[1] ἡ Ῥωμαίων πόλις ἵδρυται μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσι τῆς Ἰταλίας περὶ ποταμὸν Τέβεριν, ὃς κατὰ μέσην μάλιστα τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐκδίδωσιν, ἀπέχουσα τῆς Τυρρηνικῆς θαλάττης ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σταδίους. οἱ δὲ κατασχόντες αὐτὴν πρῶτοι τῶν μνημονευομένων βάρβαροί τινες ἦσαν αὐτόχθονες Σικελοὶ λεγόμενοι πολλά καὶ ἄλλα τῆς Ἰταλίας χωρία κατασχόντες, ὧν οὐκ ὀλίγα διέμεινεν οὐδ᾽ ἀφανῆ μνημεῖα μέχρι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνων, ἐν οἷς καὶ τόπων τινῶν ὀνόματα Σικελικὰ λεγόμενα, μηνύοντα τὴν πάλαι ποτὲ αὐτῶν ἐνοίκησιν.
[1.1] The city of Rome is situated in the western part of Italy near the river Tiber, which empties into the Tyrrhenian sea about midway along the coast; from the sea the city is distant one hundred and twenty stades. Its first known occupants were certain barbarians, natives of the country, called Sicels, who also occupied many other parts of Italy and of whom not a few distinct memorials are left even to our times; among other things there are even some names of places said to be Sicel names, which show that this people formerly dwelt in the land.
[2] τούτους ἐκβαλόντες Ἀβοριγῖνες αὐτοὶ κατέσχον τὸν τόπον Οἰνώτρων ὄντες ἀπόγονοι τῶν κατοικούντων τὴν ἀπὸ Τάραντος ἄχρι Ποσειδωνίας παράλιον. ἱερά τις αὕτη νεότης καθοσιωθεῖσα θεοῖς κατὰ τὸν ἐπιχώριον νόμον ὑπὸ τῶν πατέρων ἀποσταλῆναι λέγεται χώραν οἰκήσουσα τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ δαιμονίου σφίσι [p. 154] δοθησομένην. τὸ δὲ τῶν Οἰνώτρων γένος Ἀρκαδικὸν ἦν ἐκ τῆς τότε μὲν καλουμένης Λυκαονίας, νῦν δὲ Ἀρκαδίας, ἑκουσίως ἐξελθὸν ἐπὶ γῆς κτῆσιν ἀμείνονος ἡγουμένου τῆς ἀποικίας Οἰνώτρου τοῦ Λυκάονος,
[2] They were driven out by the Aborigines, who occupied the place in their turn; these were descendants of the Oenotrians who inhabited the seacoast from Tarentum to Posidonia. They were a band of holy youths consecrated to the gods according to their local custom and sent out by their parents, it is said, to inhabit the country which Heaven should give them. The Oenotrians were an Arcadian tribe who had of their own accord left the country then called Lycaonia and now Arcadia, in search of a better land, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, from whom the nation received its name.
[3] ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν τὸ ἔθνος ἔλαβεν. Ἀβοριγίνων δὲ κατεχόντων τὰ χωρία πρῶτοι μὲν αὐτοῖς γίνονται σύνοικοι Πελασγοὶ πλάνητες ἐκ τῆς τότε μὲν καλουμένης Αἱμονίας, νῦν δὲ Θετταλίας, ἐν ᾗ χρόνον τινὰ ᾤκησαν: μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Πελασγοὺς Ἀρκάδες ἐκ Παλλαντίου πόλεως ἐξελθόντες Εὔανδρον ἡγεμόνα ποιησάμενοι τῆς ἀποικίας Ἑρμοῦ καὶ νύμφης Θέμιδος υἱόν, οἳ πρὸς ἑνὶ τῶν ἑπτὰ λόφων πολίζονται ὃς ἐν μέσῳ μάλιστα κεῖται τῆς Ῥώμης, Παλλάντιον ὀνομάσαντες τὸ χωρίον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ πατρίδος.
[3] While the Aborigines occupied this region the first who joined with them in their settlement were the Pelasgians, a wandering people who came from the country then called Haemonia and now Thessaly, where they had lived for some time. After the Pelasgians came the Arcadians from the city of Pallantium, who had chosen as leader of their colony Evander, the son of Hermes and the nymph Themis. These built a town beside one of the seven hills that stands near the middle of Rome, calling the place Pallantium, from their mother-city in Arcadia.
[4] χρόνοις δ᾽ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον Ἡρακλέους καταχθέντος εἰς Ἰταλίαν, ὅτε τὴν στρατιὰν ἐξ Ἐρυθείας οἴκαδε ἀπήγαγε, μοῖρά τις ὑπολειφθεῖσα τῆς σὺν αὐτῷ δυνάμεως Ἑλληνικὴ πλησίον ἱδρύεται τοῦ Παλλαντίου, πρὸς ἑτέρῳ τῶν ἐμπεπολισμένων τῇ πόλει λόφων, ὃς τότε μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων Σατόρνιος ἐλέγετο, νῦν δὲ Καπιτωλῖνος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων: Ἐπειοὶ οἱ πλείους τούτων ἦσαν ἐκ πόλεως Ἤλιδος ἐξαναστάντες διαπεπορθημένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πατρίδος ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους. [p. 155]
[4] Not long afterwards, when Hercules came into Italy on his return home with his army from Erytheia, a certain part of his force, consisting of Greeks, remained behind be settled near Pallantium, beside another of the hills that are now inclosed within the city. This was then called by the inhabitants Saturnian hill, but is now called the Capitoline hill by the Romans. The greater part of these men were Epeans who had abandoned their city in Elis after their country had been laid waste by Hercules.
[1] γενεᾷ δ᾽ ἑκκαιδεκάτῃ μετὰ τὸν Τρωικὸν πόλεμον Ἀλβανοὶ συνοικίζουσιν ἄμφω τὰ χωρία ταῦτα τείχει περιλαβόντες καὶ τάφρῳ. τέως δὲ ἦν αὔλια βουφορβίων τε καὶ ποιμνίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων καταγωγαὶ βοτήρων ἄφθονον ἀναδιδούσης πόαν τῆς αὐτόθι γῆς οὐ μόνον τὴν χειμερινήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν θερεινόμον διὰ τοὺς ἀναψύχοντάς τε καὶ κατάρδοντας αὐτὴν ποταμούς.
[2.1] In the sixteenth generation after the Trojan war the Albans united both these places into one settlement, surrounding them with a wall and a ditch. For until then there were only folds for cattle and sheep and quarters of the other herdsmen, as the land round about yielded plenty of grass, not only for winter but also for summer pasture, by reason of the rivers that refresh and water it.
[2] γένος δὲ τὸ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν μικτὸν ἦν ἔκ τε Πελασγῶν καὶ Ἀρκάδων καὶ Ἐπειῶν τῶν ἐξ Ἤλιδος ἐλθόντων, τελευταίων δὲ τῶν μετὰ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἀφικομένων εἰς Ἰταλίαν Τρώων, οὺς ἦγεν Αἰνείας ὁ Ἀγχίσου καὶ Ἀφροδίτης. εἰκὸς δέ τι καὶ βαρβαρικὸν ἐκ τῶν προσοίκων ἢ παλαιῶν οἰκητόρων ὑπολιπὲς τῷ Ἑλληνικῷ συγκαταμιγῆναι. ὄνομα δὲ κοινὸν οἱ σύμπαντες οὗτοι Λατῖνοι ἐκλήθησαν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς δυναστεύσαντος τῶν τόπων Λατίνου τὰς κατὰ τὸ ἔθνος ὀνομασίας ἀφαιρεθέντες.
[2] The Albans were a mixed nation composed of Pelasgians, of Arcadians, of the Epeans who came from Elis, and, last of all, of the Trojans who came into Italy with Aeneas, the son of Anchises and Aphroditê, after the taking of Troy. It is probable that a barbarian element also from among the neighbouring peoples or a remnant of the ancient inhabitants of the place was mixed with the Greek. But all these people, having lost their tribal designations, came to be called by one common name, Latins, after Latinus, who had been king of this country.
[3] ἐτειχίσθη μὲν ς3οὖν ἡ πόλις υπὸ τούτων τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐνιαυτῷ δευτέρῳ καὶ τριακοστῷ καὶ τετρακοσιοστῷ μετὰ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδόμης ὀλυμπιάδος. οἱ δὲ ἀγαγόντες τὴν ἀποικίαν ἀδελφοὶ δίδυμοι τοῦ βασιλείου γένους ἦσαν: Ῥωμύλος αὐτῶν ὄνομα θατέρῳ, [p. 156] τῷ δ᾽ ἑτέρῳ Ῥῶμος: τὰ μητρόθεν μὲν ἀπ᾽ Αἰνείου τε καὶ Δαρδανίδαι, πατρὸς δὲ ἀκρίβειαν μὲν οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἰπεῖν ἐξ ὅτου φύντες, πεπίστευνται δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων Ἄρεος υἱοὶ γενέσθαι.
[3] The walled city, then, was built by these tribes in the four hundred and thirty-second year after the taking of Troy, and in the seventh Olympiad. The leaders of the colony were twin brothers of the royal family, Romulus being the name of one and Remus of the other. On the mother’s side they were descended from Aeneas and were Dardanidae; it is hard to say with certainty who their father was, but the Romans believe them to have been the sons of Mars.
[4] οὐ μέντοι διέμεινάν γε ἀμφότεροι τῆς ἀποικίας ἡγεμόνες ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς στασιάσαντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ περιλειφθεὶς αὐτῶν Ῥωμύλος ἀπολομένου θατέρου κατὰ τὴν μάχην οἰκιστὴς γίνεται τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοὔνομα αὐτῇ τῆς ἰδίας κλήσεως ἐπώνυμον τίθεται. ἀριθμὸς δὲ τῶν μετασχόντων αὐτῷ τῆς ἀποικίας ἀπὸ πολλοῦ τοῦ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐξαποσταλέντος ὀλίγος ἦν ὁ καταλειφθείς, τρισχίλιοι πεζοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς τριακόσιοι.
[4] However, they did not both continue to be leaders of the colony, since they quarrelled over the command; but after one of them had been slain in the battle that ensued, Romulus, who survived, became the founder of the city and called it after his own name. The great numbers of which the colony had originally consisted when sent out with him were now reduced to a few, the survivors amounting to three thousand foot and three hundred horse.
[1] ἐπεὶ οὖν ἥ τε τάφρος αὐτοῖς ἐξείργαστο καὶ τὸ ἔρυμα τέλος εἶχεν αἵ τε οἰκήσεις τὰς ἀναγκαίους κατασκευὰς ἀπειλήφεσαν, ἀπῄτει δ᾽ ὁ καιρὸς καὶ περὶ κόσμου πολιτείας ᾧ χρήσονται σκοπεῖν, ἀγορὰν ποιησάμενος αὐτῶν ὁ Ῥωμύλος ὑποθεμένου τοῦ μητροπάτορος καὶ διδάξαντος ἃ χρὴ λέγειν, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἔφη ταῖς τε δημοσίαις καὶ ταῖς ἰδίαις κατασκευαῖς ὡς νεόκτιστον ἀποχρώντως κεκοσμῆσθαι: ἠξίου δ᾽ ἐνθυμεῖσθαι πάντας ὡς οὐ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστι τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν.
[3.1] When, therefore, the ditch was finished, the rampart completed and the necessary work on the houses done, and the situation required that they should consider also what form of government they were going to have, Romulus called an assembly of the people by the advice of his grandfather, who had instructed him what to say, and told them that the city, considering that it was newly built, was sufficiently adorned both with public and private buildings; but he asked them all to bear in mind that these were not the most valuable things in cities.
[2] οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὀθνείοις πολέμοις τὰς βαθείας τάφρους καὶ τὰ ὑψηλὰ ἐρύματα ἱκανὰ εἶναι τοῖς ἔνδον ἀπράγμονα σωτηρίας ὑπόληψιν παρασχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕν τι μόνον ἐγγυᾶσθαι τὸ μηθὲν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς κακὸν ὑπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν παθεῖν προκαταληφθέντας, οὔθ᾽ ὅταν ἐμφύλιοι ταραχαὶ τὸ κοινὸν κατάσχωσι, [p. 157] τῶν ἰδίων οἴκων καὶ ἐνδιαιτημάτων τὰς καταφυγὰς ὑπάρχειν τινὶ ἀκινδύνους.
[2] For neither in foreign wars, he said, are deep ditches and high ramparts sufficient to give the inhabitants an undisturbed assurance of their safety, but guarantee one thing only, namely, that they shall suffer no harm through being surprised by an incursion of the enemy; nor, again, when civil commotions afflict the State, do private houses and dwellings afford anyone a safe retreat.
[3] σχολῆς γὰρ ἀνθρώποις ταῦτα καὶ ῥᾳστώνης βίων εὑρῆσθαι παραμύθια, μεθ᾽ ὧν οὔτε τὸ ἐπιβουλεῦον τῶν πέλας κωλύεσθαι μὴ οὐ πονηρὸν εἶναι οὔτ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἀκινδύνῳ βεβηκέναι θαρρεῖν τὸ ἐπιβουλευόμενον, πόλιν τε οὐδεμίαν πω τούτοις ἐκλαμπρυνθεῖσαν ἐπὶ μήκιστον εὐδαίμονα γενέσθαι καὶ μεγάλην, οὐδ᾽ αὖ παρὰ τὸ μὴ τυχεῖν τινὰ κατασκευῆς ἰδίας τε καὶ δημοσίας πολυτελοῦς κεκωλῦσθαι μεγάλην γενέσθαι καὶ εὐδαίμονα: ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερα εἶναι τὰ σώζοντα καὶ ποιοῦντα μεγάλας ἐκ μικρῶν τὰς πόλεις:
[3] For these have been contrived by men for the enjoyment of leisure and tranquillity in their lives, and with them neither those of their neighbours who plot against them are prevented from doing mischief nor do those who are plotted against feel any confidence that they are free from danger; and no city that has gained splendour from these adornments only has ever yet become prosperous and great for a long period, nor, again, has any city from a want of magnificence either in public or in private buildings ever been hindered from becoming great and prosperous. But it is other things that preserve cities and make them great from small beginnings:
[4] ἐν μὲν τοῖς ὀθνείοις πολέμοις τὸ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων κράτος, τοῦτο δὲ τόλμῃ παραγίνεσθαι καὶ μελέτῃ, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐμφυλίοις ταραχαῖς τὴν τῶν πολιτευομένων ὁμοφροσύνην, ταύτην δὲ τὸν σώφρονα καὶ δίκαιον ἑκάστου βίον ἀπέφηνεν ἱκανώτατον ὄντα τῷ κοινῷ παρασχεῖν.
[4] in foreign wars, strength in arms, which is acquired by courage and exercise; and in civil commotions, unanimity among the citizens, and this, he showed, could be most effectually achieved for the commonwealth by the prudent and just life of each citizen.
[5] τοὺς δὴ τὰ πολέμιά τε ἀσκοῦντας καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν κρατοῦντας ἄριστα κοσμεῖν τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας τείχη τε ἀνάλωτα τῷ κοινῷ καὶ καταγωγὰς τοῖς ἑαυτῶν βίοις ἀσφαλεῖς τούτους εἶναι τοὺς παρασκευαζομένους: μαχητὰς δέ γε καὶ δικαίους ἄνδρας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρετὰς ἐπιτηδεύοντας τὸ τῆς πολιτείας σχῆμα ποιεῖν τοῖς φρονίμως αὐτὸ καταστησαμένοις, μαλθακούς τε αὖ καὶ πλεονέκτας καὶ δούλους αἰσχρῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν τὰ πονηρὰ [p. 158]
[5] Those who practise warlike exercises and at the same time are masters of their passions are the greatest ornaments to their country, and these are the men who provide both the commonwealth with impregnable walls and themselves in their private lives with safe refuges; but men of bravery, justice and the other virtues are the result of the form of government when this has been established wisely, and, on the other hand, men who are cowardly, rapacious and the slaves of base passions are the product of evil institutions.
[6] ἐπιτηδεύματα ἐπιτελεῖν. ἔφη τε παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἱστορίας ἐληλυθότων ἀκούειν, ὅτι πολλαὶ μὲν ἀποικίαι μεγάλαι καὶ εἰς εὐδαίμονας ἀφικόμεναι τόπους, αἱ μὲν αὐτίκα διεφθάρησαν εἰς στάσεις ἐμπεσοῦσαι, αἱ δ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀντισχοῦσαι χρόνον ὑπήκοοι τοῖς πλησιοχώροις ἠναγκάσθησαν γενέσθαι καὶ ἀντὶ κρείττονος χώρας, ἣν κατέσχον, τὴν χείρονα τύχην διαλλάξασθαι δοῦλαι ἐξ ἐλευθέρων γενόμεναι: ἕτεραι δ᾽ ὀλιγάνθρωποι καὶ εἰς χωρία οὐ πάνυ σπουδαῖα παραγενόμεναι ἐλεύθεραι μὲν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἑτέρων ἄρχουσαι διετέλεσαν: καὶ οὔτε ταῖς εὐπραγίαις τῶν ὀλίγων οὔτε ταῖς δυστυχίαις τῶν πολλῶν ἕτερόν τι ἢ τὸ τῆς πολιτείας σχῆμα ὑπάρχειν αἴτιον.
[6] He added that he was informed by men who were older and had wide acquaintance with history that of many large colonies planted in fruitful regions some had been immediately destroyed by falling into seditions, and others, after holding out for a short time, had been forced to become subject to their neighbours and to exchange their more fruitful country for a worse fortune, becoming slaves instead of free men; while others, few in numbers and settling in places that were by no means desirable, had continued, in the first place, to be free themselves, and, in the second place, to command others; and neither the successes of the smaller colonies nor the misfortunes of those that were large were due to any other cause than their form of government.
[7] εἰ μὲν οὖν μία τις ἦν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις βίου τάξις ἡ ποιοῦσα εὐδαίμονας τὰς πόλεις, οὐ χαλεπὴν ἂν γενέσθαι σφίσι τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτῆς: νῦν δ᾽ ἔφη πολλὰς πυνθάνεσθαι τὰς κατασκευὰς παρ᾽ Ἕλλησί τε καὶ βαρβάροις ὑπαρχούσας, τρεῖς δ᾽ ἐξ ἁπασῶν ἐπαινουμένας μάλιστα ὑπὸ τῶν χρωμένων ἀκούειν, καὶ τούτων οὐδεμίαν εἶναι τῶν πολιτειῶν εἰλικρινῆ, προσεῖναι δέ τινας ἑκάστῃ κῆρας συμφύτους, ὥστε χαλεπὴν αὐτῶν εἶναι τὴν αἵρεσιν. ἠξίου τε αὐτοὺς βουλευσαμένους ἐπὶ σχολῆς εἰπεῖν εἴτε ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἄρχεσθαι θέλουσιν ἀνδρὸς εἴτε ὑπ᾽ ὀλίγων εἴτε νόμους καταστησάμενοι πᾶσιν ἀποδοῦναι τὴν τῶν κοινῶν προστασίαν.
[7] If, therefore, there had been but one mode of life among all mankind which made cities prosperous, the choosing of it would not have been difficult for them; but, as it was, he understood there were many types of government among both the Greeks and barbarians, and out of all of them he heard three especially commended by those who had lived under them, and of these systems none was perfect, but each had some fatal defects inherent in it, so that the choice among them was difficult. He therefore asked them to deliberate at leisure and say whether they would be governed by one man or by a few, or whether they would establish laws and entrust the protection of the public interests to the whole body of the people.
[8] ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑμῖν, ἔφη, πρὸς ἣν ἂν καταστήσησθε πολιτείαν εὐτρεπὴς καὶ οὔτε ἄρχειν ἀπαξιῶ [p. 159] οὔτε ἄρχεσθαι ἀναίνομαι. τιμῶν δέ, ἅς μοι προσεθήκατε ἡγεμόνα με πρῶτον ἀποδείξαντες τῆς ἀποικίας, ἔπειτα καὶ τῇ πόλει τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ θέντες, ἅλις ἔχω. ταύτας γὰρ οὔτε πόλεμος ὑπερόριος οὔτε στάσις ἐμφύλιος οὔτε ὁ πάντα μαραίνων τὰ καλὰ χρόνος ἀφαιρήσεταί με οὔτε ἄλλη τύχη παλίγκοτος οὐδεμία: ἀλλὰ καὶ ζῶντι καὶ τὸν βίον ἐκλιπόντι τούτων ὑπάρξει μοι τῶν τιμῶν παρὰ πάντα τὸν λοιπὸν αἰῶνα τυγχάνειν.
[8] “And whichever form of government you establish,” he said, “I am ready to comply with your desire, for I neither consider myself unworthy to command nor refuse to obey. So far as honours are concerned, I am satisfied with those you have conferred on me, first, by appointing me leader of the colony, and, again, by giving my name to the city. For of these neither a foreign war nor civil dissension nor time, that destroyer of all that is excellent, nor any other stroke of hostile fortune can deprive me; but both in life and in death these honours will be mine to enjoy for all time to come.”
[1] τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἐκ διδαχῆς τοῦ μητροπάτορος, ὥσπερ ἔφην, ἀπομνημονεύσας ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἔλεξεν. οἱ δὲ βουλευσάμενοι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀποκρίνονται τοιάδε: ἡμεῖς πολιτείας μὲν καινῆς οὐδὲν δεόμεθα, τὴν δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν πατέρων δοκιμασθεῖσαν εἶναι κρατίστην παραλαβόντες οὐ μετατιθέμεθα γνώμῃ τε ἑπόμενοι τῶν παλαιοτέρων, οὺς ἀπὸ μείζονος οἰόμεθα φρονήσεως αὐτὴν καταστήσασθαι, καὶ τύχῃ ἀρεσκόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ τήνδε μεμψαίμεθ᾽ ἂν εἰκότως, ἣ παρέσχεν ἡμῖν βασιλευομένοις τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀγαθῶν, ἐλευθερίαν τε καὶ ἄλλων ἀρχήν.
[4] Such was the speech that Romulus, following the instructions of his grandfather, as I have said, made to the people. And they, having consulted together by themselves, returned this answer: “We have no need of a new form of government and we are not going to change the one which our ancestors approved of as the best and handed down to us. In this we show both a deference for the judgment of our elders, whose superior wisdom we recognize in establishing it, and our own satisfaction with our present condition. For we could not reasonably complain of this form of government, which has afforded us under our kings the greatest of human blessings — liberty and the rule over others.
[2] περὶ μὲν δὴ πολιτείας ταῦτα ἐγνώκαμεν: τὴν δὲ τιμὴν ταύτην οὐχ ἑτέρῳ τινὶ μᾶλλον ἢ σοὶ προσήκειν ὑπολαμβάνομεν τοῦ τε βασιλείου γένους ἕνεκα καὶ ἀρετῆς, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτι τῆς ἀποικίας ἡγεμόνι κεχρήμεθά σοι καὶ πολλὴν συνίσμεν δεινότητα, πολλὴν δὲ σοφίαν, οὐ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἔργῳ μαθόντες. ταῦτα ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἀκούσας ἀγαπᾶν μὲν ἔφη [p. 160] βασιλείας ἄξιος ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων κριθείς: οὐ μέντοι γε λήψεσθαι τὴν τιμὴν πρότερον, ἐὰν μὴ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐπιθεσπίσῃ δι᾽ οἰωνῶν αἰσίων.
[2] Concerning the form of government, then, this is our decision; and to this honour we conceive none has so good a title as you yourself by reason both of your royal birth and of your merit, but above all because we have had you as the leader of our colony and recognize in you great ability and great wisdom, which we have seen displayed quite as much in your actions as in your words.” Romulus, hearing this, said it was a great satisfaction to him to be judged worthy of the kingly office by his fellow men, but that he would not accept the honour until Heaven, too, had given its sanction by favourable omens.
[1] ὡς δὲ κἀκείνοις ἦν βουλομένοις προειπὼν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ διαμαντεύσασθαι περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔμελλεν, ἐπειδὴ καθῆκεν ὁ χρόνος ἀναστὰς περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον ἐκ τῆς σκηνῆς προῆλθεν: στὰς δὲ ὑπαίθριος ἐν καθαρῷ χωρίῳ καὶ προθύσας ἃ νόμος ἦν εὔχετο Διί τε βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς, οὓς ἐποιήσατο τῆς ἀποικίας ἡγεμόνας, εἰ βουλομένοις αὐτοῖς ἐστι βασιλεύεσθαι τὴν πόλιν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, σημεῖα οὐράνια φανῆναι καλά.
[5.1] And when the people approved, he appointed a day on which he proposed to consult the auspices concerning the sovereignty; and when the time was come, he rose at break of day and went forth from his tent. Then, taking his stand under the open sky in a clear space and first offering the customary sacrifice, he prayed to King Jupiter and to the other gods whom he had chosen for the patrons of the colony, that, if it was their pleasure he should be king of the city, some favourable signs might appear in the sky.
[2] μετὰ δὲ τὴν εὐχὴν ἀστραπὴ διῆλθεν ἐκ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δεξιά. τίθενται δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δεξιὰ ἀστραπὰς αἰσίους, εἴτε παρὰ Τυρρηνῶν διδαχθέντες, εἴτε πατέρων καθηγησαμένων κατὰ τοιόνδε: τινά, ὡς ἐγὼ πείθομαι, λογισμόν, ὅτι καθέδρα μέν ἐστι καὶ στάσις ἀρίστη τῶν οἰωνοῖς μαντευομένων ἡ βλέπουσα πρὸς ἀνατολάς, ὅθεν ἡλίου τε ἀναφοραὶ γίνονται καὶ σελήνης καὶ ἀστέρων πλανήτων τε καὶ ἀπλανῶν, ἥ τε τοῦ κόσμου περιφορά, δι᾽ ἣν τοτὲ μὲν ὑπὲρ γῆς ἅπαντα τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ γίνεται, τοτὲ δὲ ὑπὸ γῆς, ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένη τὴν ἐγκύκλιον ἀποδίδωσι κίνησιν.
[2] After this prayer a flash of lightning darted across the sky from the left to the right. Now the Romans look upon the lightning that passes from the left to the right as a favourable omen, having been thus instructed either by the Tyrrhenians or by their own ancestors. Their reason is, in my opinion, that the best seat and station for those who take the auspices is that which looks toward the east, from whence both the sun and the moon rise as well as the planets and fixed stars; and the revolution of the firmament, by which all things contained in it are sometimes above the earth and sometimes beneath it, begins its circular motion thence.
[3] τοῖς δὲ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς βλέπουσιν ἀριστερὰ μὲν γίνεται τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἄρκτον ἐπιστρέφοντα μέρη, δεξιὰ δὲ τὰ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν φέροντα: τιμιώτερα δὲ τὰ πρότερα πέφυκεν [p. 161] εἶναι τῶν ὑστέρων. μετεωρίζεται γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν βορείων μερῶν ὁ τοῦ ἄξονος πόλος, περὶ ὃν ἡ τοῦ κόσμου στροφὴ γίνεται, καὶ τῶν πέντε κύκλων τῶν διεζωκότων τὴν σφαῖραν ὁ καλούμενος ἀρκτικὸς ἀεὶ τῇδε φανερός: ταπεινοῦται δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν νοτίων ὁ καλούμενος ἀνταρκτικὸς κύκλος ἀφανὴς κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος.
[3] Now to those who look toward the east the parts facing toward the north are on the left and those extending toward the south are on the right, and the former are by nature more honourable than the latter. For in the northern parts the pole of the axis upon which the firmament turns is elevated, and of the five zones which girdle the sphere the one called the arctic zone is always visible on this side; whereas in the southern parts the other zone, called the antarctic, is depressed and invisible on that side.
[4] εἰκὸς δὴ κράτιστα τῶν οὐρανίων καὶ μεταρσίων σημείων ὑπάρχειν, ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ κρατίστου γίνεται μέρους, ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐστραμμένα πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς ἡγεμονικωτέραν μοῖραν ἔχει τῶν προσεσπερίων, αὐτῶν δέ γε τῶν ἀνατολικῶν ὑψηλότερα τὰ βόρεια τῶν νοτίων, ταῦτα ἂν εἴη κράτιστα.
[4] So it is reasonable to assume that those signs in the heavens and in mid-air are the best which appear on the best side; and since the parts that are turned toward the east have preëminence over the western parts, and, of the eastern parts themselves, the northern are higher than the southern, the former would seem to be the best.
[5] ὡς δέ τινες ἱστοροῦσιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ τε καὶ πρὶν ἢ παρὰ Τυρρηνῶν μαθεῖν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων προγόνοις αἴσιοι ἐνομίζοντο αἱ ἐκ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἀστραπαί. Ἀσκανίῳ γὰρ τῷ ἐξ Αἰνείου γεγονότι, καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν, οὓς ἦγε βασιλεὺς Μεσέντιος, ἐπολεμεῖτο καὶ τειχήρης ἦν, περὶ τὴν τελευταίαν ἔξοδον, ἣν ἀπεγνωκὼς ἤδη τῶν πραγμάτων ἔμελλε ποιεῖσθαι, μετ᾽ ὀλοφυρμοῦ τόν τε Δία καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους αἰτουμένῳ θεοὺς αἴσια σημεῖα δοῦναι τῆς ἐξόδου φασὶν αἰθρίας οὔσης ἐκ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἀστράψαι τὸν οὐρανόν. τοῦ δ᾽ ἀγῶνος ἐκείνου λαβόντος τὸ κράτιστον τέλος διαμεῖναι παρὰ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ νομιζόμενον αἴσιον τόδε τὸ σημεῖον.
[5] But some relate that the ancestors of the Romans from very early times, even before they had learned it from the Tyrrhenians, looked upon the lightning that came from the left as a favourable omen. For they say that when Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was warred upon and besieged by the Tyrrhenians led by their king Mezentius, and was upon the point of making a final sally out of the town, his situation being now desperate, he prayed with lamentations to Jupiter and to the rest of the gods to encourage this sally with favourable omens, and thereupon out of a clear sky there appeared a flash of lightning coming from the left; and as this battle had the happiest outcome, this sign continued to be regarded as favourable by his posterity.
[1] τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἐπειδὴ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου βέβαια προσέλαβε, συγκαλέσας τὸν δῆμον [p. 162] εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τὰ μαντεῖα δηλώσας βασιλεὺς ἀποδείκνυται πρὸς αὐτῶν καὶ κατεστήσατο ἐν ἔθει τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἅπασι μήτε βασιλείας μήτε ἀρχὰς λαμβάνειν, ἐὰν μὴ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον αὐτοῖς ἐπιθεσπίσῃ, διέμεινέ τε μέχρι πολλοῦ φυλαττόμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων τὸ περὶ τοὺς οἰωνισμοὺς νόμιμον, οὐ μόνον βασιλευομένης τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ κατάλυσιν τῶν μονάρχων ἐν ὑπάτων καὶ στρατηγῶν καὶ τῶν
[6.1] When Romulus, therefore, upon the occasion mentioned had received the sanction of Heaven also, he called the people together in assembly; and having given them an account of these omens, he was chosen king by them and established it as a custom, to be observed by all his successors, that none of them should accept the office of king or any other magistracy until Heaven, too, had given its sanction. And this custom relating to the auspices long continued to be observed by the Romans, not only while the city was ruled by kings, but also, after the overthrow of the monarchy, in the elections of their consuls, praetors and other legal magistrates;
[2] ἄλλων τῶν κατὰ νόμους ἀρχόντων αἱρέσει. πέπαυται δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις, πλὴν οἷον εἰκών τις αὐτοῦ λείπεται τῆς ὁσίας αὐτῆς ἕνεκα γινομένη. ἐπαυλίζονται μὲν γὰρ οἱ τὰς ἀρχὰς μέλλοντες λαμβάνειν καὶ περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον ἀνιστάμενοι ποιοῦνταί τινας εὐχὰς ὑπαίθριοι, τῶν δὲ παρόντων τινὲς ὀρνιθοσκόπων μισθὸν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου φερόμενοι ἀστραπὴν αὐτοῖς μηνύειν ἐκ τῶν ἀριστερῶν φασιν τὴν οὐ
[2] but it has fallen into disuse in our days except as a certain semblance of it remains merely for form’s sake. For those who are about to assume the magistracies pass the night out of doors, and rising at break of day, offer certain prayers under the open sky; whereupon some of the augurs present, who are paid by the State, declare that a flash of lightning coming from the left has given them a sign, although there really has not been any.
[3] γενομένην. οἱ δὲ τὸν ἐκ τῆς φωνῆς οἰωνὸν λαβόντες ἀπέρχονται τὰς ἀρχὰς παραληψόμενοι οἱ μὲν αὐτὸ τοῦθ᾽ ἱκανὸν ὑπολαμβάνοντες εἶναι τὸ μηδένα γενέσθαι τῶν ἐναντιουμένων τε καὶ κωλυόντων οἰωνῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ παρὰ τὸ βούλημα τοῦ θεοῦ κωλύοντος, ἔστι γὰρ ὅτε βιαζόμενοι καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἁρπάζοντες μᾶλλον ἢ λαμβάνοντες.
[3] And the others, taking their omen from this report, depart in order to take over their magistracies, some of them assuming this alone to be sufficient, that no omens have appeared opposing or forbidding their intended action, others acting even in opposition to the will of the god; indeed, there are times when they resort to violence and rather seize than receive the magistracies.
[4] δἰ οὓς πολλαὶ μὲν ἐν γῇ στρατιαὶ [p. 163] Ῥωμαίων ἀπώλοντο πανώλεθροι, πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἐν θαλάττῃ στόλοι διεφθάρησαν αὔτανδροι, ἄλλαι τε μεγάλαι καὶ δειναὶ περιπέτειαι τῇ πόλει συνέπεσον αἱ μὲν ἐν ὀθνείοις πολέμοις, αἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἐμφυλίους διχοστασίας, ἐμφανεστάτη δὲ καὶ μεγίστη καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν ἡλικίαν, ὅτε Λικίννιος Κρᾶσσος ἀνὴρ οὐδενὸς δεύτερος τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἡγεμόνων στρατιὰν ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὸ Πάρθων ἔθνος, ἐναντιουμένου τοῦ δαιμονίου πολλὰ χαίρειν φράσας τοῖς ἀποτρέπουσι τὴν ἔξοδον οἰωνοῖς μυρίοις ὅσοις γενομένοις. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τῆς εἰς τὸ δαιμόνιον ὀλιγωρίας, ᾗ χρῶνταί τινες ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις, πολὺ ἔργον ἂν εἴη λέγειν.
[4] Because of such men many armies of the Romans have been utterly destroyed on land, many fleets have been lost with all their people at sea, and other great and dreadful reverses have befallen the commonwealth, some in foreign wars and others in civil dissensions. But the most remarkable and the greatest instance happened in my time when Licinius Crassus, a man inferior to no commander of his age, led his army against the Parthian nation contrary to the will of Heaven and in contempt of the innumerable omens that opposed his expedition. But to tell about the contempt of the divine power that prevails among some people in these days would be a long story.
[1] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος ἀποδειχθεὶς τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ὑπό τε ἀνθρώπων καὶ θεῶν βασιλεὺς τά τε πολέμια δεινὸς καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος ὡμολόγηται γενέσθαι καὶ πολιτείαν ἐξηγήσασθαι τὴν κρατίστην φρονιμώτατος. διέξειμι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὰς πράξεις τάς τε πολιτικας καὶ τὰς κατὰ πολέμους, ὧν καὶ λόγον ἄν τις ἐν ἱστορίας ἀφηγήσει ποιήσαιτο.
[7.1] Romulus, who was thus chosen king by both men and gods, is allowed to have been a man of great military ability and personal bravery and of the greatest sagacity in instituting the best kind of government. I shall relate such of his political and military achievements as may be thought worthy of mention in a history;
[2] ἐρῶ δὲ πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τοῦ κόσμου τῆς πολιτείας, ὃν ἐγὼ πάντων ἡγοῦμαι πολιτικῶν κόσμων αὐταρκέστατον ἐν εἰρήνῃ τε καὶ κατὰ πολέμους. ἦν δὲ τοιός2δε: τριχῇ νείμας τὴν πληθὺν ἅπασαν ἑκάστῃ τῶν μοιρῶν τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον ἐπέστησεν ἡγεμόνα. ἔπειτα τῶν τριῶν πάλιν μοιρῶν ἑκάστην εἰς δέκα μοίρας διελών, ἴσους ἡγεμόνας καὶ τούτων ἀπέδειξε [p. 164] τοὺς ἀνδρειοτάτους: ἐκάλει δὲ τὰς μὲν μείζους μοίρας τρίβους, τὰς δ᾽ ἐλάττους κουρίας, ὡς καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἡμέτερον βίον ἔτι προσαγορεύονται.
[2] and first I shall speak of the form of government that he instituted, which I regard as the most self-sufficient of all political systems both for peace and for war. This was the plan of it: He divided all the people into three groups, and set over each as leader its most distinguished man. Then he subdivided each of these three groups into ten others, and appointed as many of the bravest men to be the leaders of these also. The larger divisions he called tribes and the smaller curiae, as they are still termed even in our day.
[3] εἴη δ᾽ ἂν Ἑλλάδι γλώττῃ τὰ ὀνόματα ταῦτα μεθερμηνευόμενα φυλὴ μὲν καὶ τριττὺς ἡ τρίβους, φράτρα δὲ καὶ λόχος ἡ κουρία, καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ μὲν τὰς τῶν τρίβων ἡγεμονίας ἔχοντες φύλαρχοί τε καὶ τριττύαρχοι, οὓς καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι τριβούνους: οἱ δὲ ταῖς κουρίαις ἐφεστηκότες καὶ φρατρίαρχοι καὶ λοχαγοί, οὓς ἐκεῖνοι κουρίωνας ὀνομάζουσι.
[3] These names may be translated into Greek as follows: a tribe by phylê and trittys, and a curia by phratra and lochos; the commanders of the tribes, whom the Romans call tribunes, by phylarchoi and trittyarchoi; and the commanders of the curiae, whom they call curiones, by phratriarchoi and lochagoi.
[4] διῄρηντο δὲ καὶ εἰς δεκάδας αἱ φρᾶτραι πρὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἑκάστην ἐκόσμει δεκάδα, δεκουρίων κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν προσαγορευόμενος. ὡς δὲ διεκρίθησαν ἅπαντες καὶ συνετάχθησαν εἰς φυλὰς καὶ φράτρας, διελὼν τὴν γῆν εἰς τριάκοντα κλήρους ἴσους ἑκάστῃ φράτρᾳ κλῆρον ἀπέδωκεν ἕνα, ἐξελὼν τὴν ἀρκοῦσαν εἰς ἱερὰ καὶ τεμένη καί τινα καὶ τῷ κοινῷ γῆν καταλιπών. μία μὲν αὕτη διαίρεσις ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἡ περιέχουσα τὴν κοινὴν καὶ μεγίστην ἰσότητα, τοιάδε τις ἦν.
[4] These curiae were again divided by him into ten parts, each commanded by its own leader, who was called decurio in the native language. The people being thus divided and assigned to tribes and curiae, he divided the land into thirty equal portions and assigned one of them to each curia, having first set apart as much of it as was sufficient for the support of the temples and shrines and also reserved some part of the land for the use of the public. This was one division made by Romulus, both of the men and of the land, which involved the greatest equality for all alike.
[1] ἑτέρα δὲ αὐτῶν πάλιν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἡ τὰ φιλάνθρωπα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς διανέμουσα κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν, ἣν μέλλω διηγεῖσθαι. τοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς κατὰ γένος καὶ δι᾽ ἀρετὴν ἐπαινουμένους καὶ χρήμασιν ὡς ἐν τοῖς τότε καιροῖς εὐπόρους, οἷς ἤδη παῖδες ἦσαν, [p. 165] διώριζεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀσήμων καὶ ταπεινῶν καὶ ἀπόρων. ἐκάλει δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῇ καταδεεστέρᾳ τύχῃ πληβείους, ὡς δ᾽ ἂν Ἕλληνες εἴποιεν δημοτικούς: τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ κρείττονι πατέρας εἴτε διὰ τὸ πρεσβεύειν ἡλικίᾳ τῶν ἄλλων, εἴθ᾽ ὅτι παῖδες αὐτοῖς ἦσαν, εἴτε διὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ γένους, εἴτε διὰ πάντα ταῦτα: ἐκ τῆς Ἀθηναίων πολιτείας, ὡς ἄν τις εἰκάσειε, τῆς κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἔτι διαμενούσης τὸ παράδειγμα λαβών.
[8.1] But there was another division again of the men only, which assigned kindly services and honours in accordance with merit, of which I am now going to give an account. He distinguished those who were eminent for their birth, approved for their virtue and wealthy for those times, provided they already had children, from the obscure, the lowly and the poor. Those of the lower rank he called “plebeians” (the Greek would call them dêmotikoi or “men of the people”), and those of the higher rank “fathers,” either because they had children or from their distinguished birth or for all these reasons. One may suspect that he found his model in the system of government which at that time still prevailed at Athens.
[2] ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ εἰς δύο μέρη νείμαντες τὸ πλῆθος εὐπατρίδας μὲν ἐκάλουν τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν οἴκων καὶ χρήμασι δυνατούς, οἷς ἡ τῆς πόλεως ἀνέκειτο προστασία, ἀγροίκους δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας, οἳ τῶν κοινῶν οὐδενὸς ἦσαν κύριοι: σὺν χρόνῳ
[2] For the Athenians had divided their population into two parts, the eupatridai or “well-born,” as they called those who were of the noble families and powerful by reason of their wealth, to whom the government of the city was committed, and the agroikoi or “husbandmen,” consisting of the rest of the citizens, who had no voice in public affairs, though in the course of time these, also, were admitted to the offices.
[3] δὲ καὶ οὗτοι προσελήφθησαν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχάς. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὰ πιθανώτατα περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας ἱστοροῦντες διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας κληθῆναί φασι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκείνους πατέρας καὶ τοὺς ἐκγόνους αὐτῶν πατρικίους, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἴδιον φθόνον ἀναφέροντες τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ διαβάλλοντες εἰς δυσγένειαν τὴν πόλιν οὐ διὰ ταῦτα πατρικίους ἐκείνους κληθῆναί φασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι πατέρας εἶχον ἀποδεῖξαι μόνοι, ὡς τῶν γε ἄλλων δραπετῶν ὄντων καὶ οὐκ ἐχόντων ὀνομάσαι πατέρας ἐλευθέρους.
[3] Those who give the most probable account of the Roman government say it was for the reasons I have given that those men were called “fathers” and their posterity “patricians”; but others, considering the matter in the light of their own envy and desirous of casting reproach on the city for the ignoble birth of its founders, say they were not called patricians for the reasons just cited, but because these men only could point out their fathers, — as if all the rest were fugitives and unable to name free men as their fathers.
[4] τεκμήριον δὲ τούτου παρέχουσιν, ὅτι τοὺς μὲν πατρικίους, ὁπότε δόξειε τοῖς βασιλεῦσι συγκαλεῖν, οἱ κήρυκες ἐξ ὀνόματός τε καὶ πατρόθεν ἀνηγόρευον, τοὺς δὲ δημοτικοὺς ὑπηρέται τινὲς ἀθρόους κέρασι βοείοις ἐμβυκανῶντες ἐπὶ τὰς [p. 166] ἐκκλησίας συνῆγον. ἔστι δὲ οὔτε ἡ τῶν κηρύκων ἀνάκλησις τῆς εὐγενείας τῶν πατρικίων τεκμήριον, οὔτε ἡ τῆς βυκάνης φωνὴ τῆς ἀγνωσίας τῶν δημοτικῶν σύμβολον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνη μὲν τιμῆς, αὕτη δὲ τάχους. οὐ γὰρ οἷόντε ἦν ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τὴν πληθὺν καλεῖν ἐξ ὀνόματος.
[4] As proof of this they cite the fact that, whenever the kings thought proper to assemble the patricians, the heralds called them both by their own names and by the names of their fathers, whereas public servants summoned the plebeians en masse to the assemblies by the sound of ox horns. But in reality neither the calling of the patricians by the heralds is any proof of their nobility nor is the sound of the horn any mark of the obscurity of the plebeians; but the former was an indication of honour and the latter of expedition, since it was not possible in a short time to call every one of the multitude by name.
[1] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος ἐπειδὴ διέκρινε τοὺς κρείττους ἀπὸ τῶν ἡττόνων, ἐνομοθέτει μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ διέταττεν, ἃ χρὴ πράττειν ἑκατέρους: τοὺς μὲν εὐπατρίδας ἱερᾶσθαί τε καὶ ἄρχειν καὶ δικάζειν καὶ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν ἐπὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἔργων μένοντας, τοὺς δὲ δημοτικοὺς τούτων μὲν ἀπολελύσθαι τῶν πραγματειῶν ἀπείρους τε αὐτῶν ὄντας καὶ δι᾽ ἀπορίαν χρημάτων ἀσχόλους, γεωργεῖν δὲ καὶ κτηνοτροφεῖν καὶ τὰς χρηματοποιοὺς ἐργάζεσθαι τέχνας, ἵνα μὴ στασιάζωσιν, ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν, ἢ τῶν ἐν τέλει προπηλακιζόντων τοὺς ταπεινοὺς ἢ τῶν φαύλων καὶ ἀπόρων τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς φθονούντων.
[9.1] After Romulus had distinguished those of superior rank from their inferiors, he next established laws by which the duties of each were prescribed. The patricians were to be priests, magistrates and judges, and were to assist him in the management of public affairs, devoting themselves to the business of the city. The plebeians were excused from these duties, as being unacquainted with them and because of their small means wanting leisure to attend to them, but were to apply themselves to agriculture, the breeding of cattle and the exercise of gainful trades. This was to prevent them from engaging in seditions, as happens in other cities when either the magistrates mistreat the lowly, or the common people and the needy envy those in authority.
[2] παρακαταθήκας δὲ ἔδωκε τοῖς πατρικίοις τοὺς δημοτικοὺς ἐπιτρέψας ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο, νέμειν προστάτην ἔθος Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ ἀρχαῖον, ᾧ Θετταλοί τε μέχρι πολλοῦ χρώμενοι διετέλεσαν καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι κατ᾽ ἀρχάς, ἐπὶ τὰ κρείττω λαβών. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ ὑπεροπτικῶς ἐχρῶντο τοῖς πελάταις ἔργα τε ἐπιτάττοντες οὐ προσήκοντα ἐλευθέροις, καὶ ὁπότε μὴ πράξειάν τι τῶν κελευομένων, πληγὰς ἐντείνοντες καὶ [p. 167] τἆλλα ὥσπερ ἀργυρωνήτοις παραχρώμενοι. ἐκάλουν δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν θῆτας τοὺς πελάτας ἐπὶ τῆς λατρείας, Θετταλοὶ δὲ πενέστας ὀνειδίζοντες αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς ἐν τῇ κλήσει τὴν τύχην.
[2] He placed the plebeians as a trust in the hands of the patricians, by allowing every plebeian to choose for his patron any patrician whom he himself wished. In this he improved upon an ancient Greek custom that was in use among the Thessalians for a long time and among the Athenians in the beginning. For the former treated their clients with haughtiness, imposing on them duties unbecoming to free men; and whenever they disobeyed any of their commands, they beat them and misused them in all other respects as if had been slaves they had purchased. The Athenians called their clients thêtes or “hirelings,” because they served for hire, and the Thessalians called theirs penestai or “toilers,” by the very name reproaching them with their condition.
[3] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος ἐπικλήσει τε εὐπρεπεῖ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐκόσμησε πατρωνείαν ὀνομάσας τὴν τῶν πενήτων καὶ ταπεινῶν προστασίαν, καὶ τὰ ἔργα χρηστὰ προσέθηκεν ἑκατέροις, καὶ φιλανθρώπους καὶ πολιτικὰς κατασκευαζόμενος αὐτῶν τὰς συζυγίας.
[3] But Romulus not only recommended the relationship by a handsome designation, calling this protection of the poor and lowly a “patronage,” but he also assigned friendly offices to both parties, thus making the connexion between them a bond of kindness befitting fellow citizens.
[1] ἦν δὲ τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τότε ὁρισθέντα καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ παραμείναντα χρόνου Ῥωμαίοις ἔθη περὶ τὰς πατρωνείας τοιάδε: τοὺς μὲν πατρικίους ἔδει τοῖς ἑαυτῶν πελάταις ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ δίκαια, ὧν οὐκ εἶχον ἐκεῖνοι τὴν ἐπιστήμην, παρόντων τε αὐτῶν καὶ μὴ παρόντων τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τρόπον ἅπαντα πράττοντας, ὅσα περὶ παίδων πράττουσι πατέρες, εἰς χρημάτων τε καὶ τῶν περὶ χρήματα συμβολαίων λόγον: δίκας τε ὑπὲρ τῶν πελατῶν ἀδικουμένων λαγχάνειν, εἴ τις βλάπτοιτο περὶ τὰ συμβόλαια, καὶ τοῖς ἐγκαλουσιν ὑπέχειν: ὡς δὲ ὀλίγα περὶ πολλῶν ἄν τις εἴποι πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς εἰρήνην τῶν τε ἰδίων καὶ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων, ἧς μάλιστα ἐδέοντο, παρέχειν.
[10] The regulations which he then instituted concerning patronage and which long continued in use among the Romans were as follows: It was the duty of the patricians to explain to their clients the laws, of which they were ignorant; to take the same care of them when absent as present, doing everything for them that fathers do for their sons with regard both to money and to the contracts that related to money; to bring suit on behalf of their clients when they were wronged in connexion with contracts, and to defend them against any who brought charges against them; and, to put the matter briefly, to secure for them both in private and in public affairs all that tranquillity of which they particularly stood in need.
[2] τοὺς δὲ πελάτας ἔδει τοῖς ἑαυτῶν προστάταις θυγατέρας τε συνεκδίδοσθαι γαμουμένας, εἰ σπανίζοιεν οἱ πατέρες χρημάτων, καὶ λύτρα καταβάλλειν πολεμίοις, εἴ τις αὐτῶν ἢ παίδων αἰχμάλωτος γένοιτο: δίκας τε [p. 168] ἁλόντων ἰδίας ἢ ζημίας ὀφλόντων δημοσίας ἀργυρικὸν ἐχούσας τίμημα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων λύεσθαι χρημάτων, οὐ δανείσματα ποιοῦντας, ἀλλὰ χάριτας: ἔν τε ἀρχαῖς καὶ γερηφορίαις καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ταῖς εἰς τὰ κοινὰ δαπάναις τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ὡς τοὺς γένει προσήκοντας μετέχειν.
[2] It was the duty of the clients to assist their patrons in providing dowries for their daughters upon their marriage if the fathers had not sufficient means; to pay their ransom to the enemy if any of them or of their children were taken prisoner; to discharge out of their own purses their patrons’ losses in private suits and the pecuniary fines which they were condemned to pay to the State, making these contributions to them not as loans but as thank-offerings; and to share with their patrons the costs incurred in their magistracies and dignities and other public expenditures, in the same manner as if they were their relations.
[3] κοινῇ δ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις οὔτε ὅσιον οὔτε θέμις ἦν κατηγορεῖν ἀλλήλων ἐπὶ δίκαις ἢ καταμαρτυρεῖν ἢ ψῆφον ἐναντίαν ἐπιφέρειν ἢ μετὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐξετάζεσθαι. εἰ δέ τις ἐξελεγχθείη τούτων τι διαπραττόμενος ἔνοχος ἦν τῷ νόμῳ τῆς προδοσίας, ὃν ἐκύρωσεν ὁ Ῥωμύλος, τὸν δὲ ἁλόντα τῷ βουλομένῳ κτείνειν ὅσιον ἦν ὡς θῦμα τοῦ καταχθονίου Διός. ἐν ἔθει γὰρ Ῥωμαίοις, ὅσους ἐβούλοντο νηποινὶ τεθνάναι, τὰ τούτων σώματα θεῶν ὁτῳδήτινι, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς καταχθονίοις κατονομάζειν: ὃ καὶ τότε ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἐποίησε.
[3] For both patrons and clients alike it was impious and unlawful to accuse each other in law-suits or to bear witness or to give their votes against each other or to be found in the number of each other’s enemies; and whoever was convicted of doing any of these things was guilty of treason by virtue of the law sanctioned by Romulus, and might lawfully be put to death by any man who so wished as a victim devoted to the Jupiter of the infernal regions. For it was customary among the Romans, whenever they wished to put people to death without incurring any penalty, to devote their persons to some god or other, and particularly to the gods of the lower world; and this was the course what Romulus then adopted.
[4] τοιγάρτοι διέμειναν ἐν πολλαῖς γενεαῖς οὐδὲν διαφέρουσαι συγγενικῶν ἀναγκαιοτήτων αἱ τῶν πελατῶν τε καὶ προστατῶν συζυγίαι παισὶ παίδων συνιστάμεναι, καὶ μέγας ἔπαινος ἦν τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν οἴκων ὡς πλείστους πελάτας ἔχειν τάς τε προγονικὰς φυλάττουσι διαδοχὰς τῶν πατρωνειῶν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀρετῆς ἄλλας ἐπικτωμένοις, ὅ τε ἀγὼν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ λειφθῆναι τῆς ἀλλήλων χάριτος ἔκτοπος ἡλίκος ἀμφοτέροις ἦν τῶν μὲν πελατῶν ἅπαντα τοῖς προστάταις ἀξιούντων ὡς δυνάμεως [p. 169] εἶχον ὑπηρετεῖν, τῶν δὲ πατρικίων ἥκιστα βουλομένων τοῖς πελάταις ἐνοχλεῖν χρηματικήν τε οὐδεμίαν δωρεὰν προσιεμένων: οὕτως ἐγκρατὴς ὁ βίος ἦν αὐτοῖς ἁπάσης ἡδονῆς καὶ τὸ μακαρίον ἀρετῇ μετρῶν, οὐ τύχῃ.
[4] Accordingly, the connexions between the clients and patrons continued for many generations, differing in no wise from the ties of blood-relationship and being handed down to their children’s children. And it was a matter of great praise to men of illustrious families to have as many clients as possible and not only to preserve the succession of hereditary patronages but also by their own merit to acquire others. And it is incredible how great the contest of goodwill was between the patrons and clients, as each side strove not to be outdone by the other in kindness, the clients feeling that they should render all possible services to their patrons and the patrons wishing by all means not to occasion any trouble to their clients and accepting no gifts of money. So superior was their manner of life to all pleasure; for they measured their happiness by virtue, not by fortune.
[1] οὐ μόνον δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει τὸ δημοτικὸν ὑπὸ τὴν προστασίαν τῶν πατρικίων ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀποίκων αὐτῆς πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ καὶ φιλίᾳ προσελθουσῶν καὶ τῶν ἐκ πολέμου κεκρατημένων ἑκάστη φύλακας εἶχε καὶ προστάτας οὓς ἐβούλετο Ῥωμαίων. καὶ πολλάκις ἡ βουλὴ τὰ ἐκ τούτων ἀμφισβητήματα τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἐθνῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς προϊσταμένους αὐτῶν ἀποστέλλουσα, τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων δικασθέντα κύρια ἡγεῖτο.
[11] It was not only in the city itself that the plebeians were under the protection of the patricians, but every colony of Rome and every city that had joined in alliance and friendship with her and also every city conquered in war had such protectors and patrons among the Romans as they wished. And the senate has often referred the controversies of these cities and nations to their Roman patrons and regarded their decisions binding.
[2] οὕτω δὲ ἄρα βέβαιος ἦν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ὁμόνοια τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου κατασκευασθέντων λαβοῦσα ἐθῶν, ὥστε οὐδέποτε δι᾽ αἵματος καὶ φόνου τοῦ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐχώρησαν ἐντὸς ἑξακοσίων καὶ τριάκοντα ἐτῶν, πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀμφισβητημάτων γενομένων τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τέλει περὶ τῶν κοινῶν, ὡς ἐν ἁπάσαις φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι μικραῖς τε καὶ μεγάλαις πόλεσιν:
[2] And indeed, so secure was the Romans’ harmony, which owed its birth to the regulations of Romulus, that they never in the course of six hundred and thirty years proceeded to bloodshed and mutual slaughter, though many great controversies arose between the populace and their magistrates concerning public policy, as is apt to happen in all cities, whether large or small;
[3] ἀλλὰ πείθοντες καὶ διδάσκοντες ἀλλήλους καὶ τὰ μὲν εἴκοντες, τὰ δὲ παρ᾽ εἰκόντων λαμβάνοντες, πολιτικὰς ἐποιοῦντο τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων διαλύσεις. ἐξ οὗ δὲ Γάιος Γράκχος ἐπὶ τῆς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας γενόμενος διέφθειρε τὴν τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἁρμονίαν, οὐκέτι πέπαυνται σφάττοντες [p. 170] ἀλλήλους καὶ φυγάδας ἐλαύνοντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἀνηκέστων ἀπεχόμενοι παρὰ τὸ νικᾶν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἕτερος ἔσται τοῖς λόγοις καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότερος.
[3] but by persuading and informing one another, by yielding in some things and gaining other things from their opponents, who yielded in turn, they settled their disputes in a manner befitting fellow citizens. But from the time that Gaius Gracchus, while holding the tribunician power, destroyed the harmony of the government they have been perpetually slaying and banishing one another from the city and refraining from no irreparable acts in order to gain the upper hand. However, for the narration of these events another occasion will be more suitable.
[1] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος ἐπειδὴ ταῦτα διεκόσμησε βουλευτὰς εὐθὺς ἔγνω καταστήσασθαι, μεθ᾽ ὧν πράττεῖν τὰ κοινὰ ἔμελλεν, ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων ἄνδρας ἑκατὸν ἐπιλεξάμενος. ἐποιεῖτο δὲ αὐτῶν τοιάνδε τὴν διαίρεσιν: αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξ ἁπάντων ἕνα τὸν ἄριστον ἀπέδειξεν, ᾧ τὰς κατὰ πόλιν ᾤετο δεῖν ἐπιτρέπειν οἰκονομίας, ὅτε αὐτὸς ἐξάγοι στρατιὰν ὑπερόριον:
[12.1] As soon as Romulus had regulated these matters he determined to appoint senators to assist him in administering the public business, and to this end he chose a hundred men from among the patricians, selecting them in the following manner. He himself appointed one, the best out of their whole number, to whom he thought fit to entrust the government of the city whenever he himself should lead the army beyond the borders.
[2] τῶν δὲ φυλῶν ἑκάστῃ προσέταξε τρεῖς ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι τοὺς ἐν τῇ φρονιμωτάτῃ τότε ὄντας ἡλικίᾳ καὶ δι᾽ εὐγένειαν ἐπιφανεῖς. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐννέα τούτους ἑκάστην φράτραν πάλιν ἐκέλευσε τρεῖς ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων ἀποδεῖξαι τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους: ἔπειτα τοῖς πρώτοις ἐννέα τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν φυλῶν ἀποδειχθεῖσι τοὺς ἐνενήκοντα προσθείς, οὓς αἱ φρᾶτραι προεχειρίσαντο, καὶ τούτων, ὃν αὐτὸς προέκρινεν, ἡγεμόνα ποιήσας τὸν τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐξεπλήρωσε βουλευτῶν ἀριθμόν.
[2] He next ordered each of the tribes to choose three men who were then at the age of greatest prudence and were distinguished by their birth. After these nine were chosen he ordered each curia likewise to name three patricians who were the most worthy. Then adding to the first nine, who had been named by the tribes, the ninety who were chosen by the curiae, and appointing as their head the man he himself had first selected, he completed the number of a hundred senators.
[3] τοῦτο τὸ συνέδριον Ἑλληνιστὶ ἑρμηνευόμενον γερουσίαν δύναται δηλοῦν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ παρόντος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων οὕτως καλεῖται. πότερον δὲ διὰ γῆρας τῶν [p. 171] καταλεγέντων εἰς αὐτὸ ἀνδρῶν ἢ δι᾽ ἀρετὴν ταύτης ἔτυχε τῆς ἐπικλήσεως οὐκ ἔχω τὸ σαφὲς εἰπεῖν. καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους γέροντας εἰώθεσαν οἱ παλαιοὶ καλεῖν. οἱ δὲ μετέχοντες τοῦ βουλευτηρίου πατέρες ἔγγραφοι προσηγορεύθησαν καὶ μέχρις ἐμοῦ ταύτης ἐτύγχανον τῆς προσηγορίας.
[3] The name of this council may be expressed in Greek by gerousia or “council of elders,” and it is called by the Romans to this day; but whether it received its name from the advanced age of the men who were appointed to it or from their merit, I cannot say for certain. For the ancients used to call the older men and those of greatest merit gerontes or “elders.” The members of the senate were called Conscript Fathers, and they retained that name down to my time. This council, also, was a Greek institution.
[4] Ἑλληνικὸν δὲ ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθος ἦν. τοῖς γοῦν βασιλεῦσιν, ὅσοι τε πατρίους ἀρχὰς παραλάβοιεν καὶ ὅσους ἡ πληθὺς αὐτὴ καταστήσαιτο ἡγεμόνας, βουλευτήριον ἦν ἐκ τῶν κρατίστων, ὡς Ὅμηρός τε καὶ οἱ παλαιότατοι τῶν ποιητῶν μαρτυροῦσι: καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις αὐθάδεις καὶ μονογνώμονες ἦσαν αἱ τῶν ἀρχαίων βασιλέων δυναστεῖαι.
[4] At any rate, the Greek kings, both those who inherited the realms of their ancestors and those who were elected by the people themselves to be their rulers, had a council composed of the best men, as both Homer and the most ancient of the poets testify; and the authority of the ancient kings was not arbitrary and absolute as it is in our days.
[1] ὡς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο καὶ τὸ βουλευτικὸν τῶν γερόντων συνέδριον ἐκ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν, ὁρῶν ὅπερ εἰκὸς ὅτι καὶ νεότητος αὐτῷ δεήσει τινὸς συντεταγμένης, ᾗ χρήσεται φυλακῆς ἕνεκα τοῦ σώματος καὶ πρὸς τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν ἔργων ὑπηρεσίᾳ, τριακοσίους ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων οἴκων τοὺς ἐρρωμενεστάτους τοῖς σώμασιν ἐπιλεξάμενος, οὓς ἀπέδειξαν αἱ φρᾶτραι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὅνπερ τοὺς βουλευτὰς ἑκάστη φράτρα δέκα νέους, τούτους τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν:
[13.1] After Romulus had also instituted the senatorial body, consisting of the hundred men, he perceived, we may suppose, that he would also require a body of young men whose services he could use both for the guarding of his person and for urgent business, and accordingly he chose three hundred men, the most robust of body and from the most illustrious families, whom the curiae named in the same manner that they had named the senators, each curia choosing ten young men; and these he kept always about his person.
[2] ὄνομα δὲ κοινὸν ἅπαντες οὗτοι ἔσχον κελέριοι, ὡς μὲν οἱ πλείους γράφουσιν [p. 172] ἐπὶ τῆς ὀξύτητος τῶν ὑπηρεσιῶν, ῾τοὺς γὰρ ἑτοίμους καὶ ταχεῖς περὶ τὰ ἔργα κέλερας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν᾽ ὡς δὲ Οὐαλέριος ὁ Ἀντιεύς φησιν ἐπὶ τοῦ
[2] They were all called by one common name, celeres; according to most writers this was because of the “celerity” required in the services they were to perform (for those who are ready and quick at their tasks the Romans call celeres), but Valerius Antias says that they were thus named after their commander.
[3] ἡγεμόνος αὐτῶν τοῦτ᾽ ἔχοντος τοὔνομα. ἦν γὰρ καὶ τούτων ἡγεμὼν ὁ διαφανέστατος, ᾧ τρεῖς ὑπετάγησαν ἑκατόνταρχοι καὶ αὖθις ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἕτεροι τὰς ὑποδεεστέρας ἔχοντες ἀρχάς, οἳ κατὰ πόλιν μὲν αἰχμοφόροι τε αὐτῷ παρηκολούθουν καὶ τῶν κελευομένων ὑπηρέται, κατὰ δὲ τὰς στρατείας πρόμαχοί τε ἦσαν καὶ παρασπισταί: καὶ τὰ πολλὰ οὗτοι κατώρθουν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι πρῶτοί τε ἄρχοντες μάχης καὶ τελευταῖοι τῶν ἄλλων ἀφιστάμενοι, ἱππεῖς μὲν ἔνθα ἐπιτήδειον εἴη πεδίον ἐνιππομαχῆσαι, πεζοὶ δὲ ὅπου τραχὺς εἴη καὶ ἄνιππος τόπος.
[3] For among them, also, the most distinguished man was their commander; under him were three centurions, and under these in turn were others who held the inferior commands. In the city these celeres constantly attended Romulus, armed with spears, and executed his orders; and on campaigns they charged before him and defended his person. And as a rule it was they who gave a favourable issue to the contest, as they were the first to engage in battle and the last of all to desist. They fought on horseback where there was level ground favourable for cavalry manoeuvres, and on foot where it was rough and inconvenient for horses.
[4] τοῦτό μοι δοκεῖ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων μετενέγκασθαι τὸ ἔθος μαθὼν ὅτι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις οἱ γενναιότατοι τῶν νέων τριακόσιοι φύλακες ἦσαν τῶν βασιλέων, οἷς ἐχρῶντο κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους παρασπισταῖς, ἱππεῦσί τε οὖσι καὶ πεζοῖς.
[4] This custom Romulus borrowed, I believe, from the Lacedaemonians, having learned that among them, also, three hundred of the noblest youths attended the kings as their guards and also as their defenders in war, fighting both on horseback and on foot.
[1] καταστησάμενος δὴ ταῦτα διέκρινε τὰς τιμὰς καὶ τὰς ἐξουσίας, ἃς ἑκάστους ἐβούλετο ἔχειν. βασιλεῖ μὲν οὖν ἐξῄρητο τάδε τὰ γέρα: πρῶτον μὲν ἱερῶν καὶ θυσιῶν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχειν καὶ πάντα δι᾽ ἐκείνου πράττεσθαι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὅσια, ἔπειτα νόμων τε καὶ πατρίων ἐθισμῶν φυλακὴν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ παντὸς τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν ἢ κατὰ συνθήκας δικαίου προνοεῖν τῶν τε ἀδικημάτων τὰ μέγιστα μὲν αὐτὸν [p. 173] δικάζειν, τὰ δ᾽ ἐλάττονα τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἐπιτρέπειν προνοούμενον ἵνα μηδὲν γίγνηται περὶ τὰς δίκας πλημμελές, βουλήν τε συνάγειν καὶ δῆμον συγκαλεῖν καὶ γνώμης ἄρχειν καὶ τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐπιτελεῖν. ταῦτα μὲν ἀπέδωκε βασιλεῖ τὰ γέρα καὶ ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις ἡγεμονίαν ἔχειν αὐτοκράτορα ἐν πολέμῳ.
[14.1] Having made these regulations, he distinguished the honours and powers which he wished each class to have. For the king he had reserved these prerogatives: in the first place, the supremacy in religious ceremonies and sacrifices and the conduct of everything relating to the worship of the gods; secondly, the guardianship of the laws and customs of the country and the general oversight of justice in all cases, whether founded on the law of nature or the civil law; he was also the judge in person the greatest crimes, leaving the lesser to the senators, but seeing to it that no error was made in their decisions; he was to summon the senate and call together the popular assembly, to deliver his opinion first and carry out the decision of the majority. These prerogatives he granted to the king and, in addition, the absolute command in war.
[2] τῷ δὲ συνεδρίῳ τῆς βουλῆς τιμὴν καὶ δυναστείαν ἀνέθηκε τοιάνδε: περὶ παντὸς ὅτου ἂν εἰσηγῆται βασιλεὺς διαγινώσκειν τε καὶ ψῆφον ἐπιφέρειν, καὶ ὅ τι ἂν δόξῃ τοῖς πλείοσι τοῦτο νικᾶν: ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῦτο μετενεγκάμενος. οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεῖς αὐτοκράτορες ἦσαν ὅ τι βούλοιντο πράττειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ γερουσία πᾶν εἶχε τῶν κοινῶν τὸ κράτος.
[2] To the senate he assigned honour and authority as follows: to deliberate and give their votes concerning everything the king should refer to them, the decision of the majority to prevail. This also Romulus took over from the constitution of the Lacedaemonians; for their kings, too, did not have arbitrary power to do everything they wished, but the gerousia exercised complete control of public affairs.
[3] τῷ δὲ δημοτικῷ πλήθει τρία ταῦτα ἐπέτρεψεν: ἀρχαιρεσιάζειν τε καὶ νόμους ἐπικυροῦν καὶ περὶ πολέμου διαγινώσκειν, ὅταν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐφῇ, οὐδὲ τούτων ἔχοντι τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἀνεπίληπτον, ἂν μὴ καὶ τῇ βουλῇ ταὐτὰ δοκῇ. ἔφερε δὲ τὴν ψῆφον οὐχ ἅμα πᾶς ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς φράτρας συγκαλούμενος: ὅ τι δὲ ταῖς πλείοσι δόξειε φράτραις τοῦτο ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀνεφέρετο. ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν δὲ μετάκειται τὸ ἔθος: οὐ γὰρ ἡ βουλὴ διαγινώσκει τὰ ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, τῶν δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς γνωσθέντων ὁ δῆμός ἐστι κύριος: πότερον δὲ τῶν ἐθῶν κρεῖττον, ἐν κοινῷ τίθημι τοῖς βουλομένοις σκοπεῖν.
[3] To the populace he granted these three privileges: to choose magistrates, to ratify laws, and to decide concerning war whenever the king left the decision to them; yet even in these matters their authority was not unrestricted, since the concurrence of the senate was necessary to give effect to their decisions. The people did not give their votes all at the same time, but were summoned to meet by curiae, and whatever was resolved upon by the majority of the curiae was reported to the senate. But in our day this practice is reversed, since the senate does not deliberate upon the resolutions passed by the people, but the people have full power over the decrees of the senate; and which of the two customs is better I leave it open to others to determine.
[4] ἐκ δὲ τῆς διαιρέσεως ταύτης οὐ μόνον τὰ πολιτικὰ πράγματα σώφρονας ἐλάμβανε καὶ τεταγμένας τὰς διοικήσεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ ταχείας καὶ [p. 174] εὐπειθεῖς. ὁπότε γὰρ αὐτῷ φανείη στρατιὰν ἐξάγειν, οὔτε χιλιάρχους τότε ἔδει ἀποδείκνυσθαι κατὰ φυλὰς οὔτε ἑκατοντάρχους κατὰ λόχους οὔτε ἱππέων ἡγεμόνας οὔτε ἐξαριθμεῖσθαί τε καὶ λοχίζεσθαι καὶ τάξιν ἑκάστους τὴν προσῄκουσαν λαμβάνειν: ἀλλὰ βασιλεὺς μὲν τοῖς χιλιάρχοις παρήγγελλεν, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ τοῖς λοχαγοῖς: παρὰ δὲ τούτων οἱ δεκάδαρχοι μαθόντες ἐξῆγον τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους ἑαυτοῖς ἕκαστοι, ἀφ᾽ ἑνός τε κελεύσματος εἴτε πᾶσα ἡ δύναμις εἴτε μοῖρά τις ἐξ αὐτῆς κληθείη τὰ ὅπλα ἔχουσα παρῆν εἰς τὸν ἀποδειχθέντα τόπον εὐτρεπής.
[4] By this division of authority not only were the civil affairs administered in a prudent and orderly manner, but the business of war also was carried on with dispatch and strict obedience. For whenever the king thought proper to lead out his army there was then no necessity for tribunes to be chosen by tribes, or centurions by centuries, or commanders of the horse appointed, nor was it necessary for the army to be numbered or to be divided into centuries or for every man to be assigned to his appropriate post. But the king gave his orders to the tribunes and these to the centurions and they in turn to the decurions, each of whom led out those who were under his command; and whether the whole army or part of it was called, at a single summons they presented themselves ready with arms in hand at the designated post.
[1] τεταγμένην μὲν οὖν καὶ κεκοσμημένην πρὸς εἰρήνην τε ἀποχρώντως καὶ πρὸς τὰ πολέμια ἐπιτηδείως ἐκ τούτων τῶν πολιτευμάτων τὴν πόλιν ὁ Ῥωμύλος ἀπειργάσατο, μεγάλην δὲ καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἐκ τῶνδε:
[15.1] By these institutions Romulus sufficiently regulated and suitably disposed the city both for peace and for war: and he made it large and populous by the following means.
[2] πρῶτον μὲν εἰς ἀνάγκην κατέστησε τοὺς οἰκήτορας αὐτῆς ἅπασαν ἄρρενα γενεὰν ἐκτρέφειν καὶ θυγατέρων τὰς πρωτογόνους, ἀποκτιννύναι δὲ μηδὲν τῶν γεννωμένων νεώτερον τριετοῦς, πλὴν εἴ τι γένοιτο παιδίον ἀνάπηρον ἢ τέρας εὐθὺς ἀπὸ γονῆς. ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν ἐκτιθέναι τοὺς γειναμένους ἐπιδείξαντας πρότερον πέντε ἀνδράσι τοῖς ἔγγιστα οἰκοῦσιν, ἐὰν κἀκείνοις συνδοκῇ. κατὰ δὲ [p. 175] τῶν μὴ πειθομένων τῷ νόμῳ ζημίας ὥρισεν ἄλλας τε καὶ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτῶν τὴν ἡμίσειαν εἶναι δημοσίαν.
[2] In the first place, he obliged the inhabitants to bring up all their male children and the first-born of the females, and forbade them to destroy any children under three years of age unless they were maimed or monstrous from their very birth. These he did not forbid their parents to expose, provided they first showed them to their five nearest neighbours and these also approved. Against those who disobeyed this law he fixed various penalties, including the confiscation of half their property.
[3] ἔπειτα καταμαθὼν πολλὰς τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πόλεων πονηρῶς ἐπιτροπευομένας ὑπὸ τυραννίδων τε καὶ ὀλιγαρχιῶν, τοὺς ἐκ τούτων ἐκπίπτοντας τῶν πόλεων συχνοὺς ὄντας, εἰ μόνον εἶεν ἐλεύθεροι, διακρίνων οὔτε συμφορὰς οὔτε τύχας αὐτῶν ὑποδέχεσθαι καὶ μετάγειν ὡς ἑαυτὸν ἐπεχείρει, τήν τε Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν αὐξῆσαι βουληθεὶς καὶ τὰς τῶν περιοίκων ἐλαττῶσαι: ἐποίει δὲ ταῦτα πρόφασιν ἐξευρὼν εὐπρεπῆ καὶ εἰς θεοῦ τιμὴν τὸ ἔργον ἀναφέρων.
[3] Secondly, finding that many of the cities in Italy were very badly governed, both by tyrannies and by oligarchies, he undertook to welcome and attract to himself the fugitives from these cities, who were very numerous, paying no regard either to their calamities or to their fortunes, provided only they were free men. His purpose was to increase the power of the Romans and to lessen that of their neighbours; but he invented a specious pretext for his course, making it appear that he was showing honour to a god.
[4] τὸ γὰρ μεταξὺ χωρίον τοῦ τε Καπιτωλίου καὶ τῆς ἄκρας, ὃ καλεῖται νῦν κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων διάλεκτον μεθόριον δυεῖν δρυμῶν καὶ ἦν τότε τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ἐπώνυμον, ὕλαις ἀμφιλαφέσι κατ᾽ ἀμφοτέρας τὰς συναπτούσας τοῖς λόφοις λαγόνας ἐπίσκιον, ἱερὸν ἀνεὶς ἄσυλον ἱκέταις καὶ ναὸν ἐπὶ τοὺτῳ κατασκευασάμενος ῾ὅτῳ δὲ ἄρα θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων οὐκ ἔχω τὸ σαφὲς εἰπεῖν᾽ τοῖς καταφεύγουσιν εἰς τοῦτο τὸ ἱερὸν ἱκέταις τοῦ τε μηδὲν κακὸν ὑπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν παθεῖν ἐγγυητὴς ἐγίνετο τῆς εἰς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείας προφάσει καὶ εἰ βούλοιντο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μένειν πολιτείας μετεδίδου καὶ γῆς μοῖραν, ἣν κτήσαιτο πολεμίους ἀφελόμενος. οἱ δὲ συνέρρεον ἐκ παντὸς τόπου τὰ οἰκεῖα φεύγοντες κακὰ καὶ οὐκέτι ἑτέρωσε ἀπανίσταντο ταῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὁμιλίαις καὶ χάρισιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατεχόμενοι. [p. 176]
[4] For he consecrated the place between the Capitol and the citadel which is now called in the language of the Romans “the space between the two groves,” — a term that was really descriptive at that time of the actual conditions, as the place was shaded by thick woods on both sides where it joined the hills, — and made it an asylum for suppliants. And built a temple there, — but to what god or divinity he dedicated it I cannot say for certain, — he engaged, under the colour of religion, to protect those who fled to it from suffering any harm at the hands of their enemies; and if they chose to remain with him, he promised them citizenship and a share of the land he should take from the enemy. And people came flocking thither from all parts, fleeing from their calamities at home; nor had they afterwards any thought of removing to any other place, but were held there by daily instances of his sociability and kindness.
[1] τρίτον ἦν ἔτι Ῥωμύλου πολίτευμα, ὃ πάντων μάλιστα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀσκεῖν ἔδει, κράτιστον ἁπάντων πολιτευμάτων ὑπάρχον, ὡς ἐμὴ δόξα φέρει, ὃ καὶ τῆς βεβαίου Ῥωμαίοις ἐλευθερίας ἦρχε καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀγόντων οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν παρέσχε, τὸ μήτε κατασφάττειν ἡβηδὸν τὰς ἁλούσας πολέμῳ πόλεις μήτε ἀνδραποδίζεσθαι μηδὲ γῆν αὐτῶν ἀνιέναι μηλόβοτον, ἀλλὰ κληρούχους εἰς αὐτὰς ἀποστέλλειν ἐπὶ μέρει τινὶ τῆς χώρας καὶ ποιεῖν ἀποικίας τῆς Ῥώμης τὰς κρατηθείσας, ἐνίαις δὲ καὶ πολιτείας μεταδιδόναι.
[16.1] There was yet a third policy of Romulus, which the Greeks ought to have practised above all others, it being, in my opinion, the best of all political measures, as it laid the most solid foundation for the liberty of the Romans and was no slight factor in raising them to their position of supremacy. It was this: not to slay all the men of military age or to enslave the rest of the population of the cities captured in war or to allow their land to go back to pasturage for sheep, but rather to send settlers thither to possess some part of the country by lot and to make the conquered cities Roman colonies, and even to grant citizenship to some of them.
[2] ταῦτά τε δὴ καὶ τἆλλα τούτοις ὅμοια καταστησάμενος πολιτεύματα μεγάλην ἐκ μικρᾶς ἐποίησε τὴν ἀποικίαν, ὡς αὐτὰ τὰ ἔργα ἐδήλωσεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ συνοικίσαντες μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν Ῥώμην οὐ πλείους ἦσαν ἀνδρῶν τρισχιλίων πεζοὶ καὶ τριακοσίων ἐλάττους ἱππεῖς: οἱ δὲ καταλειφθέντες ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου, ὅτ᾽ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφανίσθη, πεζοὶ μὲν ἑξακισχίλιοι πρὸς τέτταρσι μυριάσιν, ἱππεῖς δ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντες χιλίων.
[2] By these and other like measures he made the colony great from a small beginning, as the actual results showed; for the number of those who joined with him in founding Rome did not amount to more than three thousand foot nor quite to three hundred horse, whereas he left behind him when he disappeared from among men forty-six thousand foot and about a thousand horse.
[3] ἐκείνου δὲ ἄρξαντος τῶν πολιτευμάτων τούτων οἵ τε βασιλεῖς οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡγησάμενοι τῆς πόλεως τὴν αὐτὴν ἐφυλάξαντο προαίρεσιν καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους τὰς ἐνιαυσίους λαμβάνοντες ἀρχὰς ἔστιν ἃ καὶ προστιθέντες, οὕτως ὥστε μηδενὸς ἔθνους τοῦ δοκοῦντος εἶναι πολυανθρωποτάτου τὸν Ῥωμαίων γενέσθαι δῆμον ἐλάττονα. [p. 177]
[3] Romulus having instituted these measures, not alone the kings who ruled the city after him but also the annual magistrates after them pursued the same policy, with occasional additions, so successfully that the Roman people became inferior in numbers to none of the nations that were accounted the most populous.
[1] τὰ δὲ Ἑλλήνων ἔθη παρὰ ταῦτα ἐξετάζων οὐκ ἔχω πῶς ἐπαινέσω τά τε Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τὰ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ τῶν μέγιστον ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ φρονούντων Ἀθηναίων, οἳ φυλάττοντες τὸ εὐγενὲς καὶ μηδενὶ μεταδιδόντες εἰ μὴ σπανίοις τῆς παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς πολιτείας ῾ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν ὅτι καὶ ξενηλατοῦντες ἔνιοἰ πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν ἀπολαῦσαι ταύτης τῆς μεγαληγορίας ἀγαθὸν καὶ τὰ μέγιστα δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἐβλάβησαν.
[17.1] When I compare the customs of the Greeks with these, I can find no reason to extol either those of the Lacedaemonians or of the Thebans or of the Athenians, who pride themselves most on their wisdom; all of whom, jealous of their noble birth and granting citizenship to none or to very few (I say nothing of the fact that some even expelled foreigners), not only received no advantage from this haughty attitude, but actually suffered the greatest harm because of it.
[2] Σπαρτιᾶται μέν γε πταίσαντες μάχῃ τῇ περὶ Λεῦκτρα, ἐν ᾗ χιλίους καὶ ἑπτακοσίους ἄνδρας ἀπέβαλον, οὐκέτι τὴν πόλιν ἠδυνήθησαν ἐκ τῆς συμφορᾶς ταύτης ἀναλαβεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέστησαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας σὺν αἰσχύνῃ. Θηβαῖοι δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐξ ἑνὸς τοῦ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἀτυχήματος ἅμα τήν τε προστασίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τὴν πάτριον ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων ἀφῃρέθησαν.
[2] Thus, the Spartans after their defeat at Leuctra, where they lost seventeen hundred men, were no longer able to restore their city to its former position after that calamity, but shamefully abandoned their supremacy. And the Thebans and Athenians through the single disaster at Chaeronea were deprived by the Macedonians not only of the leadership of Greece but at the same time of the liberty they had inherited from their ancestors.
[3] ἡ δὲ Ῥωμαίων πόλις ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ τε καὶ Ἰταλίᾳ πολέμους ἔχουσα μεγάλους Σικελίαν τε ἀφεστῶσαν ἀνακτωμένη καὶ Σαρδόνα καὶ τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πραγμάτων ἐκπεπολεμωμένων πρὸς αὐτὴν καὶ Καρχηδόνος ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν πάλιν ἀνισταμένης καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας οὐ μόνον ἀφεστώσης ὀλίγου δεῖν πάσης, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεπαγούσης τὸν Ἀννιβιακὸν κληθέντα πόλεμον, τοσούτοις περιπετὴς γενομένη κινδύνοις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον οὐχ ὅπως ἐκακώθη διὰ τὰς τότε τύχας, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέλαβεν ἰσχὺν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἔτι μείζονα τῆς προτέρας τῷ πλήθει τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ [p. 178] πρὸς ἅπαντα διαρκὴς γενομένη τὰ δεινά, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὥσπερ ὑπολαμβάνουσί τινες εὐνοίᾳ τύχης χρησαμένη:
[3] But Rome, while engaged in great wars both in Spain and Italy and employed in recovering Sicily and Sardinia, which had revolted, at a time when the situation in Macedonia and Greece had become hostile to her and Carthage was again contending for the supremacy, and when all but a small portion of Italy was not only in open rebellion but was also drawing upon her the Hannibalic war, as it was called, — though surrounded, I say, by so many dangers at one and the same time, Rome was so far from being overcome by these misfortunes that she derived from them a strength even greater than she had had before, being enabled to meet every danger, thanks to the number of her soldiers, and not, as some imagine, to the favour of Fortune;
[4] ἐπεὶ ταύτης γε χάριν ᾤχετ᾽ ἂν ὑποβρύχιος ἐξ ἑνὸς τοῦ περὶ Κάννας πτώματος, ὅτε αὐτῇ ἀπὸ μὲν ἑξακισχιλίων ἱππέων ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τριακόσιοι περιελείφθησαν, ἀπὸ δὲ μυριάδων ὀκτὼ τῶν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν στράτευμα καταγραφεισῶν ὀλίγῳ πλείους τρισχιλίων ἐσώθησαν.
[4] since for all of Fortune’s assistance the city might have been utterly submerged by the single disaster at Cannae, where of six thousand horse only three hundred and seventy survived, and of eighty thousand foot enrolled in the army of the commonwealth little more than three thousand escaped.
[1] ταῦτά τε δὴ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἄγαμαι καὶ ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις ἅ μέλλω λέγειν, ὅτι τοῦ καλῶς οἰκεῖσθαι τὰς πόλεις αἰτίας ὑπολαβών, ἃς θρυλοῦσι μὲν ἅπαντες οἱ πολιτικοί, κατασκευάζουσι δ᾽ ὀλίγοι, πρῶτον μὲν τὴν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν εὔνοιαν, ἧς παρούσης ἅπαντα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπὶ τὰ κρείττω συμφέρεται, ἔπειτα σωφροσύνην τε καὶ δικαιοσύνην, δι᾽ ἃς ἧττον ἀλλήλους βλάπτοντες μᾶλλον ὁμονοοῦσι καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν οὐ ταῖς αἰσχίσταις μετροῦσιν ἡδοναῖς ἀλλὰ τῷ καλῷ, τελευταίαν δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις γενναιότητα τὴν παρασκευάζουσαν εἶναι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρετὰς τοῖς ἔχουσιν ὠφελίμους, οὐκ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου παραγίνεσθαι τούτων ἕκαστον τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐνόμισεν,
[18.1] It is not only these institutions of Romulus that I admire, but also those which I am going to relate. He understood that the good government of cities was due to certain causes which all statesmen prate of but few succeed in making effective: first, the favour of the gods, the enjoyment of which gives success to men’s every enterprise; next, moderation and justice, as a result of which the citizens, being less disposed to injure one another, are more harmonious, and make honour, rather than the most shameful pleasures, the measure of their happiness; and, lastly, bravery in war, which renders the other virtues also useful to their possessors.
[2] ἀλλ᾽ ἔγνω διότι νόμοι σπουδαῖοι καὶ καλῶν ζῆλος ἐπιτηδευμάτων εὐσεβῆ καὶ σώφρονα καὶ τὰ δίκαια ἀσκοῦσαν καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθὴν ἐξεργάζονται πόλιν: ὧν πολλὴν ἔσχε πρόνοιαν τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιησάμενος ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα καὶ δαιμόνια σεβασμῶν. ἱερὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ τεμένη καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ ξοάνων [p. 179] ἱδρύσεις μορφάς τε αὐτῶν καὶ σύμβολα καὶ δυνάμεις καὶ δωρεάς, αἷς τὸ γένος ἡμῶν εὐηργέτησαν, ἑορτάς τε ὁποίας τινὰς ἑκάστῳ θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων ἄγεσθαι προς2ήκει καὶ θυσίας, αἷς χαίρουσι γεραιρόμενοι πρὸς ἀνθρώπων, ἐκεχειρίας τε αὖ καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ πόνων ἀναπαύλας καὶ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα ὁμοίως κατεστήσατο τοῖς κρατίστοις τῶν παρ᾽ Ἕλλησι νομίμων:
[2] And he thought that none of these advantages is the effect of chance, but recognized that good laws and the emulation of worthy pursuits render a State pious, temperate, devoted to justice, and brave in war. He took great care, therefore, to encourage these, beginning with the worship of the gods and genii. He established temples, sacred precincts and altars, arranged for the setting up of statues, determined the representations and symbols of the gods, and declared their powers, the beneficent gifts which they have made to mankind, the particular festivals that should be celebrated in honour of each god or genius, the sacrifices with which they delight to be honoured by men, as well as the holidays, festal assemblies, days of rest, and everything alike of that nature, in all of which he followed the best customs in use among the Greeks.
[3] τοὺς δὲ παραδεδομένους περὶ αὐτῶν μύθους, ἐν οἷς βλασφημίαι τινὲς ἔνεισι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἢ κακηγορίαι, πονηροὺς καὶ ἀνωφελεῖς καὶ ἀσχήμονας ὑπολαβὼν εἶναι καὶ οὐχ ὅτι θεῶν ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀγαθῶν ἀξίους, ἅπαντας ἐξέβαλε καὶ παρεσκεύασε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τὰ κράτιστα περὶ θεῶν λέγειν τε καὶ φρονεῖν μηδὲν αὐτοῖς προσάπτοντας ἀνάξιον ἐπιτήδευμα τῆς μακαρίας φύσεως.
[3] But he rejected all the traditional myths concerning the gods that contain blasphemies or calumnies against them, looking upon these as wicked, useless and indecent, and unworthy, not only of the gods, but even of good men; and he accustomed people both to think and to speak the best of the gods and to attribute to them no conduct unworthy of their blessed nature.
[1] οὔτε γὰρ Οὐρανὸς ἐκτεμνόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ παίδων παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις λέγεται οὔτε Κρόνος ἀφανίζων τὰς ἑαυτοῦ γονὰς φόβῳ τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπιθέσεως οὔτε Ζεὺς καταλύων τὴν Κρόνου δυναστείαν καὶ κατακλείων ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ τοῦ Ταρτάρου τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα οὐδέ γε πόλεμοι καὶ τραύματα καὶ
[19.1] Indeed, there is no tradition among the Romans either of Caelus being castrated by his own sons or of Saturn destroying his own offspring to secure himself from their attempts or of Jupiter dethroning Saturn and confining his own father in the dungeon of Tartarus, or, indeed, of wars, wounds, or bonds of the gods, or of their servitude among men.
[2] δεσμοὶ καὶ θητεῖαι θεῶν παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις: ἑορτή τε οὐδεμία παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς μελανείμων ἢ πένθιμος ἄγεται τυπετοὺς ἔχουσα καὶ θρήνους γυναικῶν ἐπὶ θεοῖς ἀφανιζομένοις, ὡς παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν ἐπιτελεῖται περί τε Φερσεφόνης ἁρπαγὴν καὶ τὰ Διονύσου πάθη καὶ ὅσα [p. 180] ἄλλα τοιαῦτα: οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἴδοι τις παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, καίτοι διεφθαρμένων ἤδη τῶν ἐθῶν, οὐ θεοφορήσεις, οὐ κορυβαντιασμούς, οὐκ ἀγυρμούς, οὐ βακχείας καὶ τελετὰς ἀπορρήτους, οὐ διαπαννυχισμοὺς ἐν ἱεροῖς ἀνδρῶν σὺν γυναιξίν, οὐκ ἄλλο τῶν παραπλησίων τούτοις τερατευμάτων οὐδέν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐλαβῶς ἅπαντα πραττόμενά τε καὶ λεγόμενα τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεούς, ὡς οὔτε παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν οὔτε παρὰ βαρβάροις:
[2] And no festival is observed among them as a day of mourning or by the wearing of black garments and the beating of breasts and the lamentations of women because of the disappearance of deities, such as the Greeks perform in commemorating the rape of Persephonê and the adventures of Dionysus and all the other things of like nature. And one will see among them, even though their manners are now corrupted, no ecstatic transports, no Corybantic frenzies, no begging under the colour of religion, no bacchanals or secret mysteries, no all-night vigils of men and women together in the temples, nor any other mummery of this kind; but alike in all their words and actions with respect to the gods a reverence is shown such as is seen among neither Greeks nor barbarians.
[3] καὶ ὃ πάντων μάλιστα ἔγωγε τεθαύμακα, καίπερ μυρίων ὅσων εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐληλυθότων ἐθνῶν, οἷς πολλὴ ἀνάγκη σέβειν τοὺς πατρίους θεοὺς τοῖς οἴκοθεν νομίμοις, οὐδενὸς εἰς ζῆλον ἐλήλυθε τῶν ξενικῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἡ πόλις δημοσίᾳ, ὃ πολλαῖς ἤδη συνέβη παθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἴ τινα κατὰ χρησμοὺς ἐπεισηγάγετο ἱερά, τοῖς ἑαυτῆς αὐτὰ τιμᾷ νομίμοις ἅπασαν ἐκβαλοῦσα τερθρείαν μυθικήν, ὥσπερ τὰ τῆς Ἰδαίας θεᾶς ἱερά.
[3] And, — the thing which I myself have marvelled at most, — notwithstanding the influx into Rome of innumerable nations which are under every necessity of worshipping their ancestral gods according to the customs of their respective countries, yet the city has never officially adopted any of those foreign practices, as has been the experience of many cities in the past; but, even though she has, in pursuance of oracles, introduced certain rites from abroad, she celebrates them in accordance with her own traditions, after banishing all fabulous clap-trap. The rites of the Idaean goddess are a case in point;
[4] θυσίας μὲν γὰρ αὐτῇ καὶ ἀγῶνας ἄγουσιν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατὰ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων νόμους, ἱερᾶται δὲ αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ Φρὺξ καὶ γυνὴ Φρυγία καὶ περιάγουσιν ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν οὗτοι μητραγυρτοῦντες, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς ἔθος, τύπους τε περικείμενοι τοῖς στήθεσι καὶ καταυλούμενοι πρὸς τῶν ἑπομένων τὰ μητρῷα μέλη καὶ τύμπανα κροτοῦντες:
[4] for the praetors perform sacrifices and celebrated games in her honour every year according to the Roman customs, but the priest and priestess of the goddess are Phrygians, and it is they who carry her image in procession through the city, begging alms in her name according to their custom, and wearing figures upon their breasts and striking their timbrels while their followers play tunes upon their flutes in honour of the Mother of the Gods.
[5] Ῥωμαίων δὲ τῶν αὐθιγενῶν οὔτε μητραγυρτῶν τις οὔτε καταυλούμενος πορεύεται διὰ τῆς πόλεως ποικίλην ἐνδεδυκὼς στολὴν οὔτε ὀργιάζει τὴν θεὸν τοῖς Φρυγίοις ὀργιασμοῖς κατὰ νόμον [p. 181] καὶ ψήφισμα βουλῆς. οὕτως εὐλαβῶς ἡ πόλις ἔχει πρὸς τὰ οὐκ ἐπιχώρια ἔθη περὶ θεῶν καὶ πάντα ὀττεύεται τῦφον, ᾧ μὴ πρός2εστι τὸ εὐπρεπές.
[5] But by a law and decree of the senate no native Roman walks in procession through the city arrayed in a parti-coloured robe, begging alms or escorted by flute-players, or worships the god with the Phrygian ceremonies. So cautious are they about admitting any foreign religious customs and so great is their aversion to all pompous display that is wanting in decorum.
[1] καὶ μηδεὶς ὑπολάβῃ με ἀγνοεῖν ὅτι τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν μύθων εἰσί τινες ἀνθρώποις χρήσιμοι, οἱ μὲν ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τὰ τῆς φύσεως ἔργα δι᾽ ἀλληγορίας, οἱ δὲ παραμυθίας ἕνεκα συγκείμενοι τῶν ἀνθρωπείων συμφορῶν, οἱ δὲ ταραχὰς ἐξαιρούμενοι ψυχῆς καὶ δείματα καὶ δόξας καθαιροῦντες οὐχ ὑγιεῖς, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλης τινὸς ἕνεκα συμπλασθέντες ὠφελείας.
[20.1] Let no one imagine, however, that I am not sensible that some of the Greek myths are useful to mankind, part of them explaining, as they do, the works of Nature by allegories, others being designed as a consolation for human misfortunes, some freeing the mind of its agitations and terrors and clearing away unsound opinions, and others invented for some other useful purpose.
[2] ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἐπιστάμενος ταῦτα οὐδενὸς χεῖρον ὅμως εὐλαβῶς διάκειμαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων μᾶλλον ἀποδέχομαι θεολογίαν, ἐνθυμούμενος ὅτι τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν μύθων ἀγαθὰ μικρά τε ἐστὶ καὶ οὐ πολλοὺς δυνάμενα ὠφελεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνους τοὺς ἐξητακότας ὧν ἕνεκα γίνεται, σπάνιοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ μετειληφότες ταύτης τῆς φιλοσοφίας. ὁ δὲ πολὺς καὶ ἀφιλοσόφητος ὄχλος ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω λαμβάνειν φιλεῖ τοὺς περὶ αὐτῶν λόγους καὶ δυεῖν πάσχει θάτερον, ἢ καταφρονεῖ τῶν θεῶν ὡς ἐν πολλῇ κακοδαιμονίᾳ κυλινδουμένων, ἢ τῶν αἰσχίστων τε καὶ παρανομωτάτων οὐδενὸς ἀπέχεται θεοῖς αὐτὰ προσκείμενα ὁρῶν.
[2] But, though I am as well acquainted as anyone with these matters, nevertheless my attitude toward the myths is one of caution, and I am more inclined to accept the theology of the Romans, when I consider that the advantages from the Greek myths are slight and cannot be of profit to many, but only to those who have examined the end for which they are designed; and this philosophic attitude is shared by few. The great multitude, unacquainted with philosophy, are prone to take these stories about the gods in the worse sense and to fall into one of two errors: they either despise the gods as buffeted by many misfortunes, or else refrain from none of the most shameful and lawless deeds when they see them attributed to the gods.
[1] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων τοῖς αὐτὸ μόνον τὸ θεωρητικὸν τῆς φιλοσοφίας μέρος ἀποτετμημένοις ἀφείσθω σκοπεῖν, τῆς δ᾽ ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου κατασταθείσης πολιτείας καὶ τάδε ἡγησάμην ἱστορίας ἄξια. πρῶτον [p. 182] μὲν, ὅτι πολλοῖς σώμασιν ἀπέδωκε θεραπεύειν τὸ δαιμόνιον. ἐν γοῦν ἄλλῃ πόλει νεοκτίστῳ τοσούτους ἱερεῖς τε καὶ θεραπευτὰς θεῶν εὐθὺς ἀποδειχθέντας οὐδεὶς ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι.
[21.1] But let the consideration of these matters be left to those who have set aside the theoretical part of philosophy exclusively for their contemplation. To return to the government established by Romulus, I have thought the following things also worthy the notice of history. In the first place, he appointed a great number of persons to carry on the worship of the gods. At any rate, no one could name any other newly-founded city in which so many priests and ministers of the gods were appointed from the beginning.
[2] χωρὶς γὰρ τῶν ἐχόντων τὰς συγγενικὰς ἱερωσύνας οἱ τὰ κοινὰ περὶ τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ συντελοῦντες κατὰ φυλάς τε καὶ φράτρας ἑξήκοντα κατεστάθησαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ἀρχῆς: λέγω δὲ ἃ Τερέντιος Οὐάρρων ἐν ἀρχαιολογίαις γέγραφεν, ἀνὴρ τῶν κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡλικίαν ἀκμασάντων πολυπειρότατος.
[2] For, apart from those who held family priesthoods, sixty were appointed in his reign to perform by tribes and curiae the public sacrifices on behalf of the commonwealth; I am merely repeating what Terentius Varro, the most learned man of his age, his written in his Antiquities.
[3] ἔπειτα, ὅτι τῶν ἄλλων φαύλως πως καὶ ἀπερισκέπτως ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ ποιουμένων τὰς αἱρέσεις τῶν ἐπιστησομένων τοῖς ἱεροῖς καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀργυρίου τὸ τίμιον ἀξιούντων ἀποκηρύττειν, τῶν δὲ κλήρῳ διαιρούντων, ἐκεῖνος οὔτε ὠνητὰς χρημάτων ἐποίησε τὰς ἱερωσύνας οὔτε κλήρῳ μεριστάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἑκάστης φράτρας ἐνομοθέτησεν ἀποδείκνυσθαι δύο τοὺς ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας τοὺς γένει τε προὔχοντας τῶν ἄλλων καὶ ἀρετῇ διαφόρους καὶ χρημάτων περιουσίαν ἔχοντας ἀρκοῦσαν καὶ μηδὲν ἠλαττωμένους τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα: τούτους δὲ οὐκ εἰς ὡρισμένον τινὰ χρόνον τὰς τιμὰς ἔταξεν ἔχειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου στρατειῶν μὲν ἀπολελυμένους διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὀχληρῶν διὰ τὸν νόμον. [p. 183]
[3] In the next place, whereas others generally choose in a careless and inconsiderate manner those who are to preside over religious matters, some thinking fit to make public sale of this honour and others disposing of it by lot, he would not allow the priesthoods to be either purchased for money or assigned by lot, but made a law that each curia should choose two men over fifty years of age, of distinguished birth and exceptional merit, of competent fortune, and without any bodily defects; and he ordered that these should enjoy their honours, not for any fixed period, but for life, freed from military service by their age and from civil burdens by the law.
[1] ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ διὰ γυναικῶν ἔδει τινὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖσθαι καὶ διὰ παίδων ἀμφιθαλῶν ἕτερα, ἵνα καὶ ταῦτα γένηται κατὰ τὸ κράτιστον, τάς τε γυναῖκας ἔταξε τῶν ἱερέων τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀνδράσι συνιερᾶσθαι, καὶ εἴ τι μὴ θέμις ἦν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ὀργιάζεσθαι κατὰ νόμον τὸν ἐπιχώριον, ταύτας ἐπιτελεῖν καὶ παῖδας αὐτῶν τὰ καθήκοντα λειτουργεῖν: τοῖς δὲ ἄπαισιν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων οἴκων τοὺς χαριεστάτους καταλεγέντας ἐξ ἑκάστης φράτρας, κόρον καὶ κόρην, τὸν μὲν ἕως ἥβης ὑπηρετεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς, τὴν δὲ κόρην ὅσον ἂν ᾖ χρόνον ἁγνὴ γάμων: ἐκ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν νόμων καὶ ταῦτα μετενεγκάμενος, ὡς ἐγὼ πείθομαι.
[22.1] And because some rites were to be performed by women, others by children whose fathers and mothers were living, to the end that these also might be administered in the best manner, he ordered that the wives of the priests should be associated with their husbands in the priesthood; and that in the case of any rites which men were forbidden by the law of the country to celebrate, their wives should perform them and their children should assist as their duties required; and that the priests who had no children should choose out of the other families of each curia the most beautiful boy and girl, the boy to assist in the rites till the age of manhood, and the girl so long as she remained unmarried. These arrangements also he borrowed, in my opinion, from the practices of the Greeks.
[2] ὅσα μὲν γὰρ αἱ κανηφόροι καὶ ἀρρηφόροι λεγόμεναι λειτουργοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ταῦτα παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις αἱ προσαγορευόμεναι τουτολᾶται συντελοῦσι στεφάναις κοσμούμεναι τὰς κεφαλάς, οἵαις κοσμεῖται τὰ τῆς Ἐφεσίας Ἀρτέμιδος ἀφιδρύματα παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν. ὅσα δὲ παρὰ Τυρρηνοῖς καὶ ἔτι πρότερον παρὰ Πελασγοῖς ἐτέλουν ἐπί τε Κουρήτων καὶ μεγάλων θεῶν ὀργιασμοῖς οἱ καλούμενοι πρὸς αὐτῶν κάδμιλοι, ταῦτα κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὑπηρέτουν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν οἱ
[2] For all the duties that are performed in the Greek ceremonies by the maidens whom they call kanêphoroi and arrhêphoroi are performed by those whom the Romans call tutulatae, who wear on their heads the same kind of crowns with which the statues of the Ephesian Artemis are adorned among the Greeks. And all the functions which among the Tyrrhenians and still earlier among the Pelasgians were performed by those they called cadmili in the rites of the Curetes and in those of the Great Gods, were performed in the same manner by those attendants of the priests who are now called by the Romans camilli.
[3] λεγόμενοι νῦν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κάμιλοι. ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις ἔταξε μάντιν ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἕνα παρεῖναι τοῖς ἱεροῖς, ὃν ἡμεῖς μὲν ἱεροσκόπον καλοῦμεν, Ῥωμαῖοι [p. 184] δὲ ὀλίγον τι τῆς ἀρχαίας φυλάττοντες ὀνομασίας ἀρούσπικα προσαγορεύουσιν. ἅπαντας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς τε καὶ λειτουργοὺς τῶν θεῶν ἐνομοθέτησεν ἀποδείκνυσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν φρατρῶν, ἐπικυροῦσθαι δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξηγουμένων τὰ θεῖα διὰ μαντικῆς.
[3] Furthermore, Romulus ordered one soothsayer out of each tribe to be present at the sacrifices. This soothsayer we call hieroskopos or “inspector of the vitals,” and the Romans, preserving something of the ancient name, aruspex. He also made a law that all the priests and ministers of the gods should be chosen by the curiae and that their election should be confirmed by those who interpret the will of the gods by the art of divination.
[1] ταῦτα περὶ τῶν θρησκευόντων τοὺς θεοὺς καταστησάμενος διῄρει πάλιν, ὡς ἔφην, κατ᾽ ἐπιτηδειότητα ταῖς φράτραις τὰ ἱερά, θεοὺς ἀποδεικνὺς ἑκάστοις καὶ δαίμονας, οὓς ἔμελλον ἀεὶ σέβειν, καὶ τὰς εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ δαπάνας ἔταξεν, ἃς ἐχρῆν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου δίδοσθαι.
[23.1] After he had made these regulations concerning the ministers of the gods, he again, as I have stated, assigned the sacrifices in an appropriate manner to the various curiae, appointing for each of them gods and genii whom they were always to worship, and determined the expenditures for the sacrifices, which were to be paid to them out of the public treasury.
[2] συνέθυόν τε τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν οἱ φρατριεῖς τὰς ἀπομερισθείσας αὐτοῖς θυσίας καὶ συνειστιῶντο κατὰ τὰς ἑορτὰς ἐπὶ τῆς φρατριακῆς ἑστίας: ἑστιατόριον γὰρ ἦν κατεσκευασμένον ἑκάστῃ φράτρᾳ καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ καθωσίωτό τις, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς πρυτανείοις, ἑστία κοινὴ τῶν φρατριῶν. ὄνομα δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἑστιατορίοις ἦν, ὅπερ ταῖς φράτραις, κουρίαι καὶ μέχρις ἡμῶν οὕτω καλοῦνται.
[2] The members of each curia performed their appointed sacrifices together with their own priests, and on holy days they feasted together at their common table. For a banqueting-hall had been built for each curia, and in it there was consecrated, just as in the Greek prytanea, a common table for all the members of the curia. These banqueting-halls had the same name as the curiae themselves, and are called so to our day.
[3] τοῦτο τὸ πολίτευμα δοκεῖ μοι λαβεῖν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ἀγωγῆς τῆς περὶ τὰ φιδίτια κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιχωριαζούσης, ἣν Λυκοῦργος εἰσηγήσασθαι δοκεῖ παρὰ Κρητῶν μαθών, καὶ μεγάλα τὴν πόλιν ὠφελῆσαι ἐν εἰρήνῃ μὲν εἰς εὐτέλειαν ἄγων τοὺς βίους καὶ σωφροσύνην τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν διαίτης, ἐν πολέμῳ δ᾽ εἰς αἰδῶ καὶ πρόνοιαν καταστήσας ἕκαστον τοῦ [p. 185] μὴ καταλιπεῖν τὸν παραστάτην, ᾧ καὶ συνέσπεισε καὶ
[3] This institution, it seems to me, Romulus took over from the practice of the Lacedaemonians in the case of their phiditia, which were then the vogue. It would seem that Lycurgus, who had learned the institution from the Cretans, introduced it at Sparta to the great advantage of his country; for he thereby in time of peace directed the citizens’ lives toward frugality and temperance in their daily repasts, and in time of war inspired every man with a sense of shame and concern not to forsake his comrade with whom he had offered libations and sacrifices and shared in common rites.
[4] συνέθυσε καὶ κοινῶν ἱερῶν μετέσχεν. καὶ οὐ μόνον τῆς περὶ ταῦτα σοφίας χάριν ἄξιος ἐπαινεῖσθαι ὁ ἀνήρ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς εὐτελείας τῶν θυσιῶν, αἷς γεραίρεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνομοθέτησεν, ὧν αἱ πλεῖσται διέμενον ἕως τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἡλικίας, εἰ μὴ καὶ πᾶσαι κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐπιτελούμεναι τρόπον.
[4] And not alone for his wisdom in these matters does Romulus deserve praise, but also for the frugality of the sacrifices that he appointed for the honouring of the gods, the greatest part of which, if not all, remained to my day, being still performed in the ancient manner.
[5] ἐγὼ γοῦν ἐθεασάμην ἐν ἱεραῖς οἰκίαις δεῖπνα προκείμενα θεοῖς ἐπὶ τραπέζαις ξυλίναις ἀρχαϊκαῖς ἐν κάνησι καὶ πινακίσκοις κεραμεοῖς, ἀλφίτων μάζας καὶ πόπανα καὶ ζέας καὶ καρπῶν τινων ἀπαρχὰς καὶ ἄλλα τοιαῦτα λιτὰ καὶ εὐδάπανα καὶ πάσης ἀπειροκαλίας ἀπηλλαγμένα: καὶ σπονδὰς εἶδον ἐγκεκραμένας οὐκ ἐν ἀργυροῖς καὶ χρυσοῖς ἄγγεσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὀστρακίναις κυλίσκαις καὶ πρόχοις, καὶ πάνυ ἠγάσθην τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὅτι διαμένουσιν ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν οὐδὲν ἐξαλλάττοντες τῶν ἀρχαίων ἱερῶν εἰς τὴν ἀλαζόνα πολυτέλειαν.
[5] At any rate, I myself have seen in the sacred edifices repasts set before the gods upon ancient wooden tables, in baskets and small earthen plates, consisting of barley bread, cakes and spelt, with the first-offerings of some fruits, and other things of like nature, simple, cheap, and devoid of all vulgar display. I have seen also the libation wines that had been mixed, not in silver and gold vessels, but in little earthen cups and jugs, and I have greatly admired these men for adhering to the customs of their ancestors and not degenerating from their ancient rites into a boastful magnificence.
[6] ἔστι μὲν οὖν ἃ καὶ Νόμας Πομπίλιος ὁ μετὰ Ῥωμύλον ἄρξας τῆς πόλεως κατεστήσατο μνήμης ἄξια καὶ λόγου, περιττὸς τὴν γνώμην ἀνὴρ καὶ τὰ θεῖα ἐξηγήσασθαι σοφὸς ἐν ὀλίγοις, ὑπὲρ ὧν ὕστερον ἐρῶ, καὶ Τύλλος Ὁστίλιος ὁ τρίτος ἀπὸ Ῥωμύλου βασιλεύσας καὶ πάντες οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον γενόμενοι βασιλεῖς: ἀλλ᾽ ὁ τὰ σπέρματα καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς αὐτοῖς παρασχὼν καὶ τὰ κυριώτατα καταστησάμενος τῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα νομίμων Ῥωμύλος ἦν. [p. 186]
[6] There are, it is true, other institutions, worthy to be both remembered and related, which were established by Numa Pompilius, who ruled the city after Romulus, a man of consummate wisdom and of rare sagacity in interpreting the will of the gods, and of them I shall speak later; and yet others were added by Tullus Hostilius, the second king after Romulus, and by all the kings who followed him. But the seeds of them were sown and the foundations laid by Romulus, who established the principal rites of their religion.
[1] δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης εὐκοσμίας, ᾗ χρώμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι διεφύλαξαν εὐδαιμονοῦσαν τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ πολλὰς γενεάς, ἐκεῖνος ἄρξαι νόμους καλοὺς καὶ συμφέροντας ἀγράφους μὲν τοὺς πλείστους, ἔστι δ᾽ οὓς καὶ ἐν γράμμασι κειμένους καταστησάμενος, ὧν ἐγὼ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οὐδὲν δέομαι γράφειν, οὓς δὲ πάντων μάλιστα τεθαύμακα καὶ ἐξ ὧν ὑπείληφα καταφανῆ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ ἀνδρὸς γενήσεσθαι νομοθεσίαν, ὡς αὐστηρὰ καὶ μισοπόνηρος ἦν καὶ πολλὴν ἔχουσα πρὸς τοὺς ἡρωικοὺς βίους ὁμοιότητα,
[24.1] Romulus also seems to have been the author of that good discipline in other matters by the observance of which the Romans have kept their commonwealth flourishing for many generations; for he established many good and useful laws, the greater part of them unwritten, but some committed to writing. There is no need for me to mention most of them, but I will give a short account of those which I have admired most of all and which I have regarded as suitable to illustrate the character of the rest of this man’s legislation, showing how austere it was, how averse to vice, and how closely it resembled the life of the heroic age.
[2] δἰ ὀλίγης ὑπομνήσεως σημανῶ, τοσοῦτο προειπών, ὅτι μοι δοκοῦσιν ἅπαντες οἱ διατάξαντες τάς τε βαρβαρικὰς καὶ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πολιτείας τὸ μὲν κοινὸν ὀρθῶς ἰδεῖν, ὅτι πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐκ πολλῶν οἴκων συνεστῶσαν ὀρθήν τε πλεῖν εἰκὸς ὅταν οἱ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν εὐσταθῶσι βίοι, καὶ χειμῶνα πολὺν ἄγειν ὅταν κακῶς ἑκάστοις ἔχῃ τὰ ἴδια, καὶ ὅτι δεῖ τὸν νοῦν ἔχοντα πολιτικὸν ἐάν τε νομοθέτης ἐάν τε βασιλεὺς ᾖ, ταῦτα νομοθετεῖν, ἃ ποιήσει δικαίους καὶ σώφρονας τοὺς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν βίους.
[2] However, I will first observe that all who have established constitutions, barbarian as well as Greek, seem to me to have recognized correctly the general principle that every State, since it consists of many families, is most likely to enjoy tranquillity when the lives of the individual citizens are untroubled, and to have a very tempestuous time when the private affairs of the citizens are in a bad way, and that every prudent statesman, whether he be a lawgiver or a king, ought to introduce such laws as will make the citizens just and temperate in their lives.
[3] ἐξ ὧν δ᾽ ἂν ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ δι᾽ οἵων γένοιντο τοιοῦτοι νόμων, οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως ἅπαντες δοκοῦσί μοι συνιδεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔνιοί γε πολλοῦ καὶ τοῦ παντός, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ἐν τοῖς κυριωτάτοις καὶ πρώτοις μέρεσι τῆς νομοθεσίας ἁμαρτεῖν.
[3] Yet by what practices and by what laws this result may be accomplished they do not all seem to me to have understood equally well, but some of them seem to have gone widely and almost completely astray in the principal and fundamental parts of their legislation.
[4] αὐτίκα περὶ γάμων καὶ τῆς πρὸς γυναῖκας ὁμιλίας, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἄρχεσθαι δεῖ τὸν νομοθέτην, ὥσπερ καὶ ἡ [p. 187] φύσις ἁρμόττειν τοὺς βίους ἡμῶν ἤρξατο, οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν θηρίων τὸ παράδειγμα λαβόντες ἀφέτους καὶ κοινὰς τὰς μίξεις ἐποίησαν τῷ ἄρρενι πρὸς τὸ θῆλυ, ὡς ἐρωτικῶν τε οἴστρων ἐλευθερώσοντες τοὺς βίους καὶ ζήλων ἀλληλοκτόνων ἐξελούμενοι καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων ἀπαλλάξοντες κακῶν, ἃ καταλαμβάνει τούς τε ἰδίους οἴκους καὶ τὰς πόλεις ὅλας διὰ γυναῖκας:
[4] For example, in the matter of marriage and commerce with women, from which the lawgiver ought to begin (even as Nature has begun thence to form our lives), some, taking their example from the beasts, have allowed men to have intercourse with women freely and promiscuously, thinking thus to free their lives from the frenzies of love, of save them from murderous jealousy, and to deliver them from many other evils which come upon both private houses and whole States through women.
[5] οἱ δὲ ταύτας μὲν ἐξήλασαν ἐκ τῶν πόλεων τὰς ἀγερώχους καὶ θηριώδεις συνουσίας ἄνδρα συναρμόσαντες εἰς γυναῖκα μίαν, περὶ δε φυλακῆς γάμων καὶ σωφροσύνης γυναικῶν νομοθετεῖν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτ᾽ ἔλαττον οὐδὲν ἐπεχείρησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀδυνάτου πράγματος ἀπέστησαν:
[5] Others have banished this wanton and bestial intercourse from their States by joining a man to one woman; and yet for the preservation of the marriage ties and the chastity of women they have never attempted to make even the slightest regulation whatsoever, but have given up the idea as something impracticable.
[6] οἱ δὲ οὔτε ἀνεγγύους ἐποίησαν ὥσπερ ἔνιοι τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς ἀφροδισίους μίξεις οὔτε ἀφῆκαν ὥσπερ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν φυλακάς, ἀλλὰ πολλοὺς ἔθεσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς νόμους σωφρονιστάς. εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἳ καὶ ἀρχήν τινα κατέστησαν ἐπιμελησομένην εὐκοσμίας γυναικῶν: οὐ μὴν ἀποχρῶσά γε ἡ πρόνοια αὐτῶν τῆς τηρήσεως, ἀλλὰ μαλακωτέρα τοῦ δέοντος ἐγένετο καὶ οὐχ ἱκανὴ τὴν μὴ σπουδαίᾳ φύσει κεκραμένην εἰς ἀνάγκην βίου σώφρονος ἀγαγεῖν.
[6] Others have neither permitted sexual intercourse without marriage, like some barbarians, nor neglected the guarding of their women, like the Lacedaemonians, but have established many laws to keep them within bounds. And some have even appointed a magistrate to look after the good conduct of women; this provision, however, for their guarding was found insufficient and too weak to accomplish its purpose, being incapable of bringing the woman of unvirtuous nature to the necessity of a modest behaviour.
[1] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος οὔτε ἀνδρὶ κατὰ γυναικὸς ἐγκλήματα δοὺς φθαρείσης ἢ τὸν οἶκον ἀδίκως ἀπολιπούσης οὔτε γαμετῇ κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς αἰτιωμένῃ κάκωσιν [p. 188] ἢ ἄδικον ἀπόλειψιν οὔτε περὶ προικὸς ἀποδόσεως ἢ κομιδῆς νόμους θεὶς οὔτε ἄλλο τῶν παραπλησίων τούτοις διορίσας οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν, ἕνα δὲ νόμον ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων εὖ ἔχοντα, ὡς αὐτὰ τὰ ἔργα ἐδήλωσε, καταστησάμενος εἰς σωφροσύνην καὶ πολλὴν εὐκοσμίαν ἤγαγε τὰς γυναῖκας.
[25.1] But Romulus, without giving either to the husband an action against his wife for adultery or for leaving his home without cause, or to the wife an action against her husband on the ground of ill-usage or for leaving her without reason, and without making any laws for the returning or recovery of the dowry, or regulating anything of this nature, by a single law which effectually provides for all these things, as the results themselves have shown, led the women to behave themselves with modesty and great decorum.
[2] ἦν δὲ τοιός2δε ὁ νόμος: γυναῖκα γαμετὴν τὴν κατα γάμους ἱεροὺς συνελθοῦσαν ἀνδρὶ κοινωνὸν ἁπάντων εἶναι χρημάτων τε καὶ ἱερῶν. ἐκάλουν δὲ τοὺς ἱεροὺς καὶ νομίμους οἱ παλαιοὶ γάμους Ῥωμαϊκῇ προσηγορίᾳ περιλαμβάνοντες φαρραχείους ἐπὶ τῆς κοινωνίας τοῦ φαρρός, ὃ καλοῦμεν ἡμεῖς ζέαν. αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἀρχαία καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ συνήθης ἅπασιν αὐτοῖς ἡ τροφή: φέρει δὲ πολλὴν καὶ καλὴν ἡ Ῥωμαίων γῆ τὴν ζέαν. καὶ ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς οἱ Ἕλληνες τὸν κρίθινον καρπὸν ἀρχαιότατον ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν κριθαῖς καταρχόμεθα οὐλὰς αὐτὰς καλοῦντες, οὕτω Ῥωμαῖοι τιμιώτατόν τε καρπὸν καὶ ἀρχαιότατον εἶναι νομίζοντες τὰς ζέας διὰ τούτων ἁπάσης ἐμπύρου θυσίας κατάρχονται. μένει γὰρ ἔτι καὶ οὐ μεταπέπτωκεν εἰς πολυτελεστέρας ἀπαρχὰς τὸ
[2] The law was to this effect, that a woman joined to her husband by a holy marriage should share in all his possessions and sacred rites. The ancient Romans designated holy and lawful marriages by the term “farreate,” from the sharing of far, which we call zea; for this was the ancient and, for a long time, the ordinary food of all the Romans, and their country produces an abundance of excellent spelt. And as we Greeks regard barley as the most ancient grain, and for that reason begin our sacrifices with barley-corns which we call oulai, so the Romans, in the belief that spelt is both the most valuable and the most ancient of grains, in all burnt offerings begin the sacrifice with that. For this custom still remains, not having deteriorated into first-offerings of greater expense.
[3] ἔθος. τὸ δὴ κοινωνοὺς τῆς ἱερωτάτης τε καὶ πρώτης τροφῆς γενέσθαι γυναῖκας ἀνδράσι καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ ὅλῃ συνελθεῖν τύχῃ τὴν μὲν ἐπίκλησιν τῆς κοινωνίας τοῦ [p. 189] φαρρὸς εἶχεν, εἰς σύνδεσμον δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον οἰκειότητος ἔφερεν ἀδιαλύτου, καὶ τὸ διαιρῆσον τοὺς γάμους τούτους οὐδὲν ἦν.
[3] The participation of the wives with their husbands in this holiest and first food and their union with them founded on the sharing of all their fortunes took its name from this sharing of the spelt and forged the compelling bond of an indissoluble union, and there was nothing that could annul these marriages.
[4] οὗτος ὁ νόμος τάς τε γυναῖκας ἠνάγκασε τὰς γαμετάς, οἷα δὴ μηδεμίαν ἐχούσας ἑτέραν ἀποστροφήν, πρὸς ἕνα τὸν τοῦ γεγαμηκότος ζῆν τρόπον, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἀναγκαίου τε καὶ