering almost the whole of Kshatrapa reign, and of the Gupta period, a total of 2,000 coins of Kumaragupta were unearthed.67 Indicators of the Junagadh trade contacts with the Red Sea are the Dressel 24 amphorae, which have been recovered from 25 sites in Gujarat, and of these, 13 sites are clustered around Junagadh itself.68
Turning to the question of patronage to these Buddhist sites, Vidya Dehejia notes that in the later period of stupa building (late second century BCE–first century CE), Buddhism became firmly rooted in the rural landscape. Inscriptions reveal that these works were funded by extensive programmes of collective patronage, supported by powerful families and guilds.69 A study of the landscape of the Buddhist site provides insights into the relevance and significance of the dam at Junagadh and identifying its association with Buddhist sites in and around Junagadh. Julia Shaw addresses questions of the relation between the spread of Buddhism between third century BCE and fifth century CE and other processes, such as urbanisation, state formation, economic change, and innovations in agriculture, and how the Buddhist built patronage networks with the local population. By mid first millennium CE, donations of land and villages recorded in inscriptions indicate that the sangha was involved in sustainable exchange networks with local agricultural communities.70 Sites of Sanchi in central India and Junnar in the western Deccan had several agricultural settlements in their vicinity, indicating the support base of the monastic establishments. Sanchi and its environs had 35 Buddhist sites, 145 settlements and 17 irrigation dams,71 illustrating a clear association between Buddhism and agriculture.
Shaw notes that the Sudarsana dam at Junagadh has interesting parallels to that of Sanchi.72 The rock edict recording the construction and constant maintenance of the dam built on the Sudarsana lake indicates the importance of agriculture in and around Junagadh. Also, just as in the case of Sanchi, there are a number of Buddhist sites at Junagadh, the city lies surrounded by fertile soil fit for agriculture and has a large dam to its credit. This dam/water reservoir was central to the existence of the city, its inhabitants and the surrounding agricultural area, which can account for its constant repair and maintenance by three succeeding dynasties – the Mauryas, Kshatrapas and Guptas.
Many of the Buddhist sites are located in the agriculturally fertile zones of the Saurashtra region of Gujarat. The site of Hadmatiya is located along the river Macchudar that is one of the most fertile areas.73 Similar is the case with the Buddhist sites of Khambalida, located along the river Bhadar; Sidsar and Dhank, located between the rivers Bhadar and Vartu and Mandor, which is close to the river Hiranya. A study of the settlement pattern further reveals the importance of agricultural activities. The clustering of settlements was noticeable mainly in four regions, which are the agriculturally fertile zones. One of these is the area drained by the Bhadar and the Ojat, which contains black soil and is an agriculturally fertile zone. The other cluster is found in the fertile plain of black soil between the rivers Hiranya and Ojat. Another cluster is seen in the Shetrunji basin, which is also a very fertile area, and the sites are located mostly along the more fertile northern bank. A large number of sites are also to be found in the area drained by the rivers Ghelo and Kalubhar, an agriculturally fertile zone, the Sabarmati–Mahi doab, and a few sites are located in the Mahi–Narmada doab.74 A site actively involved in trade was that of Bet Dwarka – ‘The island was inhabited at many areas. Maritime activities were at the zenith and the island was visited by foreign boats.’75 In phase two (first century BCE to second century CE), the population increased manifold and there was intense maritime activity. Regular house-building was noticed and exploitation of conch shells was at its peak. Artifacts found included Kushana copper coins, beads of terracotta, glass, shell, and semi-precious stones. Iron artefacts were extensively found too.76 In the period corresponding to third–fourth centuries CE, a large multiroom house was unearthed with RPW assemblage at the site and a potsherd with Brahmi letter ‘A’ was seen. The site was involved in the exploitation of naturally available marine shell for trading purposes and was an anchoring point for ships and boats.
The site of Amreli has been extensively excavated and revealed structural remains in the form of a vihara and a mud rampart. Belonging to the Kshatrapa period is only one terracotta figurine, which is a figure of Naigamesh, a form of Skanda. She has the head of a goat with a hooked nose and a slit for a mouth, dangling split ears and protruding breasts and is dated to the third century CE.77 According to Atusha Bharucha Irani, this goddess was worshipped as the guardian goddess of childbirth, and represents fertility rites, which is a folk medium.78
The presence of various objects of shell at Amreli indicates its involvement in trade, for shell was not a locally available material. In addition to this, the area around it was agriculturally fertile. Even though Amreli is located far from the coast, the site has articles that suggest its involvement in trade. A wide variety of coins are also found here. These include Avanti or Ujjain coins, silver, copper, potin, and lead coins of western Kshatrapas, early indigenous coins of India and a hoard of 2,000 silver coins of Kumaragupta I.79 The finds from Amreli range from the early centuries of the Common era up to medieval times. The excavation was carried out at Gohilwad timbo,80 and structural remains were found on the west as well as the east side of the mound.81 Towards the north-west of the structural remains was what appears to be the furnace of a goldsmith and an interesting clay mould was found next to it.82
Amreli’s importance is attested by the vast number of coins and the structural remains of brick excavated here. The clay rampart was seen in the form of a depression of an ancient moat connecting two gullies, which discharged into rivers.83 The site of Amreli is located in the fertile plain of black soil, and thus, agricultural activities would have been carried out. In addition to this the site was also a shell manufacturing site, as seen in the archaeological records, and the possibility of involvement in trade cannot be ruled out because of the presence of various coins as well as the BGW found at the site. The site was involved in a number of activities, and the communities involved in supporting Hinduism and Buddhism would have constituted both of traders and agriculturists. In addition, the find of a large number of coins of the Gupta period indicates the presence of an elitist class, who would have also contributed to the resources of the sacred site.
Another site with religious remains is Valabhi, which was to become the capital of the Maitraka dynasty in the succeeding sub-period of study. At the site of Valabhi were encountered votive tanks and miniature Shiva lingas,84 which have been dated between the first and fourth century CE. Excavations carried out at Maya no Khado revealed a single period divisible into three phases, covering a period from first century BCE/CE to eighth century CE. Excavations yielded brick structures, hearths and traces of furnaces for smelting iron belonging to fourth–fifth centuries CE.85
The ceramics found included RPW, crude black and red and plain and burnished red and black ware. Location of the site along the coast and the finds of RPW and amphorae are clear indicators of the site being involved in trading activities as well. In addition to this, Valabhi was located in the fertile plain of rich soil,86 which indicates its involvement in agricultural activities. The site’s strategic location for trading activities and agriculture may have been the possible causes for the selection of this site by the Maitraka dynasty.
Found in the sub-region of Kachchh are the Kateshwar/Siyot caves, dated to the first century CE, which have an east-facing sanctum and an ambulatory. Found here were fragments of clay sealings with Buddha images in different mudras and some of them with inscriptions in late Brahmi and Devnagari.87 The site is located at a distance of about 40 km from Lakhpat, which is located on the Kori creek. It seems that patronage to these Buddhist caves was provided by the trading community inhabiting the creek that would have been visited by ships.
According to Y.S. Rawat, ‘Kachchh was always at the forefront of maritime trade – the region hosted innumerable foreign traders on its shores and has sent seafarers to unchartered territories right from the Harappan period.’88 A particular grey ware found at the site of Nani Ryan in Kachchh is evidence for linkages of Gujarat with the Mediterranean region. Similar ware has been reported from the sites of Ed Dur in lower Gulf, Qana in Yemen and the island of Socotra in the Gulf of Aden. According to Bharucha, the ware is found on both sides of the Sea of Oman, and also, at a number of sites in Saurashtra as well as Mandvi, which shows regular contact and interchange between India and the Gulf region in Early Historic times.89 The sea routes in this region are named Bakhai Lal (Babra on Persian Gulf), Makarani Lal (Makran coast west of Karachi), Surati Lal (Surat), and Malabari (Malabar).90 The Gulf of Eirinon mentioned in the Periplus has been identified as the Rann of Kachchh.91
The site of Shamlaji is located next to river Meshvo on the southern end of a fertile forested valley 16 km long and 2 km wide. The Buddhist site of Devnimori is located on the other side of the same river. Shamlaji demonstrates continuity of settlement and excavations reveal beginnings of fortifications at the site, indicating an increase in the importance of the site. The fortification wall was rebuilt, and the bricks used in its construction and subsequent reconstruction were dated to the Kshatrapa period. The second period at this site covers the time between 100 CE and 300 CE, which is divided into period II and II a. In this period, ‘The distribution (of structures) indicates that the highest number of structures belonged to periods II and II a, which were of intense activity.’92Pottery found includes the RPW, black painted red ware and a richly embossed pottery. In the opinion of Mehta and Patil, ‘This habitation (II – first phase) was fortified in c. the first century CE. It covered within it an area of about fifty acres, which would have sheltered population, which probably would not have been more than three thousand souls even in the most prosperous period. This fort was situated in a strategic position.’93 It would then seem as though the site of Shamlaji was a well-developed town enclosed within a fortification wall. This site specialised in iron smelting activity and Mehta and Patil opine that, at Shamlaji, ‘caravans loaded with materials from the western world were moving past this town and were delivering the Roman goods. This movement continued to influence the town at least for four centuries’.94
In addition to this, the area was agriculturally fertile and was under cultivation, as is seen in the presence of various small dams or bunds found here. Bunds are to be seen in the surrounding area of Shamlaji and95 R.N. Mehta has provided a detailed list of these bunds located within this one district. One each is to be found at the villages of Bhim, Pagala, Rampur, Padadri, and Dadhalia. Between Jitpur and Dadhalia are to be found one each, three are seen at Vagpur, two at Hematpur, and the maximum number – which totals to nine – is at Devnimori, a site located opposite Shamlaji.96 The site is nestled between the hilly terrain of the Aravallis, and the occupants of the village Devni ki mori practise mainly agriculture. The agricultural importance of the site is suggested by the construction of a dam in the 1960s by the government, the water from which irrigates the fields nearby. While Shamlaji specialised in the production of iron objects, the site of Devnimori itself lay in a rich agricultural zone as the site is located between the rivers Meshvo and Majam, which is a notable tract of fertile arable land.97 At Shamlaji and Devnimori, the population was occupied in trade, agriculture and craft, and here too, as in the case in Junagadh, the Buddhist monastic establishment had interactions with the agricultural community at site.
The other site in North Gujarat is Vadnagar in district Mehsana, where excavations brought to light a Buddhist establishment dating to the second century CE. The structural remains at the site consisted of a Buddhist monastery in which the arrangement of cells followed a swastika pattern. Also seen at the site were two votive stupas, one square and the other circular in plan, dating to fourth–fifth centuries CE.98 Antiquities found include a red sandstone broken head of Buddha of second century CE, a crescent-shaped stone tray depicting scene of monkey offering honey to Buddha, and shards of RPW with the inscription dev-sri-ṛi-si, sa-ka-sayai and dhama dating to second–third centuries CE.99 One of the ivory seals from the site has religious motif and legend in Brahmi dating to second–third centuries BCE and it depicts a double storey pillar structure with an apsidal roof. On the right side of the structure is a ‘dhwaja stambha’ within a railing. On left side of Vimana is a tree in railing and a man wearing a turban is shown worshipping the tree. The legend on the seal reads ma-ha-ya-ta-ka-sa.100 Even though no religious structures are encountered this early at the site, this seal indicates the existence of a sacred site at Vadnagar.
Excavations reveal continuous settlement at the site from fourth–third centuries BCE to eleventh century CE.101 The settlement began without permanent fortification, and subsequently, an earthen rampart was added. In the early centuries of the Common era, a major change in internal town planning took place, and the new layout ushered in a new era of development and growth.102 Remains of well-laid streets, lanes, profuse use of burnt bricks, and fortification walls were excavated, and this layout lasted without change till eleventh–twelfth centuries CE.103
The prosperity of the site can be attributed to its involvement in trade as well as its ability to access agricultural resources from its hinterland. Imported objects include amphora like handled jar, broken pieces of ‘torpedo’ jar and terracotta plaque with moulding of acanthus leaves. The ‘torpedo’ jar may have come from Mesopotamia and belongs to third–seventh centuries CE. Also found are impressions of Roman coins of Valentinian I (364–367 CE) found on terracotta sealing, which has a Brahmi legend on other face.104 These artifacts seem to indicate the site’s involvement in trading activities as in ancient times, Vadnagar was a strategic location where two major trade routes crossed each other – one from central India to Sindh and the other from the port towns of Gujarat coast to Rajasthan and North India. The RPW found at the site speaks of its trade contacts with Saurashtra, where this ware is found in maximum numbers. The site also had access to agricultural produce as it was also located in sandy loam soil, which is suitable for agriculture. According to Rawat, the ivory seals found have motifs that were used in textile printing and this may be taken as evidence of the old tradition of textile printing in Gujarat.105
Broach, at this point of time, was a famous port and the sacred site probably lay along a route of communication connecting the port area with its hinterland. It has the advantage of being located on the Narmada, which is the only navigable river in Gujarat.106 The spread of Buddhist architecture across the Gulf of Khambat is evident from the presence of seven rock-cut caves and a monolithic pillar at the site of Kadia Dungar, situated about 40 km south of Broach. Excavation suggests that Broach was a prosperous town, as attested by the existence of a mud rampart, ring wells in clusters of five and a mud rampart, as well107 and lead and copper Kshatrapa coins in its early historical levels, which continued till seventh–eighth centuries CE without a break.108 The wares found were fragments of RPW and a few black and red wares, suggesting contacts with sites situated both towards Saurashtra, on the one hand, and the southern part of the subcontinent on the other. The most important early historic city in Gujarat was ancient Bharukaccha or Bhrgukaccha of the Indian sources and Barygaza of the classical sources.
Identified with modern Broach on the Narmada estuary, this was a port par excellence. Not only was its immediate hinterland fertile, producing wheat, rice and cotton, but its connection stretched to Ujjayini in central India and Pratisthana in the Deccan, thus touching the arterial routes of inner India.109
Broach or Bharukaccha is referred to as an important trading town in the Buddhist literature as well. In the Sussondi Jataka, there is mention of minstrel Sagga from Benares to Bharukaccha, which was a seaport town (pattana).110 Buddhist sources record huge ships plying between Bharukachha, Sopara and other western Indian ports and southern India, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Suvarnabhumi, and Indo–China peninsula.111
The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea aids in establishing the importance of Broach in trading activities with the Mediterranean world. The gulf of Barygaza (Broach) is described as being very narrow and hard to navigate for those coming from the ocean112 and the village of Khambat is called Cammoni.113 It further mentions that due to the difficulty in entering the Gulf, the king’s fishermen were posted at the entrance in well-manned boats called trappaga and cotymba, which went up to the coast of Saurashtra, and these would pilot vessels to Barygaza.114 Thus, the text gives not only information on the sites involved in trade, but also, vital information on trade within Gujarat and about the fact that by this time, the people of coastal Gujarat were masters in the art of construction and handling of boats. The distance from Barygaza to Paithana is mentioned as a 20-day journey and that various items from Paithana and Tagara were brought down to Barygaza by wagons.115 The site was an important trading centre, which was supported by an agriculturally rich hinterland.
Remains of a township were traced in Vadodara at excavations carried out at Bhimnath Mahadeo temple in Sayajigunj.116 The brick built structures excavated at the site measured three furlongs long, and one of these structures, measuring 21.3 × 12.2 metres with its outer walls exposed to about 1.5 metres, has been identified as a public building.117 A total of three coins were recovered, two of which belonged to the early Kshatrapa period.118 Evidence indicates an increase in the size of the settlement around the Kshatrapa period. The objects found at the site range from the microlithic period to the medieval period,119 suggesting that the site was inhabited for a very long period. The succeeding period has a number of religious images to its credit, and this coupled with the find of the Jaina bronzes makes Vadodara a site of religious importance through the ages. The site was involved in shell manufacturing, and in trading activities as well.
Evidence from the site of Akota, located on the western side of Vadodara city on the banks of River Visvamitri, confirms the strong presence of Jainas in this region. These are mainly from inscriptions on the Akota hoard of bronzes, which was unearthed in 1951. It contained 68 metal images ranging from the sixth century CE to twelfth century CE, including a few Gupta images.120 Excavations carried out at the site brought to light foundations of a building with a big hall, dating to the Kshatrapa period,121 which may have been used by the Jainas for religious purposes. On the image of Parsavanatha donated by Durggini, the inscription mentions the word Rathavasatika, interpreted as the vasatika founded by arya Ratha.122 Excavations at the site of Akota brought to light structures that have been dated to third–fourth centuries CE123 on the basis of RPW found in the trenches dug. Akota lay on the trade route between Gujarat and Malwa, and from the site were recovered a bronze handle (50–100 CE),124,125 amphorae fragments, terracotta seals, and Roman coins.126
Located at a short distance of about 30 km south of Vadodara is the site of Karvan, also known as Kayavarohan. The site is a famous center of Shaiva pilgrimage and is traditionally associated with Lakulisa, the 28th incarnation of Shiva, whose kaya (body) made an avarohana (descent) in this place. Excavations in the central part of the mound revealed a wall with a 2.2-metre-wide entrance, which was a gateway and was closed in a later period. Found at the site were a variety of objects, which included iron nails and bolts, copper coins of the Kshatrapas, tribal coins, lead coins, terracotta beads, and RPW.127 Found here are plaques of stone showing human figures with a prominent headdress. Beads of numerous semi-precious stones – agate, carnelian, garnet, rock crystal, garnet, jasper and quartz, shell objects, wheels, discs, and pendants – were found at excavations carried out at Phulwa Tekri and Vatanagar.128 Presence of semi-precious stones at the site suggests that the site either was specialising in the craft of bead manufacturing, or was involved in trading them, as seen in the presence of various coins at the site. A total of 5,000 lead coins with the legend Damajasa have been recovered from the site.129 Also found were 600 coins of lead in rectangular, circular and triangular shapes.130 This is the largest hoard of lead coins to be found in North Gujarat. The coins found in Gujarat include cast and tribal coins of North India, early South Indian coins, and coins of the Kushana and Gupta period. A comparative analysis of the coins has revealed that besides the normal issues of the ruling dynasties, certain coins carried additional symbols.131 The coins were modified before being issued for local circulation. The traders and merchants to facilitate smoother commercial transactions could have carried out the addition of symbols, which could have served as a trademark of the guild or guilds. This would not only have solved the problem of the acceptance of a particular currency in different regions, but have also aided in a long continuation of the coin, at least in terms of its intrinsic value. A.S. Gadre is of the opinion that at entrepots such as Broach and Kamrej, it is possible that coins of the Ujjain type were locally minted by various mercantile guilds.132
The site of Goraj is located on a tributary of river Visvamitri and has remains of what may have been a religious structure. It is at a distance of 30 km east of Vadodara and 37 km west from Karvan.133 Remains of a plinth of a brick temple were exposed, which measured 34.7 metres east–west and 23.9 metres north–south, with an average height between 1.4 metres and 1.5 metres, having 29 courses and no superstructure. Iron nails at the site were found in plenty, which must have been used for the super structure of the plinth that no longer exists.134 Found at the site was a signet ring carrying an inscription ‘Om Jagesha’ dated to second–third centuries CE,135 as well as a miniature head of a three-eyed Shiva in schist.136 According to Pande and Vyas, ‘The structure appears to have been built during the period of Kshatrapa rule (c. first century CE to fourth century CE). It seems to have been in use and rebuilt during the time of the Guptas, followed by the Maitrakas.’137 Also found at the site were votive tanks and miniature Shiva lingas, clearly pointing to the existence of certain rituals associated with the site wherein people left behind these objects as a form of gratitude to the deity or on the fulfilment of something desired from the deity. The presence of the lingas and the ring leads one to conclude that the structure at the site was devoted to Shiva. The site is located a short distance from the site of Karvan, and is also in the fertile zone along the river valley.138
The sites of Vadodara, Karvan and Goraj all have remnants associated with Shaivism. It would seem as though the city of Vadodara and its surrounding environs were sacred to the Shaivite community and these sites formed a religious pilgrimage in the area.
Archaeological evidence attests to an increase in the material remains at sites and an increase in the number of sites involved in varied manufacturing activities. New shell-working sites are those of Amreli, Valabhi, Akota, Karvan, and Bet Dwarka and evidence for iron smelting is visible in archaeological records at the sites of Prabhas Patan, Dhatva and Shamlaji; in this period, Valabhi appears as another smelting centre. There is also an increase in building activities, as evidenced in the presence of burnt brick structures at the sites of Prabhas Patan, Nagara, Amreli, Valabhi, Rojdi, Akota, and Karvan. In period I, forts/ramparts were noticed at Prabhas Patan and Broach only, but in period II, the list of fortified sites increases and now includes the sites of Shamlaji, Tarsang, Karanta, and a clay rampart at Amreli. A corresponding increase is seen in sites with archaeological evidence of religious remains, for instance, at sites of Broach, Shamlaji, Amreli, Valabhi, Akota, and Goraj.
Signs of prosperity at varied sites in the region are the presence of brick-built structures, fortification of sites and a vast number of coins and the trading network of Gujarat as well. Employment of bricks is noticed not only in the construction of secular buildings, but in sacred architecture as well. The creation of a system of water management in the form of earthworks or dams implies an advanced stage of farming where concerted efforts were being made to regulate the flow of water in the fields and improve productivity. Various social classes, agriculturists, artisans and traders now had the resources, even if limited in nature, to invest and contribute to the construction of structures at certain sacred sites. In the context of RPW found at various sites, H.P. Ray notes that
Thus it is evident that these coastal centres by no means existed in isolation, but on the contrary maintained a symbiotic relationship with agriculturists based at inland centres. The products of farms and forests provided cargoes for the sailing ships and sustained trade with other centres along the coasts. RPW was produced by local potters to meet the requirements of their neighbours, the farmers and merchants, and was produced in a variety of shapes. The fine-slipped ceramic indicates expanding trade networks associated with expanding agricultural activities and settlements, as also sea-going trade.139
The sacred sites in the region, thus, were the creation of members of communities involved in various economic activities. Gujarat’s internal and external trade networks and a strong agricultural base provided the resources necessary for creation of sacred architecture by various local communities.
In this sub-period, while there is continuity, many new sites emerge in the sacred landscape of Gujarat. Literary tradition as stated in the Skanda Purana attests to the creation of a sacred landscape at Dwarka and Somanatha, which now included not only the site per se, but other sacred spots in the vicinity of the sites. Archaeologically, sites of Karvan, Shamlaji, Devnimori, and Valabhi continue to grow in importance. Numerous sculptures from Shamlaji speak of its existence as sacred spot till the seventh century CE. At Devnimori, the stupas and the protecting wall have been dated to the fourth century CE140 and the site flourished till seventh–eighth centuries CE.141 From the site of Shamlaji are images belonging to the fifth–seventh centuries CE, such as Kartikkeya of fourth–fifth centuries CE;142 Viṇadhara Virabhadra Shiva of sixth century CE; and the image of Shiva and Parvati dated seventh century CE.143 The site that acquires immense importance by virtue of its being the capital of the Maitraka dynasty is Valabhi, denoting a shift in choice of capital from Junagadh.
This sub-period under study witnesses intense temple construction activity, mostly along the coastline of Saurashtra. The temple sites are located between the stretch of Dwarka and Somanatha and are dedicated to Surya, Shiva and goddesses. The temples are modest in size and simple in decorative elements. Due to the trend of giving dynastic labels to temples, these structures have been labelled ‘Maitraka’ temples, but they do not contain any evidence of the involvement of this royal dynasty at any of the temple sites. A total of 140 inscriptions cover the period from 502 CE to 767 CE and they are all donative inscriptions, detailing donations mainly to Brahmanas and Buddhists and a few to temples. Temples that receive donation do not contain any evidence of them being built by the ruling elite.
The Maitraka inscriptions provide valuable information regarding the existence of various settlement sites. Settlements from the earlier period continue into this period as well, as in the case of Vadodara, Vadnagar, Kaira, Jokha, Prabhas Patan, Dwarka, Broach, and Valabhi. H.G. Shastri, in a study of Gujarat in the Maitraka period, gives important information regarding the settlements in this period. According to him, the soil around Valabhi was rich and fertile and produced abundant harvests, and the cities of Valabhi and Girnar had dense population and rich establishments.144 The coast was studded with a number of well-known places such as Dwarka (Dvaraka), Mangalapura (Mangrol), Somanatha, Pattana (Somanatha, Prabhas Patan), Dvipa (Div), Unnata (Una), Madhumati (Mahuva), Hastaparva (Hatab), and Valabhi and a number of other important towns located on the sea coast, such as Navasarika (Navasari), city of Bharukaccha and Jambusaras (Jambusar), and Kapika (Kavi), to mention a few.145
Still, in the region of North Gujarat, the soil was very fertile, especially in Khetaka and Anandapura districts and shrubs and trees grew in great quantities here. ‘The population of the headquarters was dense and the establishments rich.’146 The major towns of north and east Gujarat were Khetaka (Kheda), Anandapura (Vadnagar) and Shivabhagapura (Shivrajpur).147
For this sub-period under study, a combination of archaeological and inscriptional data will highlight the role of various communities involved in the construction of religious architecture in Gujarat. A survey of the maps of this period and the location of identified places mentioned in the royal grants shows a density of population near the eastern part of Saurashtra, in the region around Girinagara, almost in whole of Khetaka ahara and near the coast of South Gujarat. The average distance between habitations was calculated to be about 5 km, the range of distribution being almost the same as in modern times. Settlement sites were situated on the seacoast and/or the bank of rivers and some of those located in the interior were administrative divisions, probably because of their location on major or minor routes of communication.148It is noticed that sacred sites are to be found in these areas of concentration, namely, the temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, the Buddhist sites in and around Girnar and the sites of Mahisa and Mehalvav, located in the district of Kheda, which contain Vaishnavite images. The inscriptional data are derived mainly from the Maitraka inscriptions and the inscribed images of the Akota hoard.
The site of Valabhi gains immense importance in this period not only in terms of being a political capital, but also, in terms of containing religious remains. The selection of Valabhi as the capital by the Maitraka dynasty is apparent as not only was it located in a fertile region, but was involved in trading activities as well. Excavations carried out at the site of Maya no Khado brought to light floors of well-beaten earth, structures of reused bricks and a gold ring with intaglio belonging to Phase III, which covers the period from the fifth century CE to eighth century CE.149 This last piece of evidence indicates contacts of the site with the Roman world, either direct or indirect.
Inscriptions, wherein Valabhi is referred to as a town, further corroborate this. In two copper plates, the term Valabhi svatala is used, and according to Njammasch, this term occurs in the Maitraka epigraphs in connection with towns and not villages. She further adds that, ‘it seems reasonable to translate this term with urban land or city territory’.150 Valabhi was also a very prosperous port town and the waters of the Gulf of Khambat were not far removed from its gates and the city, thus, had sea communications. The former seaworthiness of the place is testified by the buoy that guards the entrance to the town even today and also by the copper plates found at different places during excavation. At present, the town is approximately 35 km away from the present seacoast and is completely landlocked. It is believed that the first vessels having sailed were built at Kanakpur, Madhumati and Bhadravati in Gujarat. As per an old saying, it is believed that the speediest sail vessels were built in the seventh–eighth centuries at Kanakpur. All these places are landlocked today.151
The various Buddhist establishments mentioned in the grants depended on agricultural activities for their sustenance since these were granted lands or villages by the ruling elite. The same would hold true for other monasteries located outside the region of Valabhi, as seen in the map provided by Njammasch. Of a total of 57 land donations, the Buddhists received 4, and of the 44 villages donated, they were granted 20 villages.152 The Dudda vihara in Valabhi received a donation of three fields and two vapis and four gardens. Of these, two pieces of land were located in the svatala of Valabhi itself. Siladitya I donated three villages, which were located in the surrounding area of Valabhi itself.153 A grant of Dharasena I mentions the grant of two villages, located in Hastaparva aharani and in the sthali of Dharaketha, to a monastery to defray the cost of worship of the Divine Buddhas, of clothing, food and medicine for the bhikshus and of repairs to the monastery.154 Dhruvasena II granted a village to the bhikshus dwelling in the monastery constructed by Gohaka, located in Valabhi.155 In the year 549 CE, the Garulaka ruler Varahadasa donated the nunnery in Bhattipadra grama a field measuring 100 padavartas in the same village.156
As for the royalty, it is noticed that the Dudda vihara was built by Dudda, the niece of King Dhruvasena I, who seemed to have been a nun.157 The Abhayantarika vihara was also built by a nun by the name of Mimma.158 Of a total of 98 grants recorded so far, the rulers of the Maitraka dynasty made a total of 20 grants to Buddhist viharas. These grants cover a century and a half, which is from the time of Dhruvasena I (519–549 CE) to Siladitya II (658–685 CE). Viharas were also built by monks, as seen in the case of the Vimalagupta vihara, which was built by acharya bhikshu Vimalagupta159 and the Gohaka vihara, built by Gohaka, who was probably a monk.160
The term for traders found in the inscriptions is vanijak (merchants). The trader Yakkamali constructed a vihara in 590 CE,161 a merchant named Kakka Mankila built the Kakka vihara162 and the Ajita vihara was also built by a merchant, since the term used here is vanijak Ajita sakta vihara, which was a vihara for a sangha of bhikshunis, situated in Valabhi that received the grant from Garulaka king Varahadasa II in the year 230 (549 CE).163 Thus, a wide range of communities – traders, farmers, monks and nuns, and the ruling elite – contributed to the upkeep, construction and continuity of Buddhist sites around Valabhi.
The site of Valabhi was also important to the Jainas and a synod was held here under the leadership of arya Nagarjuna in 363 CE. Another synod was held at the same site in 503/516 CE under the leadership of Devarddhigani Ksamasramana when Dhruvasena I was ruling.164 The copy of Jinabhadra’s most famous work Vises Avasyakabhasya, was deposited in 609 CE in a Jaina temple at Valabhi.
Inscriptional data aid in reconstructing an agriculturally rich hinterland of Valabhi. The maximum numbers of Maitraka grants are in the Hastaparva aharani, which would correspond to the area around modern day Hatab. In the Ganesgadh plates of Dhruvasena I, land was donated in the village of Hriyanaka165 that lay in the Hastaparva aharani and the same ruler donates once more land on the northern boundary of Jyeshthanaka in the same aharani to other brahmanas.166 The area seems to have been agriculturally fertile for Dhruvasena I grants a total of 360 padavartas of land in the village of Hariyanaka of this aharani. The Bhavnagar plates of Dharasena III mention the donation of a 100 padavartas of land in the village of Amakarakupa in Hastaparva aharani, the boundaries of which were a village cattle track to the south, and on the east, a rising ground for a stone quarry.167 While Valabhi was involved in trade, the area around Hatab seems to have been the hinterland, where the inhabitants were involved in not only agricultural practices, but also, animal husbandry and quarrying activities and trade as well.168
Excavations carried out at the site of Hatab revealed its urban character, characterised by the presence of mud fortification, a moat and various structures of burnt bricks.169 The site was a major shell crafting industry170 in all the three phases covering the period from fourth century BCE to the sixth century CE.171 Though the site was involved in iron smelting in all phases, the third phase (fifth–sixth centuries CE) witnessed maximum activity, as is evidenced by the find of furnaces of various dimensions. Excavations brought to light nearly 350 seals, round and oval in size, dating from the first century BCE to the third–fourth centuries CE from a warehouse complex,172 which indicates the involvement of the site in trading activities as well. Thus, the site of Hatab would have been an important hinterland area for Valabhi, which was the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty.
In this period, one notices a large number of temples along the coastline of Kathiawar. These temples are seen to be located in the areas of settlement concentration with RPW to their credit. These settlements were invariably located in the fertile zones of the Kathiawar region. The concentration of temples is noticed mainly between the Vartu and Bhadar regions, an area where agricultural activities would have predominated. A few of the sites were also involved in trading and fishing activities. The coastline from Kotda to Miyani is in the fresh fish zone, and out of the important villages engaged in the capture of marine fish, the sites of Sutrapada, Veraval, Mangrol, and Miyani173 contain temple remains. At the site of Kadvar, located 3 km away from Sutrapada, the population mainly consists of Koli fisherman.174 A few of the sites were involved in trading activities as well. The site of Mangrol is a non-intermediate port and is open to coastal and foreign traffic.175 The location of the site of Miyani at the creek would ensure its involvement in trading activities. Similarly, the site of Porbandar is a flourishing intermediate port, and is important for traffic from the African ports and the West Asian countries.176
This, coupled with Nancy Orton’s research of RPW sherds at the sites of Kadvar and Sutrapada, and the find of similar pottery in the Arab Persian Gulf clearly indicate the involvement of these sites in trading activities. Remote sensing reveals that the sites of Pindara, Valabhi, Nagara, Khambat, and Broach were ancient seaports.177 Thus, the temples are to be found not only at sites involved in agricultural activities, but also where the inhabitants were involved in fishing or trade, and possibly, a combination of these as well.
Recent onshore and offshore explorations along the coastline of Saurashtra have revealed the presence of many ports in the historical period. Offshore anchoring points, which also contain sacred architecture, have been identified at Miyani, Visavada, Somanatha, Kodinar, and Gogha. The underwater investigations on the Saurashtra seacoast have helped mark several anchoring points from where stone anchors were found in water at a depth of 5–7 metres. Underwater observation revealed that the seabed topography between Dwarka and Somanatha is almost less variant, particularly at Dwarka, Miyani, Porbandar, Visavada, Tukda, and Somanatha. The seabed topography comprised rocky formations with numerous channels filled with fine sand. The stone anchors were trapped in these channels and between rocks which were suitable for holding big boats.178 The study reveals that many temple sites were located close to creeks, as seen in the case of Miyani, Visavada, Kindarkheda, Somanatha, Kodinar (Mul Dwarka), Hatab, and Valabhipur. At Miyani, a vast creek known as the Meda creek runs a few kilometres in the hinterland area and was used as a sheltered harbour for country craft. Visavada is located 20 km east of Miyani and the Kindar creek runs from here up to Kindarkheda.
As per the study of an ancient map, Kindarkheda was approachable by boat up to 1856, and archaeological, geographical and geological data suggest that it might have been an active proto historical and historical port. At Mul Dwarka, the ancient port was destroyed due to the construction of a cement jetty. Discovery of a composite stone anchor and report on some grapnel-type anchors suggest that this was also an active port town during the historical and medieval periods.179 Bet Dwarka was located at a point from which boats and ships sailing from the south enter the Gulf of Kachchh, and approach the mainland, sailing in a north-westerly direction.180 Porbandar, referred to as Bardaxema by Ptolemy, has a pre-Chalukyan temple at the site, dating to the eighth century CE. Four ancient jetties known as Juna Dhakka were noticed in the creek over a stretch of 3 km. The first jetty was situated opposite the Porav Mata temple and this was used for passenger and small boats.181 The second jetty was located 200 metres south of the present bridge between Bokhira and Porbandar and it was used for loading and unloading cargo such as cotton, woollen cloth, grain, wood, and so on. Yet another jetty along the creek acted as a ramp to cross the creek and was used by bullock carts. The jetties were in use till the end of the nineteenth century.182 The authors opine that the ancient jetties in the Bokhira creek suggest that this was an important maritime trade centre in the ancient period.183
Even though it is difficult to exactly pinpoint the location of ancient ports along the coast of Saurashtra, the survey of the above-mentioned sites amply demonstrates the strong association of this sub-region with sea-faring and trading activities. Locating and navigating inlet areas along the coast of Gujarat was not always easy. Native fishermen helped overcome this problem by guiding and piloting the ships to safer places.184
Another aspect of the maritime networks relates to the visual topography that provided landmarks to sailors and defined the sailing world in antiquity. This visual topography was characterised by coastal structures, many of them religious in nature that created a distinctive maritime milieu. ‘The chains of perceptibility created by looking from one vantage point to the next served both to express the relationship of individual localities to one another and to make sense of the wider world.’185
Ray adds in the context of the subcontinent: ‘The communities are linked to coastal temples dedicated to a range of deities and often donate regularly for maintenance as well as performance of rituals. A third feature in the religious landscape is the memorial stone, or paliyar, set up in memory of those who have lost their lives at sea. It is also significant that temple structures often double as markers to identify the coasts and are often associated with local legends of rescues at sea. Thus religious architecture fulfils both religious and navigational purposes, and this was important in an earlier period also.’186
The site of Devnimori, in North Gujarat, continues in this period as well, since Phase III, dated to the sixth century CE, is the last phase at this site that contained coins of Sarvabhattaraka, the first Maitraka ruler. The find of silver Sassanian coins,187 points to the site being a part of a wider network. At this site, there was a vihara that existed at first, and the stupa was built consequently. The settlement located closest to this site is that of Shamlaji, which is a small village located in the Bhiloda taluka of Sabarkantha district. The site is situated in a forested valley of the outliers of the Aravalli mountains. To the north of Shamlaji is a broad valley carved out by the river Meshvo that skirts the southern boundary of Shamlaji after passing through a narrow gorge to the south east.188 Phase III at the site corresponds to the period from 600 CE to 1200 CE, and from this period, five brick structures, including platforms, were reported.189 In this period, the settlement site itself becomes an important sacred site, and found here are a number of Hindu sculptures. The earliest figure found here is a female deity, which has been dated to fourth century CE.190 These images have been discussed in detail in the third chapter on sculptures.
The inhabitants of this site seem to have exploited iron, as is evidenced by the presence of the tuyeres for blowers and crucibles at the site. The raw material, laterite or hematite, was available within 45 km from the site.191 As mentioned before, the site was also located in a fertile agricultural zone and along a trade route as well. Hence, this site had its support base in the extraction of iron ore, trade and agricultural activities too. The site of Shamlaji is, to date, important for the local adivasis who worship the Gadadhar image of Vishnu as their ishta devata. In the month of Karttika, a huge fair takes place at the site and people from Gujarat, Mewar and Marwar come to visit this shrine. A number of traders and merchants set up their shops here and the adivasis coming from the areas of Mewar, Marwar and as far as Saurashtra in Gujarat, purchase livelihood items for the entire year. According to the booklet available at the site, Shamlaji was a great centre of trade and commerce in earlier times as well.
A concentration of Hindu sculptures is noticed in the modern districts of Baroda or Vadodara and Broach, two sites in the modern district of Kheda, and at the sites of Roda and Goraj, besides the above-mentioned site of Shamlaji. The inhabitants of the village Roda, to date, earn their income mainly from agriculture, which may have been the case earlier as well. The northern part of Gujarat, bordering Rajasthan, has a hilly terrain and agriculture is practised today in the available flat area between the Aravalli hills.
Evidence for the continued association of Vadodara with Shaivism is evident from the Valabhi grant of Siladitya I. The grant mentions the donation of land and stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva, or Shiva, which was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.192 Grants were also made in the regions of Vadodara, testifying to the existence of agricultural activities in these areas as well. The Maitraka ruler Siladitya I193 granted land in Vatapadra, and the site of Goraj is located within this district as well.
In this period, the site of Akota acquires immense importance for the Svetambara Jaina community, as attested by the find of the Akota hoard of bronze images from the site. The inscriptions on these images help reconstruct the social support base of the religion. According to legend, the Buddhists were defeated by Mallavadi at Broach, who also got two metal images of Jina made for installation in the Jaina temple at Ankotaka.194 An image of yaksa Sarvanubhuti records its installation by Jinabhadra Vacana acharya,195 and another image of an unidentified Jina was installed by the same acharya,196 both of which have been dated to between 500 CE and 610 CE on stylistic basis. Nuns installed images as well, as seen in the case of a Sarasvati gifted by the ganini (nun) Isiya,197 the tri-tirthika image of Parsavanatha gifted by arjika Khambili,198 and an image gifted by Sagabharjika, interpreted either as the saka lady named Bharjika or a nun (arjika) of the saka community.199 All these images have been dated to the seventh century CE.
Evidence of the involvement of the lay community mostly comes as inscriptions that record the donation of images by women. An image of Jivantsvami, dated to the middle of the sixth century CE, records it as being gifted by a Jaina lady named Nagisvari of the Chandra kula.200 The pedestal of a Jina image mentions the image being donated by the wife of Sravaka Sihaji, dating to 600–650 CE,201 and the female worshipper Durggini gifted an image of Parsavanatha.202 Thus, the contributors to Jaina religion constituted mainly of acharyas, nuns, lay female worshippers, and in some cases, the trading community.
The two sites of importance in the region of northern Gujarat are Shamlaji and Roda. At Shamlaji were found a number of sculptures, which may have been enshrined in some structure. The site of Roda contains a group of seven temples constructed around a stepwell. This is the only site in the northern part of Gujarat where there is definite proof of the existence of temples. Found here were images of five mātṛkās, a beautiful image of four-armed Ganesha dated to not later than the eighth century CE, a Kumara or Karttikeya belonging to the mid-eighth century CE, and two images of Parvati performing the Panchagnitapas and an image of a goddess on a couchant lion,203 which may be dated to the eighth century CE.204 The third temple at the site is of the Pancasakha variety, with the central rupastambha having figures of Shiva, Shiva and Parvati and Ardhanarisvara to the left, and Vishnu and Lakshmi Narayana to its right. The sobhapatta over the lintel has images of Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, and Ganesha.205 These two sites contain a set of five mātṛkās each and may have been centres of mātṛkā worship.
According to Dhaky and Moorti, Urjayantagiri (Girnar hills) near Girinagar, came to be regarded as sacred from the Kshatrapa period onwards because of the creation of a legend involving the 22nd tirthankara, Jina Aristanemi of the Yadava clan. According to the Agamas of the late Kshatrapa period, all three auspicious events – which are renouncing worldly ways, attaining omniscience and salvation of Aristanemi – are supposed to have taken place on this mountain.206
As in the preceding period, in this period too, the traders are an important community, as is their contribution to sacred sites, which is seen in the inscriptional data. This is a period that also witnessed the construction of a vast number of temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, mainly between the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha. These structures were centres of rituals associated with marine activities and also served as markers for sailors. The fishing and sailing communities formed the foundation of maritime activity in the Indian Ocean and provided seafaring continuity throughout history. There is evidence of rituals performed at each stage of construction of the watercraft, which are compiled in a book titled Nauka Navghatan Pujanam or ‘Worship for New Ship Construction’.207
Evidence of the involvement of varied communities at religious sites is provided by inscriptions. These included individuals from villages, the village community, traders, monks, nuns, and the royalty as well.
Of the four temples found mentioned in the grants, there is reference to the construction of a temple by an individual. The Valabhi grant of Siladitya I mentions the donation of land and stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva or Shiva. This temple was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.208 The grant of Dhruvasena II mentions donation of guda and rupaka to the temple of goddess Kottammahikadevi located in Trisamgamaka,209 corresponding to modern-day Tarsamia, located 4.8 km south east of Bhavnagar.210 As is the case with the earlier-mentioned temple, here too, a donation is made to an already existing temple and not for the erection of a new one. Hence, there is a strong case for the involvement of the village community in the construction and maintenance of the temples found in different parts of the region. The temples found mentioned in the inscriptions and those located along the coastline were most likely the contribution of the village community.
In connection with temples, there is one reference in the inscription that indicates that the temples were under a certain authority. The Bhamodra plate of Dronasimha, dated to 502 CE, mentions the donation of the village of Trisamgamaka to the temple of the goddess Pandurajya in the Hastaparva aharani. It bears the signature of Bhiruvaka, the devikamrmantikah or intendant of the estate of the goddess.211
In the case of Jainism, some of the bronzes recovered from Akota bear inscriptions, which aid in tracing the community involved with the creation and installation of these images, such as monks, nuns and lay women worshippers. In the case of Buddhism as well, one comes across one inscription that clearly demonstrates the contribution of images by monks in religious establishments. A bronze Buddhist image from Bhuj dating to seventh century CE carries an inscription on the pedestal. It records that the image was dedicated by one Nagasingha bhikshu in memory of his mother described as Devakriti, who had entered the order of the bhikshunis.212
A study of the archaeological, inscriptional and literary data shows that sites with sacred remains were involved in varied activities, such as craft production, mining and fishing. The economic diversity within a society suggests the existence of varied productive forces. Political stability, economic prosperity, social hierarchy, religious harmony, literate society, monumental architecture, and internal and external trade contacts were features present in Gujarat that created conditions for religious and sacred sites to develop and flourish over time.
At most of the sites, one noticed a combination of more than one activity – trade and agriculture (Broach), trade and craft production (Dwarka), craft production and agriculture (Nagara) and trade, mining and agriculture (Devnimori and Shamlaji). It was difficult to establish a one-to-one relationship between trade and Buddhist sites or agriculture and temple sites. The Buddhist sites were located in agriculturally rich zones and received land grants in the Maitraka period. Temples are also found at sites that were involved in fishing and salt extraction activities and remains of Hinduism were noticed in the major trading site of Broach.
The study brings forth the participation of diverse communities at the sacred sites, ranging from the village community to the merchants and traders, the monks and nuns and the ruling elite as well. Ethnographic data show the participation of sailing communities from across Gujarat. In fact, Kachchh is still famous for its tradition of sailing and seafaring. Cultural memory gives a sailor from the Kharva community of Kachchh the credit for navigating the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama (1460–1524), to India. Gujarat has been traditionally associated with ship-and boat-building activities, and most traditional boats were built in temporary yards and sheds erected by carpenters wherever they found suitable place, mostly on the banks of rivers. In these boats, decks are noticed at bow and stern, in the middle the empty space is used to carry 10–12 tonnes of cargo to the mother ships from inland ports and vice versa. These boats were designed in order to use in shallow water with greater stability. In the absence of docks in earlier times, these boats proved to be beneficial for big sailing ships for loading and unloading cargo at sea.213
The spurt in temple-building activities brings forth the importance of coastal communities in being agents of religious changes and shaping of sacred landscapes, and as has been aptly pointed out, ancient ports of Gujarat were once centres of trade and culture.214 These were places where not only goods were exchanged, but ideas, art and cultures from diverse regions met and interacted.
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