“This is a curious campaign: in the Spring we had the Enimy about our ears every hour…. Now … we have lost [our enemy], compeld to wander about the country like the Arabs in search of em.”1
— Nathanael Greene, August 17, 1777
Despite the disappointment of loyalist Joseph Galloway and numerous others, Howe’s fleet started moving down the Delaware coastline on the first day of August and was just off Cape Henlopen by the end of that day. Hessian Johann Ewald concluded that departing the Delaware was a “stratagem of the admiral to make the enemy army uncertain of our landing.”2
Indeed, with the fleet steering back out to sea, Washington was once again forced to exercise caution since Howe could turn back at any moment. Still, Washington decided to consolidate much of his army. Adam Stephen’s two American divisions crossed over Howell’s Ferry and linked up with Nathanael Greene on the York Road north of Philadelphia. The three divisions passed through Buckingham and reached Little Neshaminy Creek above Hartsville and camped for the night. Lord Stirling came over from Trenton and joined the other three divisions. The next morning, all four commands continued down the York Road, but before entering the capital, moved to the right and passed through the village of Germantown. The colonials camped on the high plateau east of the Schuylkill River on the property of Henry Hill.3
The men who arrived in Germantown had just marched more than 100 miles in a summer heat mixed with intermittent rain showers and needed rest. While they camped, other parts of the army prepared to take up the march. Washington ordered Israel Putnam to start stripping the Hudson Highlands to send more troops south. “I desire that you may keep two thousand Continental Troops and order the others to march Southward,” he directed. “If any thing should induce me to think that the Enemy mean to send any part of their forces back again, I will immediately countermand the March of those Troops.” The two New Jersey regiments in northern New Jersey under Elias Dayton were also ordered south. French officer de Borre was ordered to bring Sullivan’s division south as well, but once again the message did not reach its destination.4
Washington spent the daylight hours far ahead of his army along the Delaware River, inspecting sites for various current and future fortifications as far south as Chester and Marcus Hook. Accompanying him for the first time as a member of his staff was the Marquis de Lafayette, who had traveled to America with a large number of French officers seeking American commissions. Most would be disappointed, but Lafayette kept the two youngest officers with him as aides. While Congress had made Lafayette a major general, it did not honor him with the command of any troops, so he would serve as an unattached general on Washington’s staff during the ongoing campaign. Lafayette’s presence posed a thorny problem for Washington. He could not give the foreigner a command without offending American-born generals, but neither could he ignore him without upsetting the delicate diplomatic negotiations with France.5
Washington consulted with several of his senior officers, especially those from Pennsylvania, about where to defend the capital. Three creeks were suggested to him, all above Chester: Ridley, Crum, and Darby. Washington spent the night 15 miles below Philadelphia and even farther from the bulk of his army, which was still outside Germantown.6
At 9:00 p.m., a shock wave hit American headquarters when word arrived that the British fleet had left the bay. With the southwesterly winds, Howe’s ships could quickly return to New York. A flurry of orders flew out of headquarters that either halted columns in place or ordered them to reverse their line of march. “This unexpected event makes it necessary to reverse our disposition and I have accordingly sent Orders to Sullivan’s Division and the two other Brigades on the other Side of the Delaware, to return and recross the [Hudson River],” explained Washington.7
Over the next few days, questions about General Howe’s puzzling strategy circulated throughout Philadelphia. “What this Man is after, no Wisdom can discover,” exclaimed John Adams. Sarah Logan Fisher, who was as mystified as everyone else, put a poetic twist on the confusing situation: “But indeed the conduct of Howe may I think be justly said, in the words of the poet, ‘to be dark and intricate, puzzled with mazes & perplexed with errors.’ Strangely unaccountable is some of his conduct; perhaps time may unravel the mystery & justify his delays.”8
Howe’s disappearance put Washington in something of a quandary as to how to position his infantry divisions. Of one thing he was certain: he was loath to place a major river (the Delaware) between himself and the Hudson Highlands in New York. “If they had intended back to the [Sandy] Hook,” Washington wrote to Israel Putnam, “we must have heard of their arrival there long before this time, as the Winds have been constantly fair. As the Sickly season has commenced to the Southward, and there is no capital object there, I cannot conceive that they are gone that way. I can therefore only conclude, that they intend to go round Long Island into the Sound, or still farther Eastward [New England].”9
On the night of August 3, while Washington contemplated the new strategic situation, a severe storm assailed the British fleet. Engineer John Montresor recalled the horrifying experience: “At ½ past 6 P.M. smart lightening and appearing very stormy to the west…. At 7 this evening came on a violent storm … scarcely giving the Fleet time to take in their sails…. One ship laid for some time on her beam ends without righting. We Slipped our mizzen top sail without any other damage of any consequence—the lightning and thunder surpassed description and the heaviness of the rain…. A sloop likewise laid on her beam ends—7 men and a woman took to their boat, but kept her towed, but the painter breaking got adrift and was lost. The Sloop with four men on board, righted an hour after.” The storms and adverse winds slowed the fleet considerably; by August 6, it was still 45 miles from the entrance to the Chesapeake Bay.10
The plague of indecision was once again forced upon the Continental Army. With its leaders unsure whether the British fleet was returning north, those divisions that had moved into Pennsylvania remained at Germantown for several days. While the army needed rest, remaining static for too long during the hot summer days made sanitation and the spread of disease a real concern. Throughout all wars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, disease killed more men than battlefield wounds. Keeping encampments clean did not eliminate camp diseases such as dysentery and typhoid, but it reduced the spread and diminished their effect on an army. Several senior officers issued orders admonishing the men to constantly police their camps.
Because it was just a few miles from the capital, the Continental Army was visited by civilians, important and otherwise, during its stay at Germantown. Washington reviewed the army on August 8, with Lafayette in attendance. The young Frenchman left an insightful and helpful description of the army at this time:
About eleven thousand men, ill armed, and still worse clothed, presented a strange spectacle…. [T]heir clothes were parti-coloured, and many of them were almost naked; the best clad wore hunting shirts, large grey linen coats which were much used in Carolina…. As to their military tactics, it will be sufficient to say that, for a regiment ranged in order of battle to move forward on the right of its line, it was necessary for the left to make a continued counter march. They were always arranged in two lines, the smallest men in the first line; no other distinction as to height was ever observed. In spite of these disadvantages, the soldiers were fine, and the officers zealous; virtue stood in place of science, and each day added both to experience and discipline.11
The days were passing and as of yet, no news of the fleet had reached Washington. Congressman Henry Laurens, whose son would soon serve on Washington’s staff, thought the fleet “may now be in the Moon for aught we know, but he is probably gone to New England & will strive to join General Burgoine.” In fact, Howe’s missing armada was spotted off the coast of Maryland at Sinepuxent the day before on August 7, but it took a couple of days for the news to reach Washington.12
Unaware that the fleet had been spotted en route to the Chesapeake, Washington opted to position his army closer to the Delaware River in case it had to hasten back to the Hudson Highlands. On the same day he reviewed his army, Washington’s troops moved about eight miles back to the Whitemarsh area and went into camp along Sandy Run. Part of the reason Washington began shifting back to the north was his growing belief that Howe may well head to the Deep South, perhaps to Charleston or even Savannah. If that was the case, the Americans would need to be in a position to move quickly to deal with Burgoyne in upper New York before doing anything to help the Carolinas or Virginia.13
Just after the army began the shift back to the Delaware River, news arrived that the fleet was off the coast of Maryland. “We have found Howe again. I thought he was lost in the Gulph stream,” joked Congressman James Lovell. Washington received the news about 25 miles northeast of Philadelphia along Neshaminy Creek, where the army had moved on August 10. The new camp was ideally located at the intersection of the York and Bristol roads, about three miles east of the Crooked Billet (modern-day Hatboro), and was close to the southwest branch of Neshaminy Creek, whose banks in this location were fairly level and provided ready access to water for the troops. With news of Howe’s location in hand, Washington opted to keep the army in this position until he obtained more concrete information. Earlier orders for Israel Putnam to send troops south resulted in the arrival of the North Carolina brigade under Francis Nash, which arrived about this time at Trenton.14
Howe’s fleet reached the entrance to Chesapeake Bay on August 9, but it would be a few more days before his ships tacked into the bay proper. Under normal conditions, the voyage to the Chesapeake from New York should have taken only a few days. Instead, it took more than two weeks to reach its destination because of the stop in the Delaware and the terrible storms while at sea. The lengthy voyage weakened the entire British army. In addition to the damage suffered by the ships and the injured crew members, drinking water had to be rationed, horses died in large numbers, and the soldiers began to succumb to illness. Most had already been aboard ship for more than a month. According to Sir George Osborn, a British officer aboard one of Howe’s ships, not all the men were suffering. “We shall probably land in three or four days and with the excessive heats of this month and the rains of September we must expect many agues and fevers,” he wrote in a letter home. “At present the army is pretty healthy. I have three hundred on board this ship and not one sick man: I never have my own health better than at sea.”15
Senior British leadership, however, had never planned for the army to be on ships for such an extended period of time. Fresh food and, more importantly, forage for the horses was nearly gone. “Since it was not forseen that we would be aboard ship so long, the horses were given very little space; this is the reason they are beginning to die.” Engineer Montresor also commented on the state of the animals: “Master of the horse Sloop came on board to signifie the distress for want of forage…. Very sultry and close…. The Horse Vessels in general lying too for Food from the forage vessel, they being much distressed.”16
When the soldiers’ fresh food ran out, their diet was reduced to salt rations. The delay in leaving New York harbor was blamed for the distressing situation, “for that interval was taken up only in consuming our fresh Stock … [which] brought us to relish our Salt Pork.” The officers, recalled Gen. James Grant, “were upon Salt Provisions for some Weeks before they came ashore, some of our Generals observed the same Regimen.” Lieutenant William Hale, however, was experiencing at least some comfort. “Our fresh provisions were indeed exhausted for more than three weeks before our landing,” he admitted, “[but] we drank claret all the way, every officer contributing so many days’ pay made the expense very easy to the subalterns, and Col. Monckton supplied us with his own claret when ours was out.”17
While some fared well at sea, most, like Jaeger Lt. von Feilitzsch, despised the enervating experience. “Anyone who has a desire to experience misery and misfortune should go aboard ship,” he wrote. “Everyone can believe me that when I am again in Europe, should the opportunity arise for another such trip, I would certainly not go.” The lieutenant set forth his reasons in vivid detail:
1) There is no bread except zwieback [hard biscuits] which is spoiled or full of worms.
2) Stinking water with all possible impurities mixed in, because on this trip, from the beginning until now, we have not one good drop.
3) The meat is miserable and frightfully salted so that it can hardly be eaten, and then one nearly dies of thirst.
4) The entire ship is full of lice, and when it storms no one can think of anything else. Anyone who has never gone to sea can not understand how miserable that can be. It is nearly impossible to take a step without risk of breaking your neck or a leg. Everything has to be securely fastened and still everything breaks and busts to pieces.18
Meanwhile, Washington remained at a loss to explain the enemy’s movements. Howe, he now opined, was headed for Charleston, South Carolina. “If his Intentions are such, as I have supposed them,” wrote the American commander, “It appears to me, that an attempt to follow him, would not only be fruitless, but would be attended with ruinous consequences…. [W]e have no other alternative left, then to remain here idle and inactive, on the remote probability of his returning this way, or to proceed towards Hudson’s River, with a view of opposing Genl Burgoyne [with the greater part of our force].”Until something changed, Howe would hold the initiative and Washington could do little more than await definitive news of the fleet’s location.19
To those on the ships, it was becoming apparent by August 12 that the fleet would soon enter the Chesapeake Bay. We “could smell the land, the fragrance of pines in particular…. The ships of war hoisted their Colours, supposed for seeing land,” engineer Montresor jotted in his journal. When the conditions finally allowed, Admiral Howe guided his ships into the bay on August 14. Once past Cape Charles, Virginia, the British sailed north. The distant boom of signal guns washed over the ships, and a large cloud of smoke ashore was spotted: The Americans knew they were there.20
The armada spent the next ten days in a tedious and fitful move up the bay. Since the wind was often light, Howe usually sailed with the flood tide and anchored with the ebb tide. Captain Hamond was concerned about navigating the Chesapeake. Once the decision was made to ascend it, Hamond inquired whether any pilots familiar with the bay had been acquired to guide the fleet. “There were none that were much acquainted with the Navigation above Baltimore,” he worried, “nor was there any particular plan found, that gave any directions more than what is laid down in the large chart of the Chesapeak.”21
The surrounding majestic Maryland countryside impressed the British officers. “The Bay, the higher it is ascended, becomes more beautiful,” wrote one in his diary. Known to this day for its delicious crabs, the region offered up its welcome bounty to the fleet’s passengers. “It’s remarkable in this Bay the multitude of crabs that swim nearly to the surface of the water,” penned an astonished but fully satisfied Montresor. “The Fleet caught thousands.”22
Two days after entering the bay, yet another thunderstorm assailed the fleet. Lieutenant Heinrich von Feilitzsch described the storm as such “as has never been seen in Europe.” A British sergeant left the most descriptive narrative of the storm’s awesome power:
A Thunder-Bolt killed 3 Horses in the Hold of a Transport, and split her Main-mast to Shivers; but by God’s infinite mercy, there was not a man on board hurted…. A Woman’s shift being burnt upon her body, lying in a Birth on a Transport, and she a Sleep, by a Flash of Lightning, without the least damage to her skin or Flesh, Also a Man’s Coat and Shirt was burnt likewise on his Back, without his knowing of it till next morning: And the Arms [muskets] of three Companies of men were japanned [blackened] on Board the same ship by the same Flash.23
Once the storm blew out, the fleet anchored just off Old Point Comfort (where Fort Monroe sits today).
On August 17, the fleet anchored off the mouth of the Piankatunk River. After weathering yet another storm, the ships anchored two days later at the mouth of the Potomac River. HMS Raisonable stayed behind to patrol the mouth of the Potomac while the rest of the fleet moved north past the mouth of the river. The bay narrowed here, and both shorelines were now visible from the troop transports.24
The heat finally began to subside, but the British would long remember the intense temperatures. “Several of our People, who have been on the Coast of Guinea & in the West Indies, assured me, they never felt in either of those Countries such an intense suffocating heat, wch we have experienced for several Days and Nights together,” journaled one soldier. “If possible, the Nights were more disagreeable than the Days.” Von Muenchhausen was glad to see the heat dissipate: “I am forced to complain about the intolerable heat we have been having to bear so far. If I could own the whole of America, I would refuse if I had to live in these hot regions.”25
Two days later the ships slipped past the capital of Maryland at Annapolis, on the western shore of the bay at the mouth of the Severn River. Local militia demonstrated audacity by raising patriot flags over the earthworks there. “Two flags, which were to be seen just outside the city, showed that the commander-in-chief’s warning of 18 July did not apply, but that the city’s inhabitants, like most of the Americans, were rebels,” explained one Hessian. “Through the telescope it could be seen that there were thirteen red and white stripes in these flags, which represented the thirteen provinces.”26
Nobody in the provincial capital, however, was willing to fight a well-armed fleet. “A report that a British fleet was sailing up the Chesapeake Bay, has induced many people to quit Annapolis,” the Reverend Francis Asbury, bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, noted in his journal: “Lord, give thy people faith and patience sufficient for their day of trial!” The reverend had little to fear, for Howe had no interest in Annapolis or her citizens. He did, however, care about navigating the bay. The farther up the Chesapeake his fleet sailed, the shallower and more treacherous the bay became. The fleet’s larger ships had to be left behind.27
While Howe moved northward up the Chesapeake, Washington’s main army remained deployed along the Neshaminy Creek, with headquarters in Warwick Township. Many elements of the Continental Army, however, were still quite a distance away. Francis Nash’s North Carolina Brigade remained at Trenton, New Jersey, while John Sullivan’s division and one-half of the New Jersey brigade were in northern New Jersey at Chatham. Israel Putnam was still holding the Hudson Highlands with Connecticut troops near Peekskill. Benjamin Lincoln’s division, commanded by Anthony Wayne at this point, was at Graeme Park in Horsham on the outskirts of Philadelphia.28
Was Washington’s army sufficient to repel Howe? Congress didn’t think so, and the body passed a resolution recommending Maryland raise at least 2,000 militia and that Pennsylvania collect 4,000 of its militia to assist in repelling the threatened attack. Pennsylvania’s troops were directed to report to Lancaster, Downingtown, and Chester, where they would be subject to Washington’s orders. Other states also pitched in. Delaware was expected to have about 1,000 militia rendezvous at Christiana Bridge, and Virginia was asked to have some of her militia report to Frederick, Maryland.29
Many within the army tired of all the marching sought out definitive information about Howe’s fleet, including Col. Walter Stewart, commander of the Pennsylvania State Regiment. “We expect however to change our situation very shortly, as it appears against the decrees of Fate our staying more than three or Four days at one place,” Stewart complained to Gen. Horatio Gates. “For my part, I must say, I would not wish to move until we know with a certainty where the Enemy Intend operating, as we have Certainly for some time past been Marching and Counter Marching to very little purpose.”30
The equally frustrated Nathanael Greene did his best to understand the Continental Army’s strategic situation, which he considered “not a little awkward, buryed in the country out of hearing of the Enimy.” The stress constantly weighed on them, especially Washington, whom the general decribed as “exceeding impatient; but it said, if Philadelphia is lost all is ruined.” The ironic twists and turns of the “curious campaign” were not lost on Greene: “[I]n the Spring we had the Enimy about our ears every hour. The Northern Army could neither see nor hear of an Enemy. Now they have got the enimy about their heads and we have lost ours, compeld to wander about the country like the Arabs in search of em.”31
Unfortunately, the men who would soon face Howe’s Regulars would be without the services of Daniel Morgan’s riflemen. The real threat of Indians traveling with Burgoyne’s army necessitated the dispatch of Morgan’s men to assist on the northern front. Washington would soon need to create a light infantry force to replace them.
Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, whose motion in the Second Continental Congress had called for independence from England, visited the army about this time and was impressed with what he found: “I think the Army is a gallant one, well disciplined, clothed, armed (for they all have bayonets now) and sound in every respect—The Soldiers in good health and spirits, and every thing looks tout en Militaire.” With the uncertainty and rumor mills boiling over about Howe and the fleet, some congressmen (perhaps Lee among them) urged Washington to push the army north to strike Burgoyne. Benjamin Harrison, another Virginian, wrote to Washington: “Can not a blow be given Burgoyne in his [Howe’s] absence? If something can not be done in that quarter soon, N. York will certainly be lost.”Until there was confirmed information that the fleet was actually in the Chesapeake, however, Washington was hamstrung. Speculation continued that Howe was heading south toward South Carolina.32
On August 21, however, Washington held a council of war (as he often did during his tenure) with his general officers. The lack of intelligence on Howe’s whereabouts, coupled with a feeling of helplessness as the army marked time, convinced the council to unanimously agree to move the army north to either stop Burgoyne or attack New York City. The troops were to be in motion by 5:00 a.m. the next morning. Late that same day, however, news arrived from Congress confirming the presence of the British fleet in the Chesapeake. Unfortunately for Washington, the information was a week old. Orders changed quickly, and a flurry of messages went out to the various detachments of the army to pull together near the capital.33
On August 22, Howe’s fleet sailed past the mouth of the Patapsco River, where it was able to secure some pilots for the ships.34 Had the British chosen, they could have ascended that body of water to assault Baltimore. The city of 600 houses and several thousand citizens was rapidly growing into its destiny as a shipping port, but a small fort on Whetstone Point and some local militia were its only defenses; British men-of-war could have easily eliminated the threat. (Thirty-seven years later, the site would be bombarded by another British fleet during the War of 1812.) Despite the bravado displayed at Annapolis and proud boasting to the Maryland governor by the officers at Baltimore, the Maryland militia was in no condition to face British regulars backed by the Royal Navy. After passing the Patapsco River, the fleet anchored near Swan Point between the Elk and Sassafras Rivers.35
Back in July, Lord Stirling had proposed assaulting Staten Island on his way to join the main army. Washington initially gave him approval if his intelligence proved the British were maintaining a weak garrison there. Stirling had been led to believe there were only 1,000 provincial troops on the island, which, if true, would have warranted the assault. Luckily, before the Americans made the attack, they learned that the island contained British and Hessian regulars, so the operation was cancelled. Stirling, therefore, had continued his march to rejoin the main Continental Army.36
Nearly a month later, John Sullivan returned to command his division and again considered the possibility of an assault on Staten Island. Washington, trusting Sullivan’s intelligence, approved the operation. On August 21, Sullivan’s division and several New Jersey regiments departed Hanover, marched through Chatham and Springfield, and arrived on a point of land below Elizabeth that juts out toward Staten Island. In the middle of the night, the men were ferried over to Staten Island, achieving complete surprise. The next morning, Sullivan’s division initially met only light resistance from some loyalist regiments. Throughout the morning hours, American regiments pushed across the island, capturing a great quantity of supplies. Henry Clinton feared a major attack on New York City in the absence of both Howe and most of the army. Sullivan again “effected an almost total surprise of two provincial battalions belonging to Skinner’s Brigade, and after setting fire to the magazines at Decker’s Ferry were on their march to Richmond; while another corps, that had landed on the west part of the island for the purpose of cutting off three other provincial battalions, had taken Lt. Col. Lawrence, with the great part of his battalion, prisoners.” These elements of Sullivan’s command that operated on the western part of the island landed near the Old Blazing Star Ferry.37
Clinton hurriedly sent the 52nd Regiment of Foot and some German Waldecker troops to Staten Island to stop the Americans. By early afternoon, they had pushed Sullivan’s troops back to the southern end of island, so the Americans began ferrying back to New Jersey. About 200 men of Sulivan’s rear guard were captured.38
Sullivan summed up the operation thusly: “In this Expedition we Landed on an Island possessed by the Enemy, put to Rout Six Regiments Killed wounded & made prisoners at Least four or five hundred of the Enemy vanquished every party that Collected against us Destroyed them Large Quantities of Stores took one vessel & Destroyed Six or Seven more took a Considerable number of Arms Blankets &c with many Cattle Horse &c marched victorious Through the Island.”39
Despite its initial success, most viewed the operation as a failure since 200 men had been captured. Sullivan, thought many, had been involved in another American failure, for he was also linked to the disaster at the battle of Long Island the previous year. Timing also worked against him: the “failed” Staten Island operation came soon after other Continental forces lost Fort Ticonderoga. Personally disliked by several members of Congress, Sullivan’s abilities again came into question and Congress demanded an inquiry into his conduct. On the day of the Staten Island operation, Washington received news of the Bennington victory. The inquiry into Sullivan’s conduct would have to wait.40
The British fleet moved above Swan Point. Ships of this size had never been that far north in the Chesapeake Bay, and numerous British officers were impressed with the skill of Admiral Howe. “Through the great abilities of our Naval officers it was happily effected as the bottom was muddy and the ships on it were cutting channels through it for each other.” General Grant paid a high compliment to the admiral as well: “As the Navigation is extremely difficult, the Chanel in many places narrow and intricate—Lord Howe has great Merit in conducting the Fleet which he certainly did with Ability.” Beginning on August 23, the Howe brothers began exploring the upper reaches of the Chesapeake Bay around the Susquehanna River, searching for landing places. Captain John Montresor of the Royal Engineers accompanied them. The Annual Register later reported that Admiral Howe had “performed the different parts of a commander, inferior officer, and pilot, with his usual ability and perseverance” despite “a most intricate and dangerous navigation for such a multitude of vessels.”41
The fleet anchored at the mouth of the Susquehanna. The British observed several armed Americans at Turkey Point. Maryland militiamen attempted to drive the cattle away from the coastal areas of the upper Chesapeake to keep them from falling into British hands, but were not entirely successful.42
On the same day, Washington’s army moved back into the Germantown area, where Washington made his headquarters at the Stenton House. Stenton was the country seat of the Logan family. The estate was one of the largest and most valuable estates in the Philadelphia area, with 500 acres studded with many rare plants, trees, and other experimental cultivation. The large brick home was built in 1730 but was unoccupied by its owners in 1777. The original owner had passed away the previous year and the heir was studying medicine in Scotland.43
The Continental Army had left its camps along the Neshaminy Creek, marched down the York Road past Crooked Billet, and halted at Rising Sun Tavern (modern-day Nicetown). Washington’s headquarters issued orders for guards to watch the roads leading from Philadelphia into the camps “to prevent an inundation of bad women from Philadelphia”—as if Washington didn’t already have enough to worry about that night without “bad women.”44
After weeks of waiting for Howe’s next move, the British commander was coming from the southwest—and no land defenses had been placed in that direction to protect Philadelphia. There were, however, several creeks and rivers that might be used to mount a defense: the Red and White Clay Creeks, the Brandywine, and the Schuylkill. Just as worrisome, Howe could march into the interior of Pennsylvania to threaten Lancaster or Reading. Washington also had to worry about storehouses at various locations west of Philadelphia.
After the operation on Staten Island, Sullivan’s division withdrew to Springfield. Orders from Washington reached the division there, directing it to rendezvous with the main army in Pennsylvania. The next day, Washington paraded his army through Philadelphia. The troops marched five miles down the York Road, crossed the Cohoquonoque Creek at Pool’s Bridge, then entered the city by way of Front Street, where most of the city’s major shipping merchants had their businesses and warehouses. They continued south down Front Street and crossed over High Street (Market Street today), which was the main business thoroughfare running east-west. They made a right up Chestnut Street and marched the five blocks to the State House (modern-day Independence Hall) where Congress reviewed them.45
Washington wanted to make an impression on the people of Philadelphia. At the time, the Continental Army included around 11,000 men in just four divisions: Greene’s, Stephen’s, Wayne’s, and Stirling’s (in that marching order). Washington wanted proper spacing between all units, so he interspersed the field artillery between the divisions. The light dragoons were also properly spaced among the units, with Col. Theodorick Bland’s regiment leading the way, right behind the commander in chief. The field musicians of the army were ordered to mass in the center of each brigade and play a quick step, “but with such moderation, that the men may step to it with ease; and without dancing along, or totally disregarding the music, as too often has been the case.” Washington wrote to John Hancock, “I am induced to do this from the opinion of Several of my Officers and many Friends in Philadelphia, that it may have some influence on the minds of the disaffected there and those who are Dupes to their artifices and opinions.”46
To make the proper impression, Washington issued strict orders on some fronts. One concerned camp followers: “Not a woman belonging to the army is to be seen with the troops on their march thro’ the city.” The women attached to the army included the wives of soldiers, laundresses, and servants not all of good reputation, but who performed “a multitude of feminine tasks, good and bad, to ease the lives of the soldiers.”47 Men, like teamsters and drivers, and children, were also among them. Camp followers with the Continental Army added approximately 50 percent more people traveling with the armed personnel of the army.
These additional people traveled with the baggage wagons, which were directed to bypass the city and cross the Schuylkill River at the Middle Ferry bridge (site of the present Market Street bridge). The main army also crossed at this point. “The bridge, an unstable affair, was fashioned of pontoons roughly laid over with planking.” After passing through Philadelphia, the army moved down the present Woodland Avenue and camped at Darby, about 10 miles south of the city.48
John Adams agreed with Washington’s decision. “I like this Movement of the General, through the City, because, such a show of Artillery, Waggons, Light Horse and Infantry, which takes up a Line of 9 or 10 Miles upon their March and will not be less than 5 or 6 Hours passing through the Town, will make a good Impression upon the Minds of the timorous Whiggs for their Confirmation, upon the cunning Quakers for their Restraint and upon the rasically Tories for their Confusion.” With the army stretched out for 10 miles, it took two hours to shuffle past the State House.49
An earlier chronicler of the American Revolution, Sydney George Fisher, left the following description of the army: “To give some uniformity to the motley hunting-shirts, bare feet, and rags, every man wore a green sprig in his hat. The best-clothed men were the Virginians, and the smartest-looking troops were Smallwood’s Marylanders.”50
John Adams’s confidence was on the rise. “We have now an Army well appointed between Us and Mr. Howe, and this Army will be immediately joined by ten Thousand Militia. So that I feel as secure here, as if I were at Braintree.” The congressman was writing to his wife at their home in Braintree, Massachusetts, but was exaggerating the number of militiamen who were soon to join Washington’s force. However, it was painfully clear to the sometimes fussy Adams that the army still lacked an ideal sense of professionalism. “The Army, upon an accurate Inspection of it, I find to be extremely well armed, pretty well cloathed, and tolerably disciplined…. Much remains yet to be done. Our soldiers have not yet, quite the Air of Soldiers. They don’t step exactly in Time. They don’t hold up their Heads, quite erect, nor turn out their Toes, so exactly as they ought. They dont all of them cock their Hats—and such as do, dont all wear them the same Way.”51
As the Continental Army nonetheless basked in the glory of parading through its capital city, another violent thunderstorm struck the British fleet in the upper reaches of the Chesapeake Bay. General Grant recorded its effects on his ship. “The Isis was struck with Lightening, the night before we left her—the Main Mast damaged, & on Fire for a time. Lord Cornwallis and I were reading in the Cabin when it happened, which was filled in a Moment, with a Sulphureous Smell.”52
With Howe’s army soon to depart their ships, the Maryland and Delaware governments scrambled to meet the threat. The president of Delaware, John McKinley, issued orders to his militia commander, Caesar Rodney, to rally to the aid of Maryland. “You are therefore to array the Militia under your command as speedily as possible & have them well provided with Arms Accoutrements & Ammunition & as much Provisions as they can…. You are to march immediately with the Militia arrayed & provided as above & to such places as may be most necessary to annoy the Enemy & prevent them from effecting their purpose of plundering the Inhabitants & possessing themselves of any part of” Turkey Point.53
During the morning of August 25, Washington departed Darby and arrived along Naaman’s Creek, just across the Delaware border, with Greene’s and Stephen’s divisions. According to Timothy Pickering’s journal, “the army marched through Chester to Naaman’s Creek, the General and family advancing to Wilmington (a pretty town and pleasantly situated).” Pickering noted that Washington proceeded to Wilmington accompanied by some light cavalry. Wilmington was situated between Christiana Creek and the Brandywine River. The American headquarters was established on a hill west of town where the army would encamp as it arrived. The 500 Pennsylvania militiamen at Marcus Hook were ordered across the border and proceeded to Wilmington as well. Nash’s North Carolinians pushed through Philadelphia and reached Chester during the day, headed toward the main army. Wayne’s and Stirling’s divisions remained at Darby for a day of rest.54
Washington was concerned about the public property at Head of Elk. “There are a quantity of public and private Stores at the Head of Elk, which I am afraid will fall into the Enemy’s hands if they advance quickly, among others there is a considerable parcel of Salt. Every attempt will be made to save that.” Hence, Washington sent a scouting party south to Newport.55
Around the same time that Washington’s army was departing Darby, elements of the British fleet sailed up the Elk River and began off-loading the British army at Elk Ferry on Turkey Point in Maryland, just below Head of Elk and near Cecil Courthouse. Turkey Point was a thinly inhabited peninsula on the west side of the mouth of the Elk River. Johann Ewald described the region: “The whole peninsula, or headland, was a real wilderness. Just as we found the uncultivated vine, the sassafras tree, and wild melon in this region, so also was it full of different kinds of vermin. The woods, especially, were filled with snakes and toads. Each tree was full of big chaffers, which made such a noise during the night that two men could not speak to each other and understand what was said.” Another jaeger officer was not impressed with the countryside. “Compared with other provinces where we have been, this region is not well-developed. A bare woods, here and there a small place with a house and a field, but where not a soul is to be seen. How desolate it is I will let another describe.”56
In this location, Howe’s army was about 60 miles from Philadelphia. This was just 20 miles closer than it had been in the spring skirmishes around New York City, and the Schuylkill and Brandywine Rivers were now in its way. More important to critics of the campaign, the army had spent nearly another month aboard ships just to arrive a bare 20 miles west of where Hamond had recommended they land on the eastern shore of Delaware at Reedy Island.57
The operation began around 6 a.m., with HMS Vigilant and HMS Roebuck leading the way followed by flat-bottomed troop transports. The heaviest warships—HMS Augusta, HMS Isis, HMS Nonsuch, and HMS Somerset—had been left behind near the Sassafras River.58
Lord Cornwallis commanded the vanguard, which included the Hessian jaegers, the British light infantry, and the British grenadiers. “The men were immediately formed by companies, without regard to seniority, in order to be prepared to resist the certainly nearby enemy, and to cover the landing of the entire army, but no enemy appeared.” The vanguard pushed inland for three miles and spread out to cover the landing of the rest of the army. What little American militia was present was easily scattered by the professional European soldiers. Accompanying the lead elements of the British forces were the Howe brothers themselves. “At 10 the Adml and General went on Shore with the Army.”59
Thus, Howe had been extremely lucky: his men were able to row ashore and press inland virtually unmolested. Had the Continental Army been present in significant force to oppose this vulnerable operation, the Crown’s forces could well have suffered heavy losses or outright disaster. However, because the reports of the British fleet reached Washington long after the ships were in the Chesapeake, the American commander was only then marching into Delaware with his army.60
It took the British five trips in flatboats to unload the entire army. After the first load carrying Cornwallis with the British light infantry, British grenadiers, and jaegers, the balance unloaded in this order: Second trip: the Hessian grenadiers, the Queen’s Rangers, the Brigade of Guards, and the 4th and 23rd Regiments of Foot; Third trip: the 5th, 10th, 15th, 27th, 28th, 40th, 42nd, 49th, and 55th Regiments of Foot; Fourth trip: the 17th, 33rd, 37th, 44th, 46th, 64th, and 71st Regiments of Foot; Fifth trip: the Hessian Brigade. The light dragoons and long-suffering wagon horses did not unload until the next day.61
As the British army landed, it began to rain, a rain that would last for 36 hours. The army’s ammunition supply quickly became damaged: the cartridge boxes were drenched, and the Brigade of Guards alone lost 1,600 rounds of ammunition. The men were issued rum, biscuits, and cooked salt pork for five days.62
As Howe’s men were landing at Turkey Point, panic set in among the people of Lancaster. Writing to his children from there, Christopher Marshall described the chaos caused in the backcountry settlement. “The Waggons are all engaged here in order to Carry our Stores and Some to take the Baggage of the Prisoners from this place to Reading &c as we were alarmed by Express the 23rd of Hows fleet having come up Chesapeak bay and intend to land about 35 miles from here…. The English, Scotch & Irish prisoners being 2 or 300 were sent off yesterday afternoon under a Strong guard for Reading. The Hessing [Hessian] Prisoners are Mustering for the same purpose and its said will be sent off this day, so that our place is in a great fermentation.”63
A mixture of joy and confidence emanated from the pens of those writing from within the British Army. Despite the considerable distance to Philadelphia, James Parker noted the capital defenses that had been constructed along the Delaware—much damage could have been done to the fleet by the forts, fire rafts, and floating batteries. Ewald recalled landing “amid boisterous shouts of joy and in the best order.” General Grant was happy to be on dry land after 49 days aboard ship. “You may believe every Body on Board was most heartily tired of their Situation, we have hardly recovered the Use of our Legs & the Horses are not very firm upon theirs.” Captain Richard Fitzpatrick of the Brigade of Guards admired their new surroundings. “The inhabitants are almost all fled from their houses, and have driven their cattle with them; so we do not live luxuriously, though in a country that has every appearance of plenty, and is more beautiful than can be conceived, wherever the woods are at all cleared.” As stated, amidst the beauty of the land, few inhabitants could be found. Lieutenant William Hale believed the “men [had been] called to strengthen Washington, the women fled to avoid barbarities, which they imagined must be the natural attendants of a British Army.” A Hessian officer thought “we have not seen any females because they were told by the rebels that the Hessians would have misused them in an unpleasant manner, so they have all fled.”64
The next phase of the campaign would need to answer whether the long voyage with all its costs had been worth it. In summary: Howe’s army had spent over a month at sea, only to arrive in northeast Maryland just 20 miles closer to the American capital. Washington had used that time to recruit more soldiers and gel his army into a more effective fighting force. Meanwhile, the British had suffered through poor food and water during the last stretch of the trip. The greatest damage, that would have the greatest effect on the combat efficiency of the force, had been inflicted upon the army’s horses.
The American Congress, finally aware of British intentions, called upon the patriots of the region to respond to the imminent threat.