1. A. J. Kelly (Home Office) to A. Gransden (Cabinet Office, Stormont), 2 April 1946, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/1.
2. Peter Rose, How the Troubles Came to Northern Ireland (Basingstoke and New York, 2000), 2.
3. Note of a meeting with Rt Hon. Herbert Morrison, MP, 15 September 1946, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
4. G. C. Duggan, ‘Northern Ireland: Success or Failure?’, Irish Times, 19 April 1950. Duggan was Comptroller and Auditor General at Stormont.
5. Memorandum on ‘The Constitutional Position’ by R. Nugent, 6 January 1946, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/1.
6. Memorandum by Minister of Health and Local Government, 9 July 1946, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
7. John Ditch, Social Policy in Northern Ireland 1939–1950 (Aldershot, 1988), 105.
8. Letter from Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Blakiston-Houston, Beltrim Castle, Gortin, to Basil Brooke, 9 April 1948, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/1.
9. Belfast Newsletter, 27 November 1947.
10. Note on Dominion Status from Robert Gransden, Cabinet Secretary, to the Prime Minister, 31 October 1947, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
11. Sir Alexander Maxwell to the Home Secretary, 25 October 1945, included in the file ‘Infiltration of Éire Workers into Northern Ireland’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat Cab 9C/47/3.
12. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 107.
13. Letter from Henry McCay, Secretary of the City of Londonderry and Foyle Unionist Association, to McCoy, 29 March 1951, PRONI, McCoy Papers, D333/A/1.
14. Madge MacDonald to McCoy, 24 February 1948, PRONI, McCoy Papers, D333/A/1.
15. May Knox-Browne, Aglinton Castle, Fivemiletown, to McCoy, 9 September 1952, PRONI, McCoy Papers, D333/A/1.
16. Belfast Newsletter, 22 December 1945.
17. Bew, Gibbon and Patterson, 103.
18. Sabine Wichert, Northern Ireland since 1945 (London, 1991), 72.
19. F. H. Boland, Irish Ambassador, London, to Seán Nunan, Secretary, Department of External Affairs, 6 January 1954, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/249. Brooke was created Viscount Brookeborough in 1952.
20. Sir Basil Brooke, ‘Diaries’, 18 February 1951, account of Ulster Unionist Council Meeting, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D 3004/D/44.
21. Letter from Maginess to Brooke, 21 August 1951, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
22. ‘Roman Catholic Electors Seeing the Light’, Northern Whig, 20 October 1951.
23. Belfast Newsletter, 13 July 1946.
24. Statement showing scope and amount of social services in Northern Ireland and Éire, October 1946, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9C/47/3.
25. F. S. L. Lyons, Ireland since the Famine (London, 1971), 742.
26. The UlsterYear Book 1947 (Belfast, 1948), 76, and The UlsterYear Book 1963–1964 (Belfast, 1965), 213.
27. From 2,026 in 1945–6 to 4,708 in 1963–4, The Ulster Year Book 1963–1964, 234.
28. John Ditch, Social Policy in Northern Ireland 1939–1950 (Aldershot, 1988), 107.
29. The Ulster Year Book 1960–1962 (Belfast, 1963), 229.
30. J. H. Whyte, ‘How Much Discrimination was There under the Unionist Regime 1921–1968?’, in I. T. Gallagher and James O'Connell (eds.), Contemporary Irish Studies (Manchester, 1983), 20.
31. Graham Gudgin, ‘Discrimination in Housing and Employment under the Stormont Regime’, in P. Boche and B. Barton (eds.), The Northern Ireland Question: Nationalism, Unionism and Partition (Hampshire, 1999), 103.
32. Memorandum by the Minister of Home Affairs on the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act, 22 February 1950, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/846/10.
33. See Henry Patterson, ‘Party versus Order: Ulster Unionism and the Flags and Emblems Act’, Contemporary British History, 13, 4, Winter 1999, 104–29.
34. Belfast Newsletter, 13 July 1946.
35. Report of the Proceedings of the Half-yearly General Meeting of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, Sandy Row Orange Hall, 14 December 1949, in the Library of the Orange Order, Belfast.
36. Michael McGrath, ‘The Narrow Road: Harry Midgley and Catholic Schools in Northern Ireland’, Irish Historical Studies, 30, 119, May 1997, 439.
37. ibid., 440.
38. Oliver P. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster 1603–1983: An Interpretative History (Dublin, 1994), 247.
39. Belfast LOL 958 resolution, which protested against grants to sixteen Catholic schools under the 1947 Act: Meeting of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, 8 June 1949, the Library of the Orange Order, Belfast.
40. Ulster Protestant, October 1957.
41. ‘Position of the Minority in the 26 Counties’, 24 October 1950, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/351A.
42. Ulster Protestant, August 1951.
43. Memorandum from the Inspector-General of the RUC, 30 December 1953, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/956.
44. Patterson, 120.
45. ibid., 108.
46. Lord Brookeborough, ‘Diaries’, 6 June 1956, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45. In 1956 the Prime Minister met a delegation of leading unionists from Derry who, wrongly believing that Catholics were 40 per cent of the population – the 1951 census figure was 35 per cent – predicted a ‘disloyal majority by 2000’. Minute prepared for meeting with the Prime Minister, 13 September 1956, PRONI, PM 5/95/10.
47. ibid., 13 September: ‘Deputation headed by Teddy Jones [MP for Londonderry city] on industries. They are anxious that we should not get an invasion from the other side.’
48. This was after a letter from Teddy Jones that warned that if the position ‘falls into the wrong hands, the situation in Londonderry City will go from bad to worse and ultimately destroy us’. Letter from Jones to A. J. Kelly, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9C/5/4.
49. Harry Diamond, a Republican Labour MP, quoted in Irish News, 15 October 1953.
50. Whyte, 10.
51. Lord Brookborough, ‘Diaries’, 24 February 1956, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
52. ibid., 5 September 1956.
53. Paul Teague, ‘Discrimination and Segmentation Theory: A Survey’, in Terry Cradden and Paul Teague (eds.), Labour Market Discrimination and Fair Employment in Northern Ireland: International Journal of Manpower, 13, 65/7, 1992.
54. The seminal article on the topic is E.A. Aunger, ‘Religion and Occupational Class in Northern Ireland’, Economic and Social Review, 7, 1, 1975.
55. Whyte, 21–3.
56. Letter from Brian Maginess to R. A. Butler, 15 December 1954, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/21.
57. Memorandum of the Minister of Commerce on Advanced Factories, 28 March 1956, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/25.
58. Letter from Brian Maginess to R. A. Butler, 15 December 1954, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/21.
59. This depressing story is, not surprisingly, easier to follow in the Prime Minister's diaries than in the cabinet papers. 30 April 1957: ‘Cabinet subcommittee on Derry employment problem in new industries. There are two lines we can help – getting good labour relations people into the factories… Housing is important and getting Derry men from other parts of the Province and from England to return to the city.’ 17 May 1957: ‘Met Executive of the party at Glengall Street and told them we had made arrangements for Derry about new industries.’ 26 June 1957: ‘Teddy Jones saw Labour and Commerce about employment in Derry. He says there is a row with the Apprentice Boys that no Protestants are being employed in the building operations [for Dupont plant].’ Extracts from ‘Diaries’, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
60. Campaign for Social Justice in Northern Ireland, The Plain Truth (Dungannon, 2nd ed., 1969).
61. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork, 1997), xvi–xvii.
62. Lord Brookeborough, ‘Diaries’, 23 September 1958, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
63. Copy of telephone message from Brookeborough to the Home Secretary, 7 February 1958: ‘The unemployment rate in Londonderry is 17% and the closing of the station will completely cancel the volume of additional work being provided by new industry in the area.’ PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/29.
64. Brendan Lynn, Holding the Ground: The Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland 1945–1972 (Aldershot, 1997), 4.
65. 1951 election address of Gerald Annesley APL candidate in South Down, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/109/4/1.
66. In a memorandum on the state of northern nationalism, 1 May 1958, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/2/4.
67. Lynn, 37.
68. ibid., 55.
69. Visit by Conor Cruise O'Brien to anti-partitionist centres in Northern Ireland, 23–5 March 1953, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/2/3.
70. ibid.
71. J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: A History of the IRA 1916–1970 (London, 1972), 296.
72. Report by F. H. Boland to Seán Nunan, Department of External Affairs, 26 November 1953, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/249.
73. Conor Cruise O'Brien report on a visit to Ulster, 21–2 June, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/17/2/3.
74. Round Table, 177, December 1954.
75. Report on a visit to Ulster, 21–2 June, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/17/2/3.
76. Bowyer Bell, 313–15.
77. Thus Seán Rafferty to a Sinn Féin meeting in Belfast: ‘They had a far greater weapon in the ballot box than in bullets, bayonets and bombs.’ Irish News, 16 May 1955.
78. An intercepted communication from Eamon Timoney, an IRA officer in Derry, to his commanding officer was revealing: ‘Our boys are anxious to let the “B” patrols have it, but I have objected… If you say the word “let them have it” we will not say “no”.’ Quoted at his trial, Belfast Newsletter, 20 June 1957.
79. Examples were the killing of Sergeant Ovens by a booby-trap in August 1957 and the shooting of an off-duty RUC constable by an IRA team in Fermanagh in January 1961. Bowyer Bell, 367, 391.
80. Seán Cronin, Irish Nationalism (Dublin, 1980), 171.
81. Target list included in documents found on IRA man tried in Belfast, Belfast Newsletter, 16 March 1957.
82. ‘Belfast Man Jailed for Possessing IRA Documents’, Belfast Newsletter, 11 December 1956.
83. Inspector-General's office, Crime Branch Special, ‘Subversive Activities: Reports and Correspondence’, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/1349.
84. Department of External Affairs memorandum on meeting with Michael O'Neill, 19 May 1955, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/14/2.
85. Conor Cruise O'Brien, report on visit to Ulster, 21–2 July 1954, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 305/17/2/3.
86. J. G. Nelson, RUC headquarters, to R. F. R. Dunbar, 26 September 1958, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/1349.
87. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 92.
88. ‘Subversive Incidents in Northern Ireland since 12 December 1958’, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/1349.
89. ‘Proposed Winding Up of the APL in the Six Counties’, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/2/4.
90. Memorandum on Publicity by Eric Montgomery, Director of Publicity, 7 April 1957, PRONI, Cabinet Publicity Committee, Cab 4A/26/75.
91. Government of Northern Ireland, Report of the Joint Working Party on the Economy of Northern Ireland, Cmnd. 446 (Belfast, 1962) (hereafter referred to as the Hall Report, after Sir Robert Hall, who chaired it), para. 23.
92. G. P. Steed, ‘Internal Organization, Firm Integration and Locational Change: The Northern Ireland Linen Complex 1954–1964’, Economic Geography, 47, 1971.
93. Report by officials on employment policy, December 1960, PRONI, Cabinet Employment Subcommittee, Cab 4A/38/43.
94. Hall Report, para. 21.
95. ibid., para. 26.
96. ibid., para. 44.
97. Bew, Gibbon and Patterson, 119.
98. Hall Report, para. 25.
99. Bew, Gibbon and Patterson, 118.
100. Hall Report, para. 26.
101. Minute from the Prime Minister to the Home Secretary, 29 December 1949, in ‘Industrial Development and Employment in Northern Ireland, Measures by British Government’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9F/188/1.
102. Note by Sir Frank Newsam of the Home Office of a meeting to discuss unemployment in Northern Ireland, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9F/188/3.
103. PRONI, Cab 4/970/830 April 1955.
104. ‘Employment Policy: Report by Officials’, December 1960, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/43.
105. ibid.
106. ‘Industrial Development and Employment in Northern Ireland, Measures by British Government’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9F/188/72.
107. Terry Cradden, Trade Unionism, Socialism and Partition (Belfast, 1993), 179.
108. ‘The Economic Survey of Northern Ireland’, memorandum by the Minister of Commerce, 16 October 1957, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1049.
109. Bew, Gibbon and Patterson, 126.
110. See O'Neill's comments at meeting of Cabinet Employment Committee, 3 April 1958, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/21.
111. ‘Observations on the 1953 Election’, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/16/3/51.
112. Cabinet Employment Committee, 19 November 1958, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/34.
113. Personal note from Minister of Finance to Cabinet Employment Committee, 12 February 1958, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/38/29.
114. Bew, Gibbon and Patterson, 128.
115. Sydney Elliott, Northern Ireland Parliamentary Election Results 1921–1971 (Chichester, 1973), 43.
116. Belfast Newsletter, 2 June 1962.
117. This was the opinion of Jack Sayers, the liberal editor of the Belfast Telegraph, who in his column in the Round Table noted, ‘It begins to appear that Northern Ireland's failure to recruit to the political field men and women of greater stature, capacity and breadth of vision is at last coming home to roost.’ Round Table, 185, December 1956.
118. ‘Future of Messrs. Short Brothers and Harland’, memorandum by Minister of Defence and Minister of Aviation, 2 October 1962, PRO, Cab 127/110. Wilson's remark is from a meeting with Terence O'Neill and other members of the Stormont cabinet, 4 November 1968, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1413/10.
1. ‘Economic Relations with the Irish Republic’, 5 February 1960, PRO, Cab 129/100.
2. Symposium on Economic Development, Journal of the Social and Statistical Inquiry of Ireland, 19, Part 2, 1958/59.
3. Paul Bew and Henry Patterson, Seán Lemass and the Making of Modern Ireland (Dublin, 1982), 114.
4. ‘Economic Relations with the Irish Republic’, 5 February 1960, PRO, Cab 129/100.
5. John Horgan, Seán Lemass: The Enigmatic Patriot (Dublin, 1997), 216.
6. Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life: An Autobiography (Dublin, 1991), 58.
7. Bew and Patterson, 136.
8. ibid., 184.
9. ‘The Political Implication of an Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area’, 1 January 1965, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S16674 Q/95.
10. Peter Mair, The Changing Irish Party System (London, 1987), 182.
11. Susan Baker, ‘Nationalist Ideology and the Industrial Policy of Fianna Fáil, Irish Political Studies, 1, 1986, 61.
12. ibid., 64.
13. Lemass in a speech to the Dublin South-central branch of Fianna Fáil, Irish Times, 13 May 1961.
14. Report of a meeting between the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Linen, Cotton and Rayon Manufacturers' Association, 13 July 1961, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S6272 C/61.
15. Cormac Ó Gráda, A Rocky Road: The Irish Economy since the 1920s (Manchester, 1997), 29.
16. All the figures in this paragraph are from Liam Kennedy, The Modern Industrialization of Ireland 1940–1988 (Dublin, 1989), 14–16.
17. Liam Kennedy, 15.
18. Kieran Allen, Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour: 1926 to the Present (London, 1997), 108.
19. Allen, 109.
20. Niamh Hardiman, Pay, Politics and Economic Performance in Ireland 1970–1987 (Oxford, 1988), 48.
21. Horgan, 230.
22. Bew and Patterson, 173.
23. Horgan, 229.
24. Finola Kennedy, Public Social Expenditure in Ireland, Economic and Social Research Institute, Broadsheet No. 11, February 1975.
25. Mair, 30.
26. F. S. L. Lyons, Ireland since the Famine (London, 1971), 623–4.
27. J.J. Lee, Ireland 1912–1985 (Cambridge, 1994), 367.
28. Jonathan Bardon, A History of Ulster (Belfast, 1992), 629.
29. New York Times, 29 April 1957.
30. Martin Mansergh, ‘The Political Legacy of Seán Lemass’, Etudes Irlandaises, No. 25–1, Printemps 2000, 160.
31. Lemass in his Presidential Address to Ard-Fheis, 20 November 1962, in ‘Partition: Government Policy’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S9361 K/63.
32. In 1956–7, when ill with phlebitis, he sent a note to T. K. Whitaker: ‘Dev wants me to brush up my Irish – please send me some books on economics and finance’, in Horgan, 302. The same book records his view on the afterlife: ‘This is all nonsense. When it's over, it's over’ (325).
33. Round Table, 196, September 1959.
34. Henry Patterson, ‘Seán Lemass and the Ulster Question 1959–1965’, Journal of Contemporary History, 34, 1, 1999, 151–2.
35. After a meeting with northern Nationalist MPs and Senators on 19 July 1962, Lemass asked the Minister for Transport and Power, Erskine Childers, to raise these issues with the two state companies: ‘Government Policy on Partition’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S9361 K/62.
36. Presidential Address to Ard-Fheis, 20 November 1962.
37. Irish Times, 16 October 1959.
38. At his first meeting in November 1963 with Sir Alec Douglas-Home, the British premier suggested a meeting with Lemass: Andrew Gailey, Crying in the Wilderness. Jack Sayers: A Liberal Editor in Ulster 1939–1969 (Belfast, 1995), 81–2.
39. Gransden, who was Cabinet Secretary from 1939 to 1957 and Northern Ireland Agent in London from 1957 to 1962, had become friendly with Hugh McCann, then Irish Ambassador in London and subsequently Secretary of the Department of External Affairs. His views were expressed during a holiday in Ireland in June 1963 and recorded in a note by McCann on 15 July 1963, ‘Partition: Government Policy’, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, DFA 313/31K.
40. Irish Times, 30 July 1963.
41. Robert Savage, Seán Lemass (Dublin, 1990), 40.
42. Irish Press, 12 September 1963.
43. Letter from Seán Lemass to all cabinet ministers, 10 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
44. ‘Suggested Civil Service Level Discussions with Six-County Representatives’, 28 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
45. Irish Times, 17 October 1963.
46. Irish Press, 18 October 1963.
47. See his 1962 speech to Ard-Fheis: ‘I am convinced that British action in expanding freedom throughout Africa and Asia will eventually have its effect in bringing partition to an end.’ ‘Government Policy on Partition’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S9361 K/62.
48. Patterson, 150
49. ‘Suggested Civil Service Level Discussions with Six-County Representatives’, 28 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
50. Irish Times, 2 November 1967.
51. Horgan, 267.
52. 5 July 1967, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
53. Horgan, 267.
54. ibid., 197.
55. Erskine Childers to Seán Lemass, 1 March 1961, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
56. Comments by B. Gallagher on proposed discrimination pamphlet, 12 August 1964, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/303.
57. Memorandum by B. Gallagher, 6 July 1967, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
58. Horgan, 298.
59. Allen, 123.
60. Aidan Kelly and Teresa Brannick, ‘The Changing Contours of Irish Strike Patterns 1960–1984’, Irish Business and Administrative Research, 8, 1, 1986, 84.
61. Allen, 127–33.
62. Kieran Allen's analysis is a good example of this approach: see p. 123 of Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour.
63. Michael Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition: 1957–1982 (Dublin, 1982), 4.
64. Emmet O'Connor, A Labour History of Ireland: 1824–1960 (Dublin, 1992), 172.
65. Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition, Appendices 1 and 2.
66. ibid., 42.
67. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Memoir: My Life and Themes (Dublin, 1998), 317.
68. Figures from Mair, 117, 120, Appendix 3.
69. Gallagher, 87.
70. ibid., 89.
71. ibid., 95.
72. Conor Cruise O'Brien, 321.
73. James Wickham, ‘The Politics of Dependent Capitalism: International Capital and the Nation State’, in Austen Morgan and Bob Purdie (eds.), Ireland: Divided Nation Divided Class (London, 1982), 62.
74. J. H. Whyte, Church and State in Modern Ireland 1923–1979 (Dublin, 1984), 195.
75. Tom Garvin, ‘Patriots and Republicans: An Irish Evolution’, in William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (London, 1998), 150.
76. Christopher Whelan, ‘Class and Social Mobility’, in Kieran Kennedy (ed.), Ireland in Transition (Dublin, 1986), 85.
77. Garvin, 152.
78. John Cooney, John Charles McQuaid: Ruler of Catholic Ireland (Dublin, 1999), 338–9, 358.
79. John Sheehan, ‘Education and Society in Ireland 1945–1970’, in J. J. Lee (ed.), Ireland 1945–1970 (Dublin, 1979), 62.
80. The figures for the North are from The Ulster Year Book 1947 (Belfast, 1947), 76, and The Ulster Year Book 1963–1964 (Belfast, 1964), 213, and Sheehan, 65.
81. Whyte, 343–6
82. Robert J. Savage, Irish Television: The Political and Social Origins (Cork, 1996), 46.
83. J.J. Lee, ‘Continuity and Change in Ireland 1945–1970’, in J.J. Lee (ed.), Ireland 1945–1970 (Dublin, 1979), 172.
84. Bew and Patterson, 168.
85. Maurice Manning, James Dillon: A Biography (Dublin, 1999), 380.
86. James Downey, Lenihan: His Life and Loyalties (Dublin, 1998), 55.
87. T. Ryle Dwyer, Charlie (Dublin, 1987), 8–9.
88. ‘The Berry Papers: The Secret Memoirs of the Man Who was the Country's Most Important Civil Servant’, Magill, June 1980, 48.
89. Feargal Tobin, The Best of Decades: Ireland in the 1960s (Dublin, 1996), 159–60.
90. Horgan, 333–6.
91. Irish Times, 4 November 1966.
92. ‘GAA Salutes Lynch's Unique Sporting Record’, Irish Times, 21 October 1999.
93. Horgan, 330.
94. Ryle Dwyer, 67.
95. Irish Times, 3 October 1968.
96. Irish Times, 6 December 1968.
97. Cornelius O'Leary, Irish Elections 1918–1977 (Dublin, 1979), 68.
98. Geoghegan-Quinn, ‘Lynch: Gentle Leader with a Core of Tempered Steel’, Irish Times, 23 October 1999.
99. ‘Government Information Bureau – Future Activities in Relation to the 6 Counties’, 25 January 1969, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/497.
100. John Bowman, De Valera and the Ulster Question (Oxford, 1982), 324.
101. Ronan Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland 1968–1969’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, 12, 2001, 68.
102. Horgan, 342.
103. Ronan Fanning, ‘Living in Those Troubled Times’, Sunday Independent, 2 January 2000.
104. Ronan Fanning, ‘Bank Chief was Architect of Government's NI Policy’, Sunday Independent, 16 January 2000.
105. The address is printed in full in the inquiry of Lord Scarman, ‘Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969’, Report of a Tribunal of Inquiry, HMSO Belfast, Cmnd. 556, 1972, Vol. 2, 43–4.
106. Recommendation of the Planning Board, SITREPS-OPSFILE 4,13 October 1969, SCS 29, Irish Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Dublin.
107. ibid.
108. The Berry Papers: The Secret Memoirs of the Man Who was the Country's Most Important Civil Servant’, Magill, June 1980, 48.
109. See his speech to the London Irish Club banquet: ‘the prosperity of these islands as a region is indivisible’, Irish Times, 18 March 1965.
110. Rachel Donnelly, ‘Haughey Seen as “Shrewd and Ruthless”’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2000.
111. Ryle Dwyer, 3.
112. The comment was made in an interview for RTE's epic history of the Irish state, Seven Ages, Sunday Tribune, 26 March 2000.
113. Horgan, 335.
114. Denis Coghlan, ‘Lack of Political Direction on North Ended in Arms Trial’, Irish Times, 10 January 2000.
115. Details of the men and of the expanded activity of the Irish state in Northern Ireland can be found in ‘Government Information Bureau – Special Section Arising out of Distress in 6 Counties’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/497.
116. Michael Kennedy, Division and Consensus: The Politics of Cross-border Relations in Ireland 1925–1969 (Dublin, 2000), 346.
117. James Kelly, The Thimble Riggers: The Dublin Arms Trial of 1970 (Dublin, 1999), 12.
118. The report is quoted in Justin O'Brien, The Arms Trial (Dublin, 2000), 58.
119. Kelly, 95.
120. ‘Situation in Northern Ireland’, in ‘Summary of Events 13 August 1969–1 May 1970’, SCS 18/1, Irish Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Dublin.
121. O'Brien, 69.
122. ‘Efforts Made by Colonel Delaney to Have Captain J.J. Kelly Transferred from the Intelligence Service’, SITREPS-OPSFILE 4, Military Intelligence File 50.
123. Quoted in O'Brien, The Arms Trial, 222.
124. Bruce Arnold, What Kind of Country? Modern Irish Politics 1968–1983 (London, 1984), 78.
125. Ryle Dwyer, 88.
126. Ronan Fanning, ‘Bank Chief was Architect of Government's NI Policy’, Sunday Independent, 16 January 2000.
127. Arnold, 46–7.
128. Memorandum ‘Policy in Relation to Northern Ireland’, 28 November 1969, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/658.
129. Report of a discussion on the Northern Ireland situation between the Minister for External Affairs and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, George Thompson, at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 20 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
130. Report on the Six Counties by Eamonn Gallagher, 7 April 1970, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/14/185.
131. Arnold, 89–90.
132. Address to Ard-Fheis, 17 January 1970, in ‘Partition: Government Policy’, 29/12/69–2¾/70, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/151.
133. Paddy Doherty, Paddy Bogside (Cork, 2001), 224.
1. Irish Times, 12 October 1959.
2. ‘Changes in Unionist Thinking’, Irish Times, 3 November 1959.
3. ‘Will Nationalists Ever Join Unionists?’, Northern Whig, 2 November 1959.
4. Lord Brookeborough, ‘Diaries’ 4 November 1959, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
5. Belfast Telegraph, 10 November 1959.
6. Lord Brookeborough, 4 November 1959, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
7. Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley (Dublin, 1986), 82.
8. Denis P. Barritt and Charles F. Carter, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations (Oxford, 1962), 93.
9. Although the RUC Special Branch kept National Unity under close observation, it had to report that it had no subversive intent: ‘Report on National Unity Organization’ by D. I. Fanin for Inspector-General of the RUC, 21 January 1960, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/1361.
10. Barritt and Carter, 76. Gerry Adams, who would have been twelve in 1960, records that people from Catholic West Belfast shopped on the Protestant heartland of the Shankill Road for bargains and that his new racing bike was bought there. He also relates that the early sexual experiences of himself and his friends from the Catholic Ballymurphy estate were with Protestant girls from neighbouring estates. Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London, 1996), 47, 49.
11. ‘Belfast Letter’, Irish Times, 16 January 1960.
12. See the discussion of the 1962 Stormont election in PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/16/13/61.
13. W A. Maguire, Belfast (Keele, 1993), 169. As early as the 1953 election an analysis of loss of support in Belfast by Glengall Street refers to this factor. See ‘Observations on the 1953 election’, in PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/16/3/51.
14. See Robert J. Savage, Irish Television: The Political and Social Origins (Cork, 1996), 434–45, and Rex Cathcart, The Most Contrary Region: The BBC in Northern Ireland 1924–1984 (Belfast, 1984).
15. Cathcart, 146.
16. John Boyd, The Middle of My Journey (Belfast, 1990), 163–7.
17. He persuaded his colleagues in the cabinet's publicity committee to have an analysis made of the content of questions asked on Your Questions and of the political complexion of the panel: Minutes of Cabinet Publicity Committee, 8 March 1961, in PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/26/103.
18. Cathcart, 190–3.
19. Barritt and Carter, 61.
20. Belfast Newsletter, 2 June 1962.
21. David Bleakley, Faulkner: Conflict and Consent in Irish Politics (London, 1974), 26.
22. Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland: The Orange State (London, 1976), 208.
23. This was how Sayers saw him: Andrew Gailey, Crying in the Wilderness. Jack Sayers: A Liberal Editor in Ulster 1939–1969 (Belfast, 1995), 51.
24. Farrell, 222.
25. Irish Times, 7 November 1959.
26. At a cabinet meeting on 2 November 1960 a request by the President of the Association, the prominent Ulster linen industrialist Sir Graham Larmour, that its annual meeting pay its respects to the Governor, the monarch's representative in Northern Ireland, was considered and rejected after Faulkner claimed that both Larmour and the Association favoured a united Ireland. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1143.
27. Letter from Connolly Gage to Jack Sayers, 16 September 1963. Gailey, 90.
28. Marc Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Ulster Unionism in the O'Neill Years (London, 2000), 25.
29. Thus at the height of the Dominion Status controversy he wrote to the Prime Minister criticizing the way some ministers were dealing with grass-roots concerns. Letter from O'Neill to Sir Basil Brooke, 23 November 1947, and Brooke's positive response, 26 November 1947: ‘Relations with Labour Government (Dominion Status)’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
30. Ken Bloomfield, Stormont in Crisis: A Memoir (Belfast, 1994), 27.
31. ibid., 26–89.
32. Gavan McCrone, Regional Policy in Britain (London, 1969), 120.
33. Government of Northern Ireland, Belfast Regional Plan, Cmnd. 451 (Belfast, 1963).
34. Belfast Newsletter, 6 April 1963.
35. ibid.
36. Interview with Mervyn Pauley, Belfast Newsletter, 12 January 1965.
37. Economic Development in Northern Ireland, Cmnd. 479 (Belfast, 1964).
38. ibid., para. 14.
39. The key role of Derry Unionists in sabotaging the city's bid for the university was first publicly stated by the maverick Unionist MP for North Down, Robert Nixon, and set out fully in an article by Ralph Bossence in the Belfast Newsletter, 19 February 1965.
40. Gerard O'Brien, ‘“Our Magee Problem”: Stormont and the Second University’, in G. O'Brien and W. Nolan (eds.), Derry and Londonderry: History and Society (Dublin, 1999), 681–2.
41. Belfast Newsletter, 14 August 1964.
42. ibid., 23, 24 July 1964.
43. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill (London, 1972), 61.
44. Belfast Newsletter, 5 March 1965.
45. ibid., 21 January 1965.
46. A point made by the right-wing Unionist MP for Shankill, Desmond Boal, in the Stormont debate on the summit, Belfast Newsletter, 4 February 1965.
47. Belfast Newsletter, 15 January 1965.
48. Within a few weeks of the meeting Lemass made a speech offering unionists a ‘realistic’ recognition of the continued existence of a Northern government and parliament in a united Ireland and praised Labour's Foreign Secretary for declaring that the British government had no longer any desire to intervene in Ireland. Belfast Newsletter, 27 January 1965.
49. His chief critic was the iconoclastic former minister Edmond Warnock, who issued a statement criticizing O'Neill ‘for doing within a couple of months what all our enemies failed to achieve in 40 years. He has thrown the whole Ulster question back into the political arena.’ Belfast Newsletter, 6 April 1965.
50. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 47.
51. J. A. V. Graham, ‘The Consensus Forming Strategy of the NILP’, M.Sc. thesis, Queen's University (Belfast, 1972), 183.
52. Round Table, 216, March 1964.
53. Belfast Telegraph, 3 April 1964.
54. Mulholland, 63–4.
55. The quotation is from a Guardian article by Charles Brett that is included in a British Labour Party Research Department document prepared for discussions between the Wilson government and an NILP delegation: PRONI, HO 5/186.
56. Barritt and Carter, 57.
57. The claim that was made by Brett in his Guardian piece: ‘Today there are very many respectable Catholics including professions men, members of the business community and trade union officials who are both qualified and willing to serve… lists of suitable names have been submitted to the authorities and even to the Cabinet Secretariat, without result.’
58. Belfast Newsletter, 15 March 1965.
59. ibid.
60. Bob Purdie, Politics in the Streets: The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Belfast, 1990), 82–102.
61. John Whyte, ‘How Much Discrimination Was There under the Unionist Regime 1921–1968?’, in Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (eds.), Contemporary Irish Studies (Manchester, 1983), 30–31.
62. Purdie, 83.
63. Graham Gudgin, ‘Discrimination in Housing and Employment under the Stormont Administration’, in P. Roche and B. Barton (eds.) The Northern Ireland Question: Nationalism, Unionism and Partition (Hampshire, 1999), 103.
64. The system was described in the Campaign for Social Justice's pamphlet, Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth, second edition, 1969. The town was divided into three wards, each of which returned seven councillors. East Ward: 1,729 electors, comprising 543 Catholics and 1,186 Protestants; seven Unionist councillors. West Ward: 1,031 electors, comprising 844 Catholics and 187 Protestants; seven Nationalist councillors. Central Ward: 659 electors, comprising 143 Catholics and 516 Protestants; seven Unionist councillors.
65. Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth, 27.
66. Brendan Lynn, Holding the Ground: The Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland 1945–1972 (Aldershot, 1997), 165.
67. Conn McCluskey quoted in Holding the Ground, 171.
68. Purdie, 104.
69. ibid., 105.
70. ‘Allegations of Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland. The Position of the United Kingdom Government in Respect of Matters Transferred to the Government of Northern Ireland’, memorandum by A. J. Langdon of the Home Office, 5 November 1964, in ‘Northern Ireland: Religious Intolerance’, PRONI, HO 5/186.
71. Peter Rose, How the Troubles Came to Northern Ireland (Basingstoke and New York 2000), 26.
72. A copy of the report, ‘An Assessment of Irish Republican Army Activities from 10 December to Date’, was sent by the Home Office to Cecil Bateman, Secretary to the Northern Ireland Cabinet. It was sent by Bateman to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 24 November 1964, ‘Subversive Activities - Reports and Miscellaneous Correspondence’, PRONI, HA/32/1/1349.
73. Rose, 17–18.
74. Thus he was the first British Prime Minister since partition to address the Irish Club's St Patrick's Day banquet in London, infuriating O'Neill by his support for a tripartite meeting between himself, Lemass and the Northern PM in London. Irish Times, 18 March 1965.
75. See Purdie, 107–20.
76. Rose, 44.
77. ‘Discussions at Downing Street on 5th August’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1338.
78. ‘Irish Concerns Raised in Lynch-Wilson meeting’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 1997.
79. All the quotes are from Eamon Phoenix, ‘Growing Hostility of Labour MPs Put Stormont Under Pressure’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 1998.
80. Purdie, 118.
81. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 108.
82. Government of Northern Ireland, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, Cmnd. 532 (Belfast 1969), 15.
83. Lynn, 129.
84. ibid., 177.
85. Purdie, 133.
86. Lynn, 201.
87. The woman was engaged to be married, but her husband-to-be was a resident of Monaghan and hence ineligible for the council waiting list. She did live in overcrowded conditions with the rest of her family and the case was not such a glaring injustice as Currie alleged, but, given that she was the secretary of a solicitor who was a Unionist parliamentary candidate, the council's decision was even more blinkered than usual. See Purdie, 135, and Graham Gudgin.
88. Purdie, 136.
89. Devlin quoted in Paul Kingsley, Londonderry Revisited (Belfast, 1989), 133.
90. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town (London, 1980), 41.
91. The Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster (London, 1972), 52.
92. Michael Farrell, ‘The Long March to Freedom’, in M. Farrell (ed.), Twenty Years On (Dingle, 1988), 56.
93. See his contribution to the New Left Review's special issue on Ulster, where he refers to ‘Catholic-based power of a socialist form’, New Left Review, 55, May/June 1969.
94. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1406, 14 October 1968.
95. In a cabinet discussion on 23 October, Craig claimed that a change in the local government franchise ‘could have disastrous political repercussions’, while Faulkner claimed that he ‘did not share the reservations which some members of the Party felt’. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1409.
96. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/14013/10, 4 November 1968.
97. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/14013, 7 November 1968.
98. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1418, 20 November 1968.
99. ibid.
100. PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, May 1968, D1327/18/496.
101. Report on discussion forum at Unionist headquarters with rank-and-file members, September 1968, PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/18/500.
102. The speech was given to a packed Ulster Hall, Belfast Telegraph, 29 November 1968.
103. The text of the broadcast can be found in The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 145–9.
104. See letter from Miss Noreen Cooper, a leading Unionist in Enniskillen, to J. O. Bailey, Secretary to the Ulster Unionist Council, January 1969: ‘It is very easy to be snug in and around Belfast by virtue of superiority in numbers but the lean counties have no such security and they already feel abandoned. It was made quite clear to me at the last standing committee that the feeling was that our three western counties were lost anyway and therefore the concentration from Belfast would be on winning over the moderate Nationalists.’ PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/18/504.
105. Paul Arthur, The People's Democracy 1968–1973 (Belfast, 1974), 40.
106. The author was present at a meeting of PD leftists in Farrell's house in the Stranmillis area of Belfast in December 1968 when the prediction was made.
107. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 112–13.
108. Arthur, 41.
109. Jonathan Bardon, ‘O'Neill Warning Went Unheeded’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 2000.
110. The interchange of letters can be found in The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 150–54.
111. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 179.
112. Bloomfield, 106.
113. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork, 1997), 40–47.
114. ibid., 51.
1. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 123.
2. The Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster: A Penguin Special (London, 1972), 116.
3. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town (London, 1974), 57–8.
4. Ulster: A Penguin Special, 119.
5. Ken Bloomfield, Stormont in Crisis: A Memoir (Belfast, 1994), 112.
6. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork, 1997), 122.
7. Bloomfield, 114.
8. See Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London, 1996), 109–10.
9. Rachel Donnelly, ‘Wilson Weighed up Direct Rule in North’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 2000.
10. Ronan Fanning, ‘Living in Those Troubled Times’, Sunday Independent, 2 January 2000, and his ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland 1968–1969’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, 12, 2001, 62.
11. Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1999 (Dublin, 1999), 21.
12. Kenneth O. Morgan, Callaghan: A Life (Oxford, 1997), 352.
13. Ronan Fanning, ‘New Dispatches from the 1969 Frontline’, Sunday Independent, 27 February 2000.
14. Brian Faulkner, Memoirs of a Statesman (London, 1978), 66.
15. Fanning, ‘New Dispatches from the 1969 Frontline’.
16. ibid.
17. Letter from Oliver Wright to J.H. Waddell, Home Office, 16 September 1969, ‘Reports and Correspondence’, PRO, CJ 3/18.
18. Irish Times, 27 March 1970.
19. Report of a discussion of the Northern Ireland situation between the Minister of External Affairs and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 20 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
20. Anthony McIntyre, ‘A Structural Analysis of Modern Irish Republicanism 1969–1973’, D. Phil., Queen's University (Belfast, 1999), 96. Dr McIntyre provided me with access to a copy of his thesis.
21. R. H. S. Crossman, The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister. Volume III: 1968–1970 (London, 1977), 636.
22. Ciaran De Baroid, Ballymurphy and the Irish War (London, revised edition, 2000), 37.
23. Desmond Hamill, Pig in the Middle: The Army in Northern Ireland 1969–1985 (London, 1985), 28.
24. De Baroid, 5. At the height of the riots 1,000 soldiers saturated an area of one square mile.
25. Peter Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin (London, 1997), 77–83.
26. Morgan, 353.
27. Hamill, 35.
28. ibid., 36.
29. De Baroid, 47.
30. ‘Consequently, the potential for IRA recruitment amongst the nationalist young could only be enormous.’ McIntyre, 151.
31. The words are those of the prominent Fermanagh Unionist Noreen Cooper at a special meeting of the Standing Committee of the UUC, 16 January 1970, Archives of the UUC, D1327/7/79.
32. ibid.
33. Clive Scoular, James Chichester-Clark: Prime Minister of Northern Ireland (Belfast, 2000), 101.
34. Faulkner, 78–80.
35. Meeting between Northern Ireland Cabinet and GOC, 6 July 1971, G2.20-G2.623, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
36. Ó Dochartaigh, 234.
37. Faulkner, 110.
38. ibid., 119.
39. Meeting at Downing Street on 5 August 1971, G5.50-G5.55, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
40. Hamill, 60–61.
41. John McGuffin, Internment (Tralee, 1973), 119–20.
42. Bew and Gillespie, 37.
43. ‘Meeting to Consider Briefing for Mr Faulkner's Visit’, 6 October 1971, G15.87-G15.91, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
44. ‘Future Military Policy for Londonderry. An Appreciation of the Situation by the Commander of the Land Forces’, 14 December 1971, G41.263, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
45. Ford's analysis of the situation in Derry on 7 January 1972 is quoted in Professor Paul Bew's ‘Report to the Saville Inquiry’ as one of its two historical advisers.
46. Quoted in Professor Bew's ‘Report to the Saville Inquiry’.
47. Visit of Chief of the Defence Staff, 24 January 1972, G70.433, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
48. Eamonn McCann, ‘Post-Bloody Sunday, It was All to Play For’, Sunday Tribune, 26 September 1999.
49. Bloomfield, 161.
50. Notes of a cabinet discussion, 21 March 1972, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/16.
51. ‘Points Made by Mr Heath at the Downing Street Meeting on 22 March 1972 about the Situation in Northern Ireland’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/17.
52. ‘Later Statement by Mr Heath in which He Defined the United Kingdom's Government's Ideas’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/18.
53. Faulkner, 153–4
54. Sydney Elliott and W. D. Flackes, Northern Ireland: A Political Directory 1968–1999 (Belfast, 1999), 681–5.
55. Seán MacStiofain, Revolutionary in Ireland (Farnborough, Hants, 1974), 243.
56. Belfast Newsletter, 21 March 1972.
57. Ulster a Nation (Belfast, 1972). This was a pamphlet produced by Craig's Vanguard movement.
58. Bloomfield, 137.
59. Paul Bew and Henry Patterson, The British State and the Ulster Crisis: From Wilson to Thatcher (London, 1985), 62.
60. See interview with Smyth in David Hume, ‘The Ulster Unionist Party in an Era of Conflict and Change’, D.Phil., University of Ulster (Jordanstown, 1994), Vol. II, 325.
61. Belfast Newsletter, 20 March 1972.
62. Bew and Patterson, 49.
63. Ulster Vanguard, Ulster a Nation (Belfast, 1972).
64. Belfast Newsletter, 20 March 1972.
65. Sarah Nelson, Ulster's Uncertain Defenders: Loyalists and the Northern Ireland Conflict (Belfast, 1984), 94–8.
66. Steve Bruce, The Red Hand: Protestant Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland (Oxford, 1992), 14–22.
67. Bew and Gillespie, 39.
68. Bruce, 55.
69. See Alvin Jackson, Ireland 1798–1998 (Oxford, 1999), 402.
70. Bruce, 42.
71. Clifford Smyth, ‘The Ulster Democratic Unionist Party: A Case Study in Political and Religious Convergence’, Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University (Belfast, 1983), 36.
72. Smyth, 31.
73. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 170.
74. Fortnight, October 1972.
75. The poll, intended to be taken every ten years, was held on 8 March 1973. The SDLP and republicans urged a boycott, and the bulk of nationalists did not vote. The result was that out of an electorate of 1,030,084, some 591,820 voted in favour of the Union and 6,463 in favour of a United Ireland. Thus 57.5 of the total electorate link – probably an under-recording of the pro-Union vote as pro-Union Catholics in largely nationalist areas might have felt reluctant to be seen entering a polling station. Elliott and Flackes, 186.
76. Bew and Gillespie, 61.
77. For a ‘class analysis’ of Vanguard, see Belinda Probert, Beyond Orange and Green: The Northern Ireland Crisis in a New Perspective (London, 1978), 117–28.
78. For the account of a liberal Unionist who rejected the Alliance option, see Basil McIvor, Hope Deferred: Experiences of an Irish Unionist (Belfast, 1998), 58.
79. Faulkner, 174.
80. Bloomfield, 168–9.
81. Faulkner, 194.
82. This was certainly the objective of Ken Bloomfield, who drafted the oath Stormont in Crisis, 180–81.
83. Faulkner, 195.
84. Elliott and Flackes, 533.
85. Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life (Dublin, 1991), 200.
86. Bloomfield, 152.
87. Francis Mulhern, The Present Lasts a Long Time: Essays in Cultural Politics (Cork, 1998), 13.
88. Gerard Murray, John Hume and the SDLP (Dublin, 1998), 4.
89. Paul Routledge, John Hume (London, 1997), 78.
90. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography (Belfast, 1993), 140.
91. Eamonn Gallagher, ‘Report on Conversation with John Hume’, 16 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
92. Routledge, 98.
93. Murray, 6–7.
94. Routledge, 112.
95. Barry White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast, 1984), 127.
96. Murray, 18.
97. Republican News, 2 January 1972.
98. The Times, 23 June 1972.
99. Patterson, 153–5.
100. Taylor, 142.
101. Bew and Patterson, 54.
102. Eamon Phoenix, ‘Whitelaw in Clash of Views with SDLP’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
103. Election results from Elliott and Flackes, 533.
104. Irish News, 3 July 1973.
105. White, 142.
106. Bew and Patterson, 72.
107. Richard Bourke, ‘Heath was Told Irish Ministers were “Timorous”’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
108. Basil McIvor, Hope Deferred: Experiences of an Irish Unionist (Belfast, 1998), 93.
109. FitzGerald, 215.
110. McIvor recalls a conversation with the Taoiseach and his ministerial colleague, Conor Cruise O'Brien, towards the end of the conference: ‘Both of them sadly agreed that… we Unionists were not going to sell Sunningdale to our people at home.’ Hope Deferred, 91.
111. Eamon Phoenix, ‘Painful Progress to Power-sharing’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
112. Report of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, December 1973, Archives of the Orange Order, Schomberg House, Belfast.
113. Bew and Gillespie, 69.
114. Bew and Gillespie, 77.
115. Elliott and Flackes, 537.
116. Faulkner, 251.
117. Gordon Gillespie, ‘The Sunningdale Agreement: Lost Opportunity or an Agreement Too Far?’, Irish Political Studies, 13, 1998.
118. Nelson, 157.
119. Bloomfield, 219.
120. Faulkner, 276.
121. Nelson, 157–8.
122. David Hume, The Ulster Unionist Party 1972–1992: A Political Movement in an Era of Conflict and Change (Belfast, 1996), 56.
123. ibid., 57.
124. Graham Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party (Manchester, 2004), 227.
125. Hume, 63.
126. Walker, 226.
127. Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley (Dublin, 1986), 288–9.
128. Smyth, 112.
129. Elliott and Flackes, 532–3, 550–51.
130. Smyth, 143.
131. Padraig O'Malley, The Uncivil Wars: Ireland Today (Belfast, 1983), 170–71.
132. Bernard Donoghue, The Heat of the Kitchen (London, 2003), 136–7.
133. ‘Impotent PM Considered Doomsday Scenario’, Guardian, 3 January 2005.
134. Richard Bourke, ‘Wilson Clearly Wanted to Disengage from the North’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2005.
135. Quoted in Taylor, 171.
136. Taylor, 191.
137. Elliott and Flackes, 681–5.
138. Taylor, 175.
139. Brice Dickson, ‘Criminal Justice and Emergency Laws’, in Seamus Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London, 1995), 64–71.
140. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London, 1994), 85.
141. See Sean O'Callaghan, The Informer (London, 1998), 118.
142. Bew and Patterson, 85.
143. The Times, 28 September 1976.
144. Taylor, 211.
145. Irish Times, 30 December 1977.
146. Roy Mason, Paying the Price (London, 1999), 218.
147. Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Paul Teague, Between War and Peace: The Political Future of Northern Ireland (London, 1997), 88.
148. Bob Rowthorn and Naomi Wayne, Northern Ireland: The Political Economy of Conflict (Oxford, 1988), 117.
149. Bew and Patterson, 90.
150. Mason, 219.
151. Hume in a Radio Éireann interview on 25 May, reported in The Ulster General Strike: Strike Bulletins of the Workers Association (Belfast, 1974).
152. ‘Scenario of Civil War and Re-partition Dominated Thinking of Demoralized SDLP’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2005.
153. Murray, 37.
154. ibid., 48.
155. Irish Times, 16 February 1978.
156. Adams, 266.
157. David Sharrock and Mark Devenport, Man of War, Man of Peace: The Unauthorized Biography of Gerry Adams (London, 1997), 168.
158. Patterson, 193–4.
159. Bew and Gillespie, 146.
160. Sharrock and Devenport, 182–92.
161. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London, 1993), 385.
162. Leader's report from Westminster to meeting of Executive Committee of UUP, 5 November 1976, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/174.
163. Meeting of Executive Committee of UUP, 26 September 1980, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/186.
164. ‘We would not accept a system of devolved government that would lead to a united Ireland. The government's intention was not to improve the government of Northern Ireland but rather to get the majority to shift their stance and move out of the UK. The DUP had swallowed this hook, line and sinker’. Molyneaux to meeting of UUP Executive, 26 September 1980, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/186.
165. Seán Donlon, ‘Bringing Irish Diplomatic and Political Influence to Bear on Washington’, Irish Times, 25 January 1993, and see also Andrew J. Wilson, Irish America and the Ulster Conflict (Belfast, 1995).
166. ‘US Speaker O'Neill's Role on Ulster is Highlighted’, Belfast Telegraph, 1 July 2000.
167. Irish Times, 16 November 1985.
168. Quoted in Paul Bew, ‘Agreement or a Booby Prize?’, Irish Times, 22 April 1995.
1. Philip J. O'Connell, ‘Sick Man or Tigress? The Labour Market in the Republic of Ireland’, in A. F. Heath, R. Breen and C. T. Whelan (eds.), Ireland North and South: Perspectives from Social Science (Oxford, 1999), 219.
2. Liam Kennedy, The Modern Industrialization of Ireland 1940–1988 (Dublin, 1989), 48–9.
3. Peter Mair, The Changing Irish Party System (London, 1987), 211.
4. Paul Bew, Ellen Hazelkorn and Henry Patterson, The Dynamics of Irish Politics (London, 1989), 103.
5. J.J Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society (Cambridge, 1989), 462.
6. Bew, Hazelkorn and Patterson, 104.
7. D. A. Coleman, ‘Demography and Migration in Ireland, North and South’, in Heath, Breen and Whelan, 83–4.
8. D. A. Gillmor, Economic Activities in the Republic of Ireland: A Geographical Perspective (Dublin, 1985), 27.
9. OECD, Economic Surveys: Ireland, May 1978, 30.
10. Lee, 465.
11. Maurice Manning, James Dillon: A Biography (Dublin, 1999), 329.
12. Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life: An Autobiography (Dublin, 1991), 68.
13. Mair, 186.
14. Manning, 362.
15. Bruce Arnold, What Kind of Country? Modern Irish Politics 1968–1983 (London, 1984), 85.
16. Michael Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition 1957–1982 (Dublin, 1982), 186.
17. ibid., 118.
18. Michael Gallagher, Political Parties in the Republic of Ireland (Dublin, 1985), 156–8.
19. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Memoir: My Life and Themes (Dublin, 1998), 342.
20. Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition, 198.
21. ibid., 200.
22. FitzGerald, 298.
23. Niamh Hardiman, Pay, Politics and Economic Performance in Ireland 1970–1987 (Oxford, 1988), 99.
24. Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition, 210.
25. Stephen Collins, ‘Doomsday Plan Gave Parts of the North to the Republic’, Sunday Tribune, 2 January 2005.
26. Lee, 477–8.
27. O'Brien, 355.
28. FitzGerald, 311: the raiders threw family bibles into the fire.
29. Arnold, 122.
30. ‘I allowed myself to be persuaded to leave this sensitive issue over for several months.’ FitzGerald, 313.
31. FitzGerald, 320.
32. Lee, 483.
33. Kieran Allen, Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour: 1926 to the Present (London, 1997), 149–50.
34. O'Brien, 345–6.
35. FitzGerald, 320.
36. Mair, 30, 33.
37. Allen, 150.
38. O'Brien, 357.
39. The anti-Haughey agenda behind the 1977 manifesto was first pointed out by the political journalist Olivia O'Leary: ‘How Haughey Swung the Forum’, Magill, August 1984.
40. Lee, 498.
41. Vincent Browne, ‘Lynch Partly Responsible for the 1970 Arms Crisis’, Irish Times, 27 October 1999.
42. James Downey, Lenihan: His Life and Times (Dublin, 1998), 105.
43. Bew, Hazelkorn and Patterson, 121.
44. FitzGerald, 353.
45. Bill Roche, ‘Social Partnership and Political Controls: State Strategy and Industrial Relations in Ireland’, in M. Kelly, L. O'Dowd and J. Wickham (eds.), Power, Conflict and Inequality (Dublin, 1982), 63.
46. Irish Banking Review, December 1978.
47. Lee, 474.
48. Bew, Hazelkorn and Patterson, 115.
49. Arnold, 136.
50. Dick Walsh, The Party inside Fianna Fáil (Dublin, 1986), 142.
51. Kevin Myers in an obituary of Jack Lynch, Irish Times, 27 September 1999.
52. Stephen Collins, The Power Game: Fianna Fáil since Lemass (Dublin, 2000), 123.
53. FitzGerald, 340.
54. Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry (Dunnes Payments), 25 August 1997.
55. Collins, 127.
56. Walsh, 146.
57. Allen, 158.
58. ibid., 159.
59. The Moriarty Tribunal heard evidence in 1999 of how he spent over £16,000 a year on shirts from the exclusive Charvet shop in Paris: Collins, 125.
60. Dick Walsh, ‘Next Election Most Significant since 1930s’, Irish Times, 12 August 2000.
61. Lee, 502–3.
62. Garret FitzGerald, ‘Some Perspectives on the Economic Records of Governments in the 1980s’, Irish Times, 26 June 1999.
63. Downey, 110.
64. Eunan O'Halpin, Defending Ireland: The Irish State and Its Enemies since 1922 (Oxford, 1999), 332.
65. Arnold, 158.
66. Joe Joyce and Peter Murtagh, The Boss: Charles J. Haughey in Government (Dublin, 1983), 33.
67. Stephen O'Byrnes, Hiding Behind a Face: Fine Gael under Garret FitzGerald (Dublin, 1986), 73.
68. Mair, 303.
69. ibid., 41.
70. Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition, 240.
71. Joyce and Murtagh, 14.
72. Arnold, 166.
73. FitzGerald 367.
74. Bew, Hazelkorn and Patterson, 156.
75. Mair, 56–7.
76. Joyce and Murtagh, 31.
77. ibid., 22.
78. FitzGerald, 404.
79. Joyce and Murtagh, 53–4.
80. Lee, 508.
81. Stephen Collins, Spring and the Labour Story (Dublin, 1993), 97.
82. FitzGerald, 435–6.
83. This is Stephen Collins's opinion: see Spring and the Labour Story, 107.
84. Garret FitzGerald, ‘Some Perspectives on the Economic Records of Governments in the 1980s’, Irish Times, 26 June 1999.
85. John Kurt Jacobsen, Chasing Progress in the Irish Republic (Cambridge, 1994), 161.
86. Collins, Spring and the Labour Story, 130.
87. Brendan O'Leary, ‘Towards Europeanization and Realignment? The Irish General Election, February 1987’, Western European Politics, 10, 3, July 1987.
88. Allen, 171.
89. See Paul Teague and John McCartney, ‘Industrial Relations in the Two Irish Economies’, in Heath, Breen and Whelan, 349.
90. Cormac O Gráda, A Rocky Road: The Irish Economy since the 1920s (Manchester, 1997), 32–3.
91. ibid., 33.
92. The Irish Times, 5 August 2000.
93. Robert Kuttner, ‘Ireland's Miracle: The Market Didn't Do It Alone’, Business Week, 7 July 2000.
94. Paul Sweeney, The Celtic Tiger: Ireland's Continuing Economic Miracle (Dublin, 1999), 8.
95. Jonathan Haughton, ‘The Dynamics of Economic Change’, in W. Crotty and D. E. Schmitt, Ireland and the Politics of Change (London, 1998), 29–30.
96. Sweeney, 87.
97. Kuttner, ‘Ireland's Miracle’.
98. Denis O'Hearn, Inside the Celtic Tiger (London, 1998) is an example.
99. Rory O'Donnell, ‘The New Ireland in the New Europe’, in Rory O'Donnell (ed.), Europe: The Irish Experience (Dublin, 2000), 177.
100. Irish Times, 19 June 1989.
101. The term was used by one of the party's negotiators. Irish Times, 14 July 1999.
102. Yvonne Galligan, Women and Politics in Contemporary Ireland: From the Margins to the Mainstream (London, 1998), 31.
103. Pat O'Connor and Sally Shortall, ‘Variations in Women's Paid Employment, North and South’, in Heath, Breen and Whelan, 288–9.
104. Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century 1914–1991 (London, 1994), 311.
105. James S. Donnelly, Jr, ‘A Church in Crisis: The Irish Catholic Church Today’, History Ireland, 8, 3, Autumn 2000, 13.
106. Basil Chubb, The Government and Politics of Ireland (London, 1982), 29.
107. Galligan, 53.
108. ibid., 149–50.
109. M. A. Busteed, Voting Behaviour in the Republic of Ireland: A Geographical Perspective (Oxford, 1990), 182.
110. Dermot Keogh, ‘The Role of the Catholic Church in the Republic of Ireland 1992–1995’, Building Trust in Ireland: Studies Commissioned by the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation (Belfast, 1996), 177.
111. Lee, 654.
112. Galligan, 152–3.
113. Cited in Busteed, 201–2.
114. Emily O'Reilly, ‘The Legion of the Rearguard’, Magill, September 1986.
115. Brian Girvin, ‘The Irish Divorce Referendum, November 1995’, Irish Political Studies, 11, 1996.
116. Gene Kerrigan and Pat Brennan, This Great Little Nation: The A-Z of Irish Scandals and Controversies (Dublin, 1999), 310.
117. ibid., 53.
118. Tom Inglis, Moral Monopoly: The Rise and the Fall of the Catholic Church in Modern Ireland (Dublin, 1998), 257.
119. Niamh Hardiman and Christopher Whelan, ‘Changing Values’, in William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (London, 1998), 79.
120. K. Theodore Hoppen, Ireland since 1800: Conflict and Conformity (London, 1999), 283.
121. James S. Donnelly, Jr, ‘A Church in Crisis: The Irish Catholic Church Today’, History Ireland, 8, 3, Autumn 2000.
122. FitzGerald, 378.
123. ibid., 462.
124. John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford, 1991), 138.
125. Brian Girvin, ‘Nationalism and the Continuation of Political Conflict in Ireland’, in Heath, Breen and Whelan, 381.
126. ibid.
127. Peter Mair, ‘The Irish Republic and the Anglo-Irish Agreement’, in Paul Teague (ed.), Beyond the Rhetoric: Politics, the Economy and Social Policy in Northern Ireland (London, 1987), 109.
128. Kerrigan and Brennan, 134.
129. Collins, The Power Game, 182.
130. Paul Mitchell, ‘The 1992 Election in the Republic of Ireland’, Irish Political Studies, 8, 1993, 116.
131. Eoin O'Sullivan, ‘The 1990 Presidential Election in the Republic of Ireland’, Irish Political Studies, 6, 1991, 96.
132. Collins, The Power Game, 242.
133. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 258.
134. He once explained to me that this was the reason why the best books on Fianna Fáil had been written by Marxists.
135. Collins, The Power Game, 257.
136. Sean Duignan, One Spin on the Merry-Go-Round (Dublin, 1996), 88.
137. Fergus Finlay, Snakes and Ladders (Dublin, 1998), 170–71.
138. ibid., 235.
139. Duignan, 147.
140. Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1999 (Dublin, 1999), 328.
141. Gary Murphy, ‘The 1997 General Election in the Republic of Ireland’, Irish Political Studies, 13, 1998, 131.
142. Fintan O'Toole, ‘How the Celtic Tiger's Cubs Find Sinn Féin Reassuring’, Irish Times, 14 January 2001.
143. Garret FitzGerald, ‘A Duty to Show Upheaval was Worthwhile’, Irish Times, 3 February 2001.
144. Cliff Taylor, ‘Value for Money in Public Finances Key in Mind of Voters’, Irish Times, 15 April 2002.
145. Denis Coghlan, ‘Low-tax Low-spend Policy Leaves Social Service in Its Wake’, Irish Times, 16 April 2002.
146. Kieran Allen, ‘Hypocrisy of Social Partnership’, Irish Times, 14 February 2001
147. John Murray Brown, ‘Celtic Tiger Aged as US Technology Sector Falters’, Financial Times, 19 December 2001.
148. Irish Times, 8 November 2001.
149. Dick Walsh, ‘Crucial Debate on How We Run Our Country’, Irish Times, 23 September 2000.
150. Mike Allen, ‘Attempt to Steal Labour's Clothes Will Not Work’, Irish Times, 10 January 2001.
151. Jane O'Mahony, “‘Not So Nice”: The Treaty of Nice -The 2001 Referendum Experience’, Irish Political Studies, 16, 2001, 208.
152. Katy Hayward, “‘If at first you don't succeed”: The Second Referendum on the Treaty of Nice 2002’, Irish Political Studies, 18, 1, Summer 2003.
153. Fintan O'Toole, ‘No Longer Yielding to Party or Pulpit’, Irish Times, 8 March 2002.
154. Garret FitzGerald, ‘We Need a Tough Minister for Finance to Sort Out the Financial Mess’, Irish Times, 11 May 2002.
155. ‘Election 2002’, Irish Times, 20 May 2002.
156. Michael Marsh, ‘The End of Politics as We've Known It’, Irish Independent, 20 May 2002.
157. Eoin O'Malley and Matthew Kerby, ‘Chronicle of a Death Foretold? Understanding the Decline of Fine Gael’, Irish Political Studies, 19,1, Summer 2004.
158. E. Kennedy et al., ‘The Members of Labour: Backgrounds, Political Views and Attitudes Towards Coalition Government’, Irish Political Studies, 20, 2, June 2005, 182–3.
159. Adrian Kavanagh, ‘The 2004 Local Elections in the Republic of Ireland’, Irish Political Studies, 19, 2, Winter 2004.
160. Aodh Quinlivan et al., ‘The 2004 European Elections in the Republic of Ireland’, Irish Political Studies, 19, 2, Winter 2004.
161. ‘The Irish Times TNSmrbi Poll’, Irish Times, 8 October 2004.
162. Mark Brennock, ‘Silver Lining’, Irish Times, 29 December 2004.
163. Mark Brennock, ‘Short-term Approach Dominates Edgy FF Think-in’, Irish Times, 7 September 2005.
164. Karin Gilland Lutz, ‘Irish Party Competition in New Millennium’, Irish Political Studies, 18, 2, Winter 2003.
165. ‘Taoiseach Promises Not Only Prosperity But Vision’, Irish Times, 6 September 2005.
1. Dean Godson, Himself Alone: David Trimble and the Ordeal of Ulster Unionism (London, 2004), 85.
2. Graham Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party (Manchester, 2004), 235.
3. David Hume, The Ulster Unionist Party 1972–1992: A Political Movement in an Era of Conflict and Change (Belfast, 1996), 111.
4. Hume, 133.
5. Sydney Elliott and W.D. Flackes, Northern Ireland: A Political Directory 1968–1999 (Belfast, 1999), 572, 575.
6. Ann Purdy, Molyneaux: The Long View (Antrim, 1989), 147.
7. The interview is quoted in Paul Bew and Henry Patterson, ‘The New Stalemate: Unionism and the Anglo–Irish Agreement’, in Paul Teague (ed.), Beyond the Rhetoric: Politics, the Economy and Social Policy in Northern Ireland (London, 1987), 46.
8. Ed Moloney, ‘Adams Played a Pivotal Role for Peace’, Sunday Tribune, 28 May 2000, where he recalls a conversation in 1983 with a key Adams aide to this effect.
9. Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1993 (Belfast, 1993), 157.
10. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 206.
11. ibid. 200.
12. Gerard Murray, John Hume and the SDLP (Dublin, 1998), 171.
13. Irish Times, 24 February 1989.
14. Elliott and Flackes, 681.
15. Gerry Adams, Free Ireland: Towards a Lasting Peace (Dingle, 1995), 194–5.
16. Murray, 176.
17. Sean O'Callaghan, The Informer (London, 1999), 281.
18. Elliott and Flackes, 683.
19. Patterson, 211.
20. An Phoblacht, 26 January 1989.
21. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 220.
22. Patterson, 215–16.
23. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London, 1993), 402–15.
24. Graham Ellison and Jim Smyth, The Crowned Harp: Policing Northern Ireland (London, 2000), 132.
25. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London, 1994), 71.
26. Hume's attack on the IRA was made at the SDLP's annual conference in 1988, Irish Times, 28 November 1988.
27. Thatcher, 415.
28. The republican version of this exchange is in Setting the Record Straight: A Record of Communications between Sinn Féin and the British Government October 1990-November 1993 (Belfast, 1993).
29. Patterson, 226.
30. Bew and Gillespie, 298.
31. Elliott and Flackes, 683.
32. Irish Times, 19 September 1988.
33. From Sinn Féin document ‘A Strategy for Peace’, Irish Times, 7 September 1988.
34. Michael Cox, ‘Cinderella at the Ball: Explaining the End of the War in Northern Ireland’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 27, 2, 1998, 325–42.
35. Danny Morrison, Then the Walls Come Down: A Prison Journal (Cork, 1999), 91.
36. Patterson, 244.
37. Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick, The Fight for Peace: The Secret Story behind the Irish Peace Process (London, 1996), 120.
38. Conor O'Clery, The Greening of the White House (Dublin, 1996), 61.
39. John Dumbrell, ‘“Hope and History”: The US and Peace in Northern Ireland’, in Michael Cox, Adrian Guelke and Fiona Stephen (eds.), A Farewell to Arms? From ‘Long War’ to Long Peace in Northern Ireland (Manchester, 2000), 216.
40. Mallie and McKittrick, 280.
41. Bew and Gillespie, 294.
42. Morrison, 241.
43. Peter Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin (London, 1997), 335–6.
44. Bew and Gillespie, 277.
45. Mallie and McKittrick, 207.
46. Sean Duignan, One Spin on the Merry-Go-Round (Dublin, 1996), 106.
47. Anthony Seldon, Major: A Political Life (London, 1997), 422–3.
48. Bew and Gillespie, 286.
49. Patterson, 250–53.
50. In an interview in the Irish News on 8 January 1994, Adams criticized Sir Patrick Mayhew's post-Declaration statement that talks between the government and Sinn Féin would be concerned with decommissioning.
51. Duignan, 136.
52. Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA (London and New York, 2002), 413. The TUAS document is printed as an appendix in Mallie and McKittrick, 381–4.
53. Duignan, 137, 140.
54. ibid., 139–140.
55. ibid., 147.
56. Quote is from the TUAS document.
57. Walker, 248.
58. Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Paul Teague, Between War and Peace: The Political Future of Northern Ireland (London, 1997), 91–2.
59. ibid., 90.
60. Andy Pollak, A Citizens’ Inquiry: The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin, 1993), 7.
61. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London, 1994), 30–32, and Graham Gudgin, ‘A Catholic Majority is Far from Certain’, Belfast Telegraph, 15 February 2002.
62. Bew, Patterson and Teague, 144–5.
63. Ruth Dudley Edwards, The Faithful Tribe: An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions (London, 1999), 283.
64. Eamon Delaney, An Accidental Diplomat: My Years in the Irish Foreign Service 1987–1995 (Dublin, 2001), 289.
65. Henry McDonald, Trimble (London, 2000), 87–90.
66. Rogelio Alonso, Irlanda del Norte: Una historia de guerra y la búsqueda de la paz (Madrid, 2001), 390–1 (translation by Henry Patterson).
67. Elliott and Flackes, 580.
68. Bew and Gillespie, 298.
69. The text of the Balmoral speech can be found in Bew, Patterson and Teague, 217–24.
70. Elliott and Flackes, 594.
71. Patterson, 289.
72. Speech to the Irish Association, 2 February 1995, reprinted in Bew, Patterson and Teague, 225–31.
73. Paul Bew, ‘Decommissioning’, in Robin Wilson (ed.), Agreeing to Disagree? A Guide to the Northern Ireland Assembly (Norwich, 2001), 139–42.
74. ‘But is There an Agreement on Northern Ireland?’, Daily Telegraph, 17 April 1998.
75. ‘Reaching an agreement without their presence was extremely difficult, it would have been impossible with them in the room.’ George Mitchell, Making Peace (London, 1999), 110.
76. Bew and Gillespie, 318.
77. ibid., 348.
78. Deaglan de Breadun, The Far Side of Revenge: Making Peace in Northern Ireland (Cork, 2001), 74.
79. ibid. 84–5.
80. Ed Moloney, ‘Triumph and Disaster’, Sunday Tribune, 18 January 1998.
81. Robin Wilson, ‘The Executive Committee’, in Wilson (ed.), Agreeing to Disagree, 76.
82. Thomas Hennessey, The Northern Ireland Peace Process (Dublin, 2000), 169–70.
83. Frank Millar, David Trimble: The Price of Peace (Dublin, 2004), 70.
84. Mitchell McLaughlin in an interview in Parliamentary Brief, May/June 1998, quoted in Hennessey, 171.
85. Richard Sinnott, ‘Historic Day Blemished by Low Poll’, Irish Times, 25 May 1998.
86. Suzanne Breen, ‘United No Parties Set their Sights on Assembly’, Irish Times, 25 May 1998.
87. Tommy McKearney, ‘There is No Support for IRA Physical Force Any More’, Sunday Tribune, 15 August 1999.
88. Paul Bew, ‘Reckoning the Dead’, The Times Literary Supplement, 28 January 2000.
89. ‘Keep IRA on Sidelines, Says Adams’, interview of Adams by Geraldine Kennedy, Irish Times, 20 May 1998.
90. Irish Times, 8 April 1999.
91. Frank Millar, ‘No Way to Soften the Impact of Paisley's Defiant Triumph’, Irish Times, 15 June 1999.
92. Anne Cadwallader, ‘Peace Deal on Its Last Legs, Says IRA’, Ireland on Sunday, 24 December 2000.
93. For a good critique, see Jyrki Ruohomaki's analysis of the election results in a Democratic Dialogue discussion paper: http://www.democratic dialogue.org/working/Elect.htm
94. Jim Cusack, ‘Decommissioning Pace Forced by IRA's Colombian Links’, Irish Times, 27 October 2001.
95. ibid.
96. Millar, David Trimble: The Price of Peace, 183.
97. Godson, 698.
98. Steve Bruce, The Edge of the Union: The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision (Oxford, 1994), 37–71.
99. ‘A United Ireland Doesn't Figure’, News Letter, 20 December 2002.
100. Roger MacGinty, ‘Unionist Political Attitudes after the Belfast Agreement’, Irish Political Studies, 19, 1, Summer 2004, 88.
101. Godson, 713.
102. Godson, 732.
103. The full text of the speech is available on Guardian Unlimited/Special Reports: http://www.politics.guardian.co.uk/northernirelandassembly.
104. Paul Bew, ‘Why Agree to Meet When You Know They Won't Show’, Sunday Times, 26 October 2003.
105. Anthony McIntyre, ‘More Spies May Be Lurking in Sinn Féin's Cupboard’, Irish Times, 20 December 2005.
106. Godson, 755.
107. Millar, David Trimble: The Price of Peace, 142.
108. Godson, 788.
109. Godson, 790.
110. Christopher Farrington, ‘The Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2003’, Irish Political Studies, 19, 1, Summer 2004, 85.
111. DUP document of 2000 quoted in Conor McGrath, ‘The Northern Ireland Ministerial Code’, Irish Political Studies, 20, 2, June 2005, 115.
112. Irish Times, 8 January 2005.
113. ‘Robbery is being Used to Kill Peace Process’: Gerry Moriarty interview with Gerry Adams, Irish Times, 14 January 2005.
114. Mark Brennock, ‘Is the Party Over?’ Irish Times, 19 February 2005.
115. ‘A Farewell to Arms’, Sunday Times, 31 July 2005.
116. Both quotes are from the leaders' final election platforms, News Letter, 4 May 2005.
117. ‘IRA Statement’, Irish Times, 29 July 2005.
118. Tom Clonan, ‘General Spoke Volumes about Arms Destruction’, Irish Times, 27 September 2005.
119. Fifth Report of the International Monitoring Commission, 24 May 2005, 13.
120. ‘Questions That Give Rise to Scepticism’, Irish Times, 29 July 2005.
121. ‘Demilitarization’, Irish Times, 2 August 2005.
122. ‘Hain to Address Unionist Concerns’, Irish Times, 19 September 2005.
123. David Trimble, To Raise Up a New Northern Ireland (Belfast, 2001).