Chapter 30

“I think Americans raise eyebrows when you tell them that IRS agents are training with a type of weapon that has stand-off capability. It’s not like they’re carrying a sidearm, and they knock on someone’s door and say, You’re evading your taxes.”

- Jeff Duncan (R)
South Carolina Congressman

President Bartlett and Chief of Staff Weingold walked out of the Oval Office together across the corridor headed into the Roosevelt Room. Already seated in the room were IRS Commissioner Ivan Stanislau, NSA Director Blake Herron, and Secretary of the Treasury Bethany Hobst.

Stanislau, an attorney by trade, was a crotchety, stubborn and inept career bureaucrat who had risen to the top of the IRS food chain as he mastered Deep State politics with ruthless aplomb. He considered himself an intellectual elitist, and he thoroughly enjoyed the unbridled power he held at the IRS to invoke fear in political enemies. His ability to consolidate power at the IRS kept him rising through the ranks, no matter which Party occupied the White House. Even his boss, Secretary Hobst, feared him.

He thought it strange, however, that they weren’t in the Oval office with just these few people, as the Roosevelt Room with its stately formal conference table and chairs seated sixteen. On opposite ends of the table were paintings of both the Roosevelt presidents (Teddy and Franklin D.), who were principally responsible for the remodeling of the room during their administrations. It was typically reserved for cabinet meetings.

Everyone stood as President Bartlett walked in.

“Good morning, Madam President,” everyone said.

The president jumped right in with no chit chat. “Milton is going to lead us through this meeting,” she stated.

“First, per my instructions last week, I want to make sure this meeting is not on your calendars or your staff’s calendars.” Weingold peered over his glasses that rested half-way down his nose.

Everyone nodded.

“Okay. Now, first and foremost, this meeting didn’t happen. It’s not on the president’s schedule nor mine, and it shouldn’t be on yours. You will each come out separate entrances in an unmarked, blacked-out vehicle, just as you came in,” he instructed.

President Bartlett stood.

“It was very nice seeing everyone here,” she said, then she walked out the door and closed it behind her.

The meeting attendees were confused by her abrupt departure.

“I’m sure you’re asking yourselves why the president didn’t stay for this meeting, especially since she requested your presence and because we went to great lengths to protect anyone from outside eyes who may be prying now or at some later point,” Weingold said.

“We understand,” replied Director Herron, referring to the fact that the president likely needed plausible deniability that she was ever a part of this meeting.

Stanislau thought to himself how strange it was that she kicked off the meeting, yet needed deniability that she was ever a part of it. He figured to himself that she made an appearance simply to let all those attending know that this was her meeting, whether or not she was actively participating. It was her agenda that was going to be carried out by Weingold.

“First, let’s get an update on the service of all the audit and collection summonses issued by your department, Secretary Hobst,” said Weingold, looking at Hobst, knowing Stanislau would be the one doing the briefing.

“Mr. Weingold, Mr. Stanislau can update us all,” she replied.

“Sure, thank you, Madam Secretary. We had a total of ninety-two summons that were issued and all but one was delivered,” Stanislau stated.

“Who didn’t get theirs?” asked Weingold.

“A state senator in Texas named Milsap. He was killed a few weeks ago. We didn’t see any need to add this to his wife and family’s misery,” added Stanislau.

“That’s not your decision nor Treasury’s to make. Issue the summons to his wife, Mr. Stanislau,” Weingold instructed in a very condescending tone. “What enforcement actions have taken place?”

“We have levied bank accounts or restricted access to funds for about half of them so far. I think the total number in levy status is about thirty-eight.”

“Why have only slightly half had enforcement actions?” asked Weingold to Hobst again.

“Sir, there are some legalities and processes we must follow. Otherwise, we risk bringing the eyes of the Inspector General in, which nobody here wants. It will muddy the water and delay things,” Hobst said.

“We have about forty-five days before the Texas governor can call for a special session. He has to fill the vacancy for the unfortunate state senator who died first. I need your assurance that the remaining enforcement actions will be carried out by then, Madam Secretary,” stated Weingold.

Hobst looked again at Stanislau.

“It will be tight, sir, but we will make it happen,” replied Stanislau.

“Now, Director Herron, can you update us all, please?”

“Data capture is going smoothly for the most part. We are sharing this information with Mr. Stanislau and the IRS to detect anything that might raise questions, concerns and opportunities. There are a handful of names on the list who are not providing us with electronic signatures, so our tracking of them has been inconsistent and void of much useful data,” stated Herron.

“This is what I want to know,” pressed Weingold. “I need to know what aberrations we have, if any. Are these legislators? Who are they?”

“No, sir, this group of about twelve is made up of former Special Forces and CIA operatives who are connected to a group called Free Texas. As far as we can tell, they are a Tea Party-aligned constitutional militia of some sort,” Herron said.

“Ex-CIA?” Weingold asked, concerned.

“Yes, sir, CIA.”

“Do we have outstanding warrants related to the Texas Crisis for them?”

“No, sir, we do not. They weren’t identified positively in any of the actions at the time. These guys obviously learned their trade well at the CIA. We can’t connect the dots yet, but it would be unlikely that they weren’t in the thick of things at the time,” noted Herron.

“I want warrants on them, too. Also, with the warrants, we can ramp up the surveillance on them as needed,” said Weingold.

“In a case of national security, sir, I don’t think you will need to get the standard warrants. I can get the FISA court to approve any level of surveillance needed. I’ll get the FBI director on this today,” Herron stated.

“Yes, that’s right. This is definitely a case of national security. Of course. Do it. I’ll give Justice a heads-up to provide you whatever cooperation you need,” ordered Weingold.

“As I’m sure you’re aware, sir, FISA court documents are sealed. There’s no danger of a leak on this,” Herron said.

“Look, before any of you are squeamish for one second about what we are doing here, this is a case of national security. We are operating under the premise that there are domestic terrorists that have infiltrated and control this ridiculous Texas independence movement that lead to the crisis resulting in the deaths of federal agents. These agents were law-abiding, career agents. Good men, every last one of them,” Weingold claimed with surprising emotion for a normally stoic personality. “Right now, this president has manufactured a truce with their state government. If that referendum gets back on the legislative docket, this dust-up will start all over again. If it gets to a vote, we are to make sure it’s defeated soundly, never to be brought up again.”

“Sir, what if the referendum passes?” asked Herron.

“This president will do what Lincoln did when the South seceded. She will squash it with overwhelming force and punish them for years to come,” said a resolute Weingold, whose face suddenly became red. “You must understand the end game here, folks. It is to avoid bloodshed, keep Texas in check, and continue this president’s popularity so her agenda can be achieved. This meeting is over. Thank you for coming in.”