[1] τελευτήσαντος δὲ Πομπιλίου γενομένη πάλιν: ἡ βουλὴ τῶν κοινῶν κυρία μένειν ἔγνω ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς πολιτείας, οὐδὲ τοῦ δήμου γνώμην λαβόντος ἑτέραν, καὶ καθίστησιν ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τοὺς ἄρξοντας τὴν μεσοβασίλειον ἀρχὴν εἰς ὡρισμένον τινὰ ἡμερῶν ἀριθμόν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀποδείκνυται βασιλεύς, ὸν ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἠξίου, Τύλλος Ὁστίλιος γένους ὢν τοιοῦδε:
[1.1] After the death of Numa Pompilius the senate, being once more in full control of the commonwealth, resolved to abide by the same form of government, and as the people did not adopt any contrary opinion, they appointed some of the older senators to govern as interreges for a definite number of days. These men, pursuant to the unanimous desire of the people, chose as king Tullus Hostilius, whose descent was as follows.
[2] ἐκ πόλεως Μεδυλλίας, ἣν Ἀλβανοὶ μὲν ἔκτισαν, Ῥωμύλος δὲ κατὰ συνθήκας παραλαβὼν Ῥωμαίων ἐποίησεν ἀποικίαν, ἀνὴρ εὐγενὴς καὶ χρήμασι δυνατὸς Ὁστίλιος ὄνομα μετενεγκάμενος εἰς Ῥώμην τὸν βίον ἄγεται γυναῖκα ἐκ τοῦ Σαβίνων γένους Ἑρσιλίου θυγατέρα τὴν ὑφηγησαμένην ταῖς ὁμοεθνέσι πρεσβεῦσαι πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὅτε Σαβῖνοι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπολέμουν, καὶ τοῦ συνελθεῖν εἰς φιλίαν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αἰτιωτάτην γενέσθαι δοκοῦσαν. [p. 269] οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ πολλοὺς συνδιενέγκας Ῥωμύλῳ πολέμους καὶ μεγάλα ἔργα ἀποδειξάμενος ἐν ταῖς πρὸς Σαβίνους μάχαις, ἀποθνήσκει καταλιπὼν παιδίον μονογενὲς καὶ θάπτεται πρὸς τῶν βασιλέων ἐν τῷ κρατίστῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τόπῳ στήλης ἐπιγραφῇ τὴν ἀρετὴν μαρτυρούσης ἀξιωθείς.
[2] From Medullia, a city which had been built by the Albans and made a Roman colony by Romulus after he had taken it by capitulation, a man of distinguished birth and great fortune, named Hostilius, had removed to Rome and married a woman of the Sabine race, the daughter of Hersilius, the same woman who had advised her country-women to go as envoys to their fathers on behalf of their husbands at the time when the Sabines were making war against the Romans, and was regarded as the person chiefly responsible for the alliance then concluded by the leaders of the two nations. This man, after taking part with Romulus in many wars and performing mighty deeds in the battles with the Sabines, died, leaving an only son, a young child at the time, and was buried by the kings in the principal part of the Forum and honoured with a monument and an inscription testifying to his valour.
[3] ἐκ δὲ τοῦ μονογενοῦς παιδὸς εἰς ἄνδρας ἀφικομένου καὶ γάμον ἐπιφανῆ λαβόντος υἱὸς γίνεται Τύλλος Ὁστίλιος ἀνὴρ δραστήριος, ὃς ἀπεδείχθη βασιλεὺς ψήφῳ τε πολιτικῇ διενεχθείσῃ περὶ αὐτοῦ κατὰ νόμους καὶ τοῦ δαιμονίου δἰ οἰωνῶν αἰσίων ἐπικυρώσαντος τὰ δόξαντα τῷ δήμῳ. ἔτος δὲ ἦν ἐν ᾧ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παρέλαβεν ὁ δεύτερος ἐνιαυτὸς τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ εἰκοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Εὐρυβάτης Ἀθηναῖος ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Λεωστράτου.
[3] His only son, having come to manhood and married a woman of distinction, had by her Tullius Hostilius, a man of action, the same who was now chosen king by a vote passed by the citizens concerning him according to the laws; and the decision of the people was confirmed by favourable omens from Heaven. The year in which he assumed the sovereignty was the second of the twenty-seventh Olympiad, the one in which Eurybates, an Athenian, won the prize in the foot-race, Leostratus being archon at Athens.
[4] οὗτος ἔργον ἁπάντων μεγαλοπρεπέστατον ἀποδειξάμενος αὐτὸς εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἅπαν τὸ θητικὸν τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἄπορον οἰκεῖον ἔσχεν. ἦν δὲ τοιόνδε: χώραν εἶχον ἐξαίρετον οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθήν, ἐξ ἧς ἀναιρούμενοι τὰς προσόδους ἱερά τε θεοῖς ἐπετέλουν καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸν ἴδιον βίον ἀφθόνους εἶχον εὐπορίας, ἣν ἐκτήσατο μὲν Ῥωμύλος πολέμῳ τοὺς τότε κατασχόντας ἀφελόμενος, ἐκείνου δὲ ἄπαιδος ἀποθανόντος Πομπίλιος Νόμας ὁ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον βασιλεύσας ἐκαρποῦτο: ἦν δὲ οὐκέτι δημοσία κτῆσις, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀεὶ βασιλέων κλῆρος.
[4] Tullus, immediately upon his accession, gained the hearts of all the labouring class and of the needy among the populace by performing an act of the most splendid kind. It was this: The kings before him had possessed much fertile land, especially reserved for them, from the revenues of which they not only offered sacrifices to the gods, but also had abundant provision for their private needs. This land Romulus had acquired in war by dispossessing the former owners, and when he died childless, Numa Pompilius, his successor, had enjoyed its use; it was no longer the property of the state, but the inherited possession of the successive kings.
[5] ταύτην ὁ Τύλλος ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς [p. 270] μηδένα κλῆρον ἔχουσι Ῥωμαίων κατ᾽ ἄνδρα διανεί- μασθαι, τὴν πατρῴαν αὑτῷ κτῆσιν ἀρκοῦσαν ἀπο- φαίνων εἴς τε τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰς τοῦ βίου δαπάνας. ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν πολιτῶν ἀνέλαβε παύσας λατρεύοντας ἐν τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις: ἵνα δὲ μηδὲ οἰκίας ἄμοιρος εἴη τις προσετείχισε τῇ πόλει τὸν καλούμενον Καίλιον λόφον, ἔνθα ὅσοι Ῥωμαίων ἦσαν ἀνέστιοι λαχόντες τοῦ χωρίου τὸ ἀρκοῦν κατε- σκευάσαντ᾽ οἰκίας, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ τὴν οἴκησιν εἶχεν. πολιτικὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἔργα παραδίδοται λόγου ἄξια:
[5] Tullus now permitted this land to be divided equally among such of the Romans as had no allotment, declaring that his own patrimony was sufficient both for the sacrifices and for his personal expenditures. By this act of humanity he relieved the poor among the citizens by freeing them from the necessity of labouring as serfs on the estates of others. And, to the end that none might lack a habitation either, he included within the city wall the hill called the Caelian, where those Romans who were unprovided with dwellings were allotted a sufficient amount of ground and built houses; and he himself had his residence in this quarter. These, then, are the memorable actions reported of this king so far as regards his civil administration.
[1] πολεμικαὶ δὲ πράξεις πολλαὶ μὲν καὶ ἄλλαι μνημονεύονται, <μέγισται δὲ> περὶ ὧν ἔρχομαι λέξων τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιησάμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ πρὸς Ἀλβανοὺς πο- λέμου. αἴτιος δὲ τοῦ διαστῆναι τὰς πόλεις καὶ λῦσαι τὸ συγγενὲς ἀνὴρ Ἀλβανὸς ἐγένετο Κλοίλιος ὄνομα τῆς μεγίστης ἀρχῆς ἀξιωθείς, ὃς ἀχθόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἀγαθοῖς καὶ κατέχειν τὸν φθόνον οὐ δυνά- μενος φύσει τε αὐθάδης καὶ ὑπομαργότερος ὢν ἐκ-
[2.1] Many military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I shall now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban named Cluilius, who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war with each other.
[2] πολεμῶσαι τὰς πόλεις ἔγνω πρὸς ἀλλήλας. οὐχ ὁρῶν δὲ ὅπως ἂν πείσειε τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς στρατὸν αὑτῷ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἄγειν ἐπιτρέψαι μήτε δικαίας ἔχοντι προ- φάσεις μήτε ἀναγκαίας, μηχανᾶται δή τι τοιόνδε: τοῖς ἀπορωτάτοις Ἀλβανῶν καὶ θρασυτάτοις ἐφῆκε λῃ- [p. 271] στεύειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἀγροὺς ἄδειαν ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ παρεσκεύασε πολλοὺς ἀκίνδυνα κέρδη διώκοντας, ὧν οὐδὲ κωλυόμενοι ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους ἀποστήσεσθαι ἔμελλον, ἐμπλῆσαι πολέμου λῃστρικοῦ τὴν ὅμορον.
[2] But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a plan of the following sort: he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the constraint of fear.
[3] τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔπραττε κατὰ λογισμὸν οὐκ ἀπεικότα, ὡς τὸ ἔργον ἐμαρτύρησε. Ῥωμαίους μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαι τὰς ἁρπαγὰς ὑπελάμβανεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα χωρή- σειν, αὑτῷ δ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἔσεσθαι κατηγορεῖν αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ὡς ἀρχόντων πολέμου, Ἀλβανῶν δὲ τοὺς πλείστους φθονοῦντας τοῖς ἀποίκοις τῆς εὐτυ- χίας δέξεσθαι τὰς διαβολὰς ἀσμένους καὶ τὸν κατ᾽
[3] In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just what happened.
[4] αὐτῶν πόλεμον ἐξοίσειν, ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη. ἀγόντων γὰρ καὶ φερόντων ἀλλήλους τῶν κακουργοτάτων ἐξ ἑκατέρας πόλεως καὶ στρατιᾶς ποτε Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἐμβα- λούσης εἰς τὴν Ἀλβανῶν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς πολλοὶ τῶν λῃστῶν οἱ μὲν ἀνῃρέθησαν, οἱ δὲ συνελήφθησαν, συγκαλέ- σας τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ὁ Κλοίλιος, ἐν ᾗ πολλὴν ἐποιήσατο τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατηγορίαν, τραυματίας τε συχνοὺς ἐπιδεικνύμενος καὶ τοὺς προσήκοντας τοῖς ἡρπασμένοις ἢ τεθνηκόσι παράγων καὶ πλείω τῶν γεγονότων ἐπικαταψευδόμενος, πρεσβείαν πέμπειν πρῶτον ἐψηφίσατο δίκας αἰτήσουσαν τῶν γεγονότων: ἐὰν δὲ ἀγνωμονῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι τότε τὸν πόλεμον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκφέρειν.
[4] For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them.
[1] ἀφικομένων δὲ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν εἰς Ῥώμην ὑποπτεύσας ὁ Τύλλος, ὅτι δίκας αἰτήσοντες ἥκοιεν, [p. 272] αὐτὸς τοῦτο ποιῆσαι πρότερος ἔγνω περιστῆσαι βουλόμενος εἰς ἐκείνους τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ λύειν τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀποικίαν συγκείμενα. συνθῆκαι γὰρ ἦσαν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐπὶ Ῥωμύλου γενόμεναι τά τε ἄλλα ἔχουσαι δίκαια καὶ ἵνα μηδετέρα πολέμου ἄρχῃ: ἡ δ᾽ ἐγκαλοῦσα ὅ τι δή ποτε ἀδίκημα δίκας αἰτοῖ παρὰ τῆς ἀδικούσης, εἰ δὲ μὴ τυγχάνοι τότε τὸν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐπιφέροι πόλεμον, ὡς λελυμένων ἤδη τῶν σπονδῶν.
[3.1] Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the treaty being looked upon as already broken.
[2] φυλαττόμενος δὲ τὸ μὴ προτέρους αἰτηθέντας δίκας Ῥωμαίους ἀντειπεῖν, ἔπειτα ὑπαιτίους Ἀλβανοῖς γενέσθαι, προσέταξε τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων τοὺς Ἀλβανῶν πρέσβεις ξενίζειν ἁπάσῃ φιλοφροσύνῃ καὶ κατέχειν ἔνδον παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς: αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐν ἀσχολίαις εἶναι τισὶν ἀναγκαίοις σκηψάμενος διεκρούσατο
[2] Tullius, therefore, taking care that the Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary business, put off their audience.
[3] τὴν πρόσοδον αὐτῶν. τῇ δ᾽ ἔγγιστα νυκτὶ Ῥωμαίων ἄνδρας ἐπιφανεῖς ἐντειλάμενος αὐτοῖς ἃ χρὴ πράττειν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς Ἄλβαν ἅμα τοῖς εἰρηνοδίκαις αἰτήσοντας ὑπὲρ ὧν ἠδίκηντο Ῥωμαῖοι δίκας παρ᾽ Ἀλβανῶν λαβεῖν, οἳ πρὶν ἥλιον ἀνίσχειν διανύσαντες τὴν ὁδὸν πληθυούσης τῆς ἑωθινῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐντυγχάνουσι τῷ Κλοιλίῳ κατ᾽ ἀγορὰν ὄντι καὶ διεξιόντες ὅσα ἠδίκηντο Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς Ἀλβανῶν ἠξίουν πράττειν τὰ συγκείμενα ταῖς πόλεσιν.
[3] The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the fetiales, to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between the cities.
[4] ὁ δὲ Κλοίλιος, ὡς Ἀλβανῶν προτέρων ἀπεσταλκότων εἰς Ῥώμην τοὺς αἰτήσοντας δίκας καὶ μηδὲ ἀποκρίσεως [p. 273] ἠξιωμένων, ἀπιέναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν ως παραβεβηκότας τὰς ὁμολογίας καὶ προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς τὸν πόλεμον. ἀπαλλαττόμενος δὲ ὁ τῆς πρεσβείας ἡγεμὼν τοῦτ᾽ ἠξίωσεν ἀκοῦσαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μόνον, εἰ παραβαίνειν τὰς σπονδὰς ὁμολογεῖ τοὺς προτέρους αἰτηθέντας δίκας καὶ μηδὲν ὑπομείναντας ποιεῖν τῶν ὁσίων.
[4] But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation.
[5] ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κλοιλίου, μαρτύρομαι τοίνυν, ἔφη, τοὺς θεούς, οὓς ἐποιησάμεθα τῶν σπονδῶν μάρτυρας, ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις οὐ τυχοῦσι τῶν δικαίων προτέροις ὅσιος ὁ κατὰ τῶν παραβάντων τὰς σπονδὰς πόλεμος ἔσται, οἱ δὲ πεφευγότες τοῦτο τὸ δίκαιον ὑμεῖς ἐστε, ὡς αὐτὰ τὰ ἔργα δηλοῖ. πρότεροί τε γὰρ αἰτηθέντες τὸ δίκαιον οὐχ ὑπέσχετε καὶ πρότερον τὸν πόλεμον ἡμῖν προειρήκατε. τοιγάρτοι τοὺς ἀμυνουμένους ὑμᾶς προσδέχεσθε μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων οὐκ εἰς μακράν.
[5] And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: “Well, then, I call the gods, whom we made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance to come upon you ere long with the sword.”
[6] ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀφικομένων εἰς Ῥώμην ἀκούσας ὁ Τύλλος, τότε τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς προσάγειν ἐκέλευσε καὶ περὶ ὧν ἥκουσι λέγειν. ἀπαγγειλάντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὅσα προσέταξεν ὁ Κλοίλιος καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἀπειλούντων εἰ μὴ τεύξονται τῆς δίκης, Ἐγὼ πρότερος ὑμῶν, ἔφη, τοῦτο πεποίηκα καὶ μηδὲν εὑρόμενος ὧν ἐκέλευον αἱ συνθῆκαι... φαίνονται παρ᾽ ὑμῶν προτέρων αὗται λελυμέναι τε καὶ μηδενὸς λόγου ἠξιωμέναι: ὅθεν δὴ τὸν ἀναγκαῖόν τε καὶ δίκαιον Ἀλβανοῖς παραγγέλλω πόλεμον.
[6] Tullius, having learned of all this from the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not obtain satisfaction, he replied: “I have anticipated you in doing this, and having obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I declare against the Albans the war that is both necessary and just.”
[1] μετὰ δὲ τὰς προφάσεις ταύτας παρεσκευάζοντο [p. 274] ἀμφότεροι τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ μόνον τὰς οἰκείας καθοπλίζοντες δυνάμεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ἐπικαλούμενοι: ὡς δὲ πάντα ἦν αὐτοῖς εὐτρεπῆ συνῄεσαν ὁμόσε καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύονται τετταράκοντα τῆς Ῥώμης σταδίους ἀποσχόντες: οἱ μὲν Ἀλβανοὶ περὶ τὰς καλουμένας Κλοιλίας τάφρους ῾φυλάττουσι γὰρ ἔτι τὴν τοῦ κατασκευάσαντος αὐτὰς ἐπίκλησιν᾽ Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ὀλίγον ἐνδοτέρω τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον εἰς στρατοπεδείαν τόπον ἐκλεξάμενοι.
[4.1] After these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches, as they are called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the Romans a little farther inside, having chosen the most convenient place for their camp.
[2] ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεῖδον ἀλλήλων ἀμφότεροι τὰς δυνάμεις οὔτε πλήθει λειπομένας οὔτε ὁπλισμοῖς εὐτελεῖς οὔτε ταῖς ἄλλαις παρασκευαῖς οὔσας εὐκαταφρονήτους, τῆς μὲν ταχείας ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ὁρμῆς, ἣν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς εἶχον ὡς αὐτῇ ἐφόδῳ τρεψόμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀπέστησαν: φυλακῆς δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ προεπιχειρήσεως πρόνοιαν ἐλάμβανον ὑψηλοτέρους ἐγείροντες τοὺς χάρακας, εἰσῄει τε αὐτῶν τοῖς χαριεστάτοις λογισμὸς ὡς οὐ τὰ κράτιστα βουλευομένοις, καὶ κατάμεμψις τῶν ἐν τέλει.
[2] When the two armies saw each other’s forces neither inferior in numbers nor poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit of faultfinding against those in authority.
[3] ἑλκομένου δὲ τοῦ χρόνου διὰ κενῆς ῾οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι καὶ λόγου ἄξιον εἴτε καταδρομαῖς ψιλῶν ἢ συμπλοκαῖς ἱππέων ἔβλαπτον ἀλλήλουσ᾽ ὁ τοῦ πολέμου δόξας αἴτιος γενονέναι Κλοίλιος ἀχθόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπράκτῳ καθέδρᾳ γνώμην ἔσχεν ἐξάγειν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ προκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς μάχην, ἐὰν [p. 275] δὲ μὴ ὑπακούσωσι προσβάλλειν αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ ἐρύματα.
[3] And as the time dragged on in vain (for they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their entrenchments.
[4] παρασκευασάμενος δὲ τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα καί, εἰ δεήσει τειχομαχίας, ὅσα τῷ τοιούτῳ πρόσφορα ἔργῳ μηχανησάμενος, ἐπεὶ νὺξ ἐγένετο καθεύδων ἐν τῇ στρατηγικῇ σκηνῇ παρούσης αὐτῷ τῆς εἰωθυίας φυλακῆς περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον εὑρίσκεται νεκρός, οὔτε σφαγῆς οὔτε ἀγχόνης οὔτε φαρμάκων οὔτε ἄλλης βιαίου συμφορᾶς σημεῖον ἐπὶ τοῦ σώματος οὐδὲν ἔχων.
[4] And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy’s ramparts, in case that should prove necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general’s tent, attended by his usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death.
[1] παραδόξου δὲ τοῦ πάθους ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἅπασι φαινομένου καὶ ζητουμένης τῆς αἰτίας ῾οὐδὲ γὰρ νόσον προηγησαμένην εἶχέ τις αἰτιάσασθαἰ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν θείαν πρόνοιαν ἁπάσας τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας ἀναφέροντες τύχας κατὰ χόλον δαιμόνιον ἔλεγον αὐτὸν ἀποθανεῖν, ὅτι πόλεμον ἐξέκαυσε τῇ μητροπόλει πρὸς τὴν ἀπόκτισιν οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτε ἀναγκαῖον: οἱ δὲ χρηματισμὸν ἡγούμενοι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ μεγάλων ἀπεστερῆσθαι νομίζοντες ὠφελειῶν εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ φθόνον ἀνθρώπινον τὸ ἔργον μετέφερον αἰτιώμενοι τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων τινὰς ἀφανῆ καὶ δυσεξέλεγκτα ἐξευρόντας φάρμακα διὰ τούτων τὸν ἄνδρα ἀνῃρηκέναι:
[5.1] This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into — for no preceding illness could be alleged — those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and untraceable poisons that they had discovered.
[2] οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ λύπης τε καὶ ἀμηχανίας κρατούμενον ἑκουσίῳ χρήσασθαι τελευτῇ αὐτὸν ἔφασαν, ἐπειδὴ πάντα χαλεπὰ καὶ ἄπορα συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐχώρει κατὰ νοῦν τῶν ἐν ἀρχαῖς, ὅτε εἰς τὰ πράγματα εἰσῄει, προσδοκηθέντων: τοῖς δ᾽ ἐκτὸς οὖσι φιλίας τε καὶ ἔχθρας τῆς πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν [p. 276] καὶ ἀπὸ παντὸς τοῦ βελτίστου κρίνουσι τὸ συμβεβηκὸς οὔτε ἡ θεία νέμεσις οὔτε ὁ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων φθόνος οὔθ᾽ ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπόγνωσις ἀνῃρηκέναι τὸν ἄνδρα ἐδόκει, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῆς φύσεως ἀνάγκη καὶ τὸ χρεὼν ὡς ἐκπεπληρωκότα τὴν ὀφειλομένην μοῖραν, ἧς ἅπασι τοῖς γινομένοις πέπρωται τυχεῖν.
[2] Still others alleged that, being overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather Nature’s stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is marked out for everyone that is born.
[3] Κλοίλιος μὲν δὴ πρὶν ἢ γενναῖον ἀποδείξασθαί τι τοιαύτης τελευτῆς ἔτυχεν, εἰς δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου τόπον ἀποδείκνυται στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου Μέττιος Φουφέττιος, ἀνὴρ οὔτε πολέμου ἡγεμὼν ἱκανὸς οὔτε εἰρήνης βέβαιος φύλαξ, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἧττον Ἀλβανῶν πρόθυμος ὢν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς διαστῆσαι τὰς πόλεις καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἀρχῆς μετὰ τὸν Κλοιλίου θάνατον ἀξιωθείς, ἐπειδὴ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἔτυχε καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι δυσχερῆ καὶ ἄπορα συνεῖδεν, οὐκέτι διέμεινεν ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς βουλεύμασιν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἀναβολὰς καὶ διατριβὰς ἄγειν ἠξίου τὰ πράγματα ὁρῶν οὔτε τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς ἅπαντας ὁμοίαν ἔχοντας ἔτι προθυμίαν πρὸς πόλεμον οὔτε τὰ σφάγια ὁπότε θύοιτο περὶ μάχης καλὰ γινόμενα:
[3] Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power; he was a man without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, though he had been at first as zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable.
[4] τελευτῶν δὲ καὶ εἰς καταλλαγὰς ἔγνω προκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους πρότερος ἐπικηρυκευσάμενος, μαθὼν τὸν ἐπικρεμάμενον ἔξωθεν Ἀλβανοῖς τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις κίνδυνον, εἰ μὴ σπείσονται τὸν πρὸς ἀλλήλους πόλεμον, ἀφύλακτον ὄντα, ὃς ἔμελλεν ἀμφοτέρας ἀναρπάσασθαι τὰς δυνάμεις. ἦν δὲ τοιός2δε: [p. 277]
[4] And at last he even determined to invite the enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both armies. The danger was this:
[1] Οὐιεντανοὶ καὶ Φιδηναῖοι μεγάλας καὶ πολυανθρώπους ἔχοντες πόλεις ἐπὶ μὲν τῆς Ῥωμύλου βασιλείας εἰς πόλεμον ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας Ῥωμαίοις κατέστησαν, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰς ἀπολέσαντες δυνάμεις ἀμφότεροι καὶ χώρας ἀποδασμῷ ζημιωθέντες ὑπήκοοι τοῖς κεκρατηκόσιν ἠναγκάσθησαν γενέσθαι. περὶ ὧν ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης δεδήλωκα γραφῇ τὸ ἀκριβές: ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Νόμα Πομπιλίου δυναστείας εἰρήνης ἀπολαύσαντες βεβαίου πολλὴν ἔσχον ἐπίδοσιν εἰς εὐανδρίαν τε καὶ πλοῦτον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην εὐδαιμονίαν. τούτοις δὴ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἐπαρθέντες ἐλευθερίας τε αὖθις ὠρέγοντο καὶ φρόνημα ἐλάμβανον ὑψηλότερον παρασκευάζοντό τε ὡς οὐκέτι Ῥωμαίων ἀκροώμενοι.
[6.1] The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; concerning which I have given a precise account in the preceding Book. But having enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer.
[2] τέως μὲν οὖν ἄδηλος αὐτῶν ἡ διάνοια τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἦν, ἐν δὲ τῷ πρὸς Ἀλβανοὺς ἐφανερώθη πολέμῳ. ὡς γὰρ ἐπύθοντο πανστρατιᾷ Ῥωμαίους ἐξεληλυθότας ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀλβανοὺς ἀγῶνα, κράτιστον ὑπολαβόντες εἰληφέναι καιρὸν ἐπιθέσεως ἀπορρήτους ἐποιήσαντο διὰ τῶν δυνατωτάτων ἀνδρῶν συνωμοσίας ἅπαντας τοὺς ὁπλοφορεῖν δυναμένους εἰς Φιδήνην συνελθεῖν κρύφα καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἰόντας, ὡς ἂν ἥκιστα γένοιντο τοῖς ἐπιβουλευομένοις καταφανεῖς:
[2] For a time, indeed, their intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should assemble in Fidenae, going secretly, a few at a time, so as to escape as far as possible the notice of those against whom the plot was aimed,
[3] ἐκεῖ δ᾽ ὑπομένοντας ἐκδέχεσθαι τὸν καιρόν, ὅτε αἱ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν δυνάμεις ἐκλιποῦσαι τοὺς χάρακας ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα προελεύσονται, ῾τοῦτον δὲ φανερὸν ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔμελλον διὰ συμβόλων σκοποί [p. 278] τινες ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι λοχῶντεσ᾽ ὅταν δὲ ἀρθῇ τὰ σημεῖα λαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα χωρεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔδει πάντας κατὰ τάχος, ῾ἦν δὲ οὐ πολλὴ ἡ ἐπὶ τοὺς χάρακας ἀπὸ Φιδήνης φέρουσα ὁδός, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον ἢ δυσὶν ὥραις ἢ τρισὶν ἀνυσθῆναι τὸ μακρότατον᾽ ἐπιφανέντας δὲ τῷ ἀγῶνι τέλος ἤδη ἔχοντι ὥσπερ εἰκὸς μηδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι φίλιον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν τε Ἀλβανοὶ νικῶσιν ἐάν τε Ῥωμαῖοι κτείνειν τοὺς κεκρατηκότας αὐτῶν. ταῦτα ἦν ἃ διέγνωστο πράττειν τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν πόλεων.
[3] and should remain there awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants (the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined.
[4] εἰ μὲν οὖν θρασύτερον ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ὥρμησαν Ἀλβανοὶ Ῥωμαίων καταφρονήσαντες καὶ μιᾷ κρῖναι μάχῃ τὰ ὅλα διέγνωσαν, οὐθὲν ἂν τὸ κωλῦον ἦν τόν τε κατασκευασθέντα δόλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λεληθέναι καὶ διεφθάρθαι τὰ στρατεύματα αὐτῶν ἀμφότερα: νῦν δὲ ἡ διατριβὴ τοῦ πολέμου παράδοξος ἅπασι γενομένη καὶ ὁ χρόνος ἐν ᾧ παρεσκευάζοντο πολὺς ἐφελκυσθεὶς διέχεεν αὐτῶν τὰ βουλεύματα. τῶν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς συνωμοσίας τινές, εἴτε οἰκεῖα κέρδη περιβαλέσθαι ζητοῦντες εἴτε τοῖς κορυφαιοτάτοις τῶν σφετέρων καὶ τὸ ἔργον εἰσηγησαμένοις φθονοῦντες εἴτε μήνυσιν ἑτέρων δεδιότες, ὅ τι πολλοῖς συνέβη παθεῖν ἐν ταῖς πολυανθρώποις καὶ χρονιζομέναις συνωμοσίαις, εἴτε ὑπὸ θείας ἀναγκαζόμενοι γνώμης οὐκ ἀξιούσης ἔργον ἀνόσιον εἰς εὐτυχὲς κατασκῆψαι τέλος μηνυταὶ γίνονται τοῖς πολεμίοις τοῦ δόλου. [p. 279]
[4] If, therefore, the Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in making their preparations were bringing their foes’ plans to nought. For some of the conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others might lay information — a thing which has often happened in conspiracies where there are many accomplices and the execution is long delayed — or being compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery.
[1] ταῦτα δὴ μαθὼν ὁ Φουφέττιος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔσπευσε ποιήσασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις, ὡς οὐδὲ αἱρέσεως ἔτι τοῦ μὴ ταῦτα πράττειν σφίσι καταλειπομένης. ἐγεγόνει δὲ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τῆς συνωμοσίας ταύτης ἡ μήνυσις παρὰ τῶν ἐκ Φιδήνης φίλων, ὥστ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἔτι διαμελλήσας δέχεται τὰς τοῦ Φουφεττίου προκλήσεις. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνῆλθον εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τῶν στρατοπέδων χωρίον ἐπαγόμενοι συμβούλους ἑκάτεροι τοὺς φρονῆσαι τὰ δέοντα ἱκανούς, ἀσπασάμενοι πρῶτον ἀλλήλους ὡς πρότερον εἰώθεσαν καὶ φιλοφρονηθέντες τὰς ἑταιρικάς τε καὶ συγγενικὰς φιλοφροσύνας διελέγοντο περὶ τῶν διαλύσεων.
[7.1] Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation.
[2] ἤρχετο δ᾽ ὁ Ἀλβανὸς πρότερος τοιάδε λέγων: ἀναγκαῖον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ τὰς αἰτίας πρῶτον ἐπιδεῖξαι, δἰ ὰς ἐγὼ πρῶτος ἠξίωσα περὶ καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου διαλέγεσθαι, οὔτε μάχῃ κρατηθεὶς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν οὔτ᾽ ἐπισιτισμοὺς εἰσάγεσθαι κωλυόμενος οὔτε εἰς ἄλλην κατακεκλεισμένος ἀνάγκην οὐδεμίαν, ἵνα μή με ὑπολάβητε τῆς μὲν οἰκείας δυνάμεως ἀσθένειαν κατεγνωκότα, τὴν δὲ ὑμετέραν ἰσχὺν δυσκαταγώνιστον εἶναι νομίζοντα εὐπρεπῆ ζητεῖν ἀπαλλαγὴν τοῦ πολέμου. ἀφόρητοι γὰρ ἂν γένοισθε ὑπὸ βαρύτητος, εἴ τι πεισθείητε περὶ ἡμῶν τοιοῦτον, καὶ οὐθὲν ἂν τῶν μετρίων ὑπομείναιτε ποιεῖν, ὡς κρατοῦντες [p. 280]
[2] And first the Alban leader began as follows:
“It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I have determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, and, as if you were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything reasonable.
[3] ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ. ἵνα δὴ μὴ τὰς ψευδεῖς αἰτίας εἰκάζητε περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς προαιρέσεως, δι᾽ ἃς ἀξιῶ καταλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἀκούσατε τὰς ἀληθεῖς: ἐγὼ στρατηγὸς ἀποδειχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοκράτωρ ἅμα τῷ παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐσκόπουν τίνες ἦσαν αἱ συνταράξασαι τὰς πόλεις ἡμῶν προφάσεις. ὁρῶν δὲ μικρὰς καὶ φαύλας καὶ οὐχ ἱκανὰς διελεῖν τοσαύτην φιλίαν καὶ συγγένειαν οὐ τὰ κράτιστα ἡγούμην οὔτε Ἀλβανοὺς οὔτε ὑμᾶς βουλεύσασθαι.
[3] In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed me general with absolute power, as soon as I took over the command I considered what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and kinship, I concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by the best counsels.
[4] ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἔγνων τοῦτο καὶ πολλὴν κατέγνων ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν μανίαν, ἐπειδὴ παρῆλθον ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα καὶ πεῖραν ἐλάμβανον τῆς ἑκάστου προαιρέσεως. οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς συλλόγοις ὁμονοοῦντας ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολέμου πάντας Ἀλβανοὺς ἑώρων, μακρῷ δέ τινι τῶν ἐξ ἀνθρωπίνου λογισμοῦ καταλαμβανομένων χαλεπῶν τὰ δαιμόνια σημεῖα, ὁπότε χρησαίμην σφαγίοις περὶ μάχης, χαλεπώτερα γινόμενα πολλὴν δυσθυμίαν παρεῖχέ μοι καὶ ἀμηχανίαν.
[4] And I was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great madness that we both have shown, an once I had taken hold of affairs and began to sound out each man’s private opinion. For I found that the Albans neither in their private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I consulted the victims concerning battle, presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, caused me great dismay and anxiety.
[5] ἐνθυμούμενος δὴ ταῦτα τῆς μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ὁρμῆς ἐπέσχον, ἀναβολὰς δὲ καὶ διατριβὰς ἐποιούμην τοῦ πολέμου προτέρους ὑμᾶς οἰόμενος ἄρξειν τῶν περὶ φιλίας λόγων: καὶ ἔδει γε, ὦ Τύλλε, τοῦτο ποιεῖν ὑμᾶς ἀποίκους ὄντας ἡμῶν καὶ μὴ περιμένειν ἕως ἡ μητρόπολις ἄρξῃ. ὅσης γὰρ ἀξιοῦσι τιμῆς τυγχάνειν οἱ πατέρες παρὰ τῶν ἐκγόνων, τοσαύτης οἱ κτίσαντες τὰς πόλεις παρὰ τῶν ἀποίκων.
[5] In view, therefore, of these considerations, I restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children.
[6] ἐν ᾧ δὲ ἡμεῖς ἐμέλλομεν καὶ παρετηροῦμεν ἀλλήλους, [p. 281] πότεροι τῶν εὐγνωμόνων ἄρξουσι λόγων, ἑτέρα τις ἡμᾶς ἀνάγκη κρείττων ἅπαντος ἀνθρωπίνου λογισμοῦ περιλαβοῦσα συνάγει: ἣν ἐγὼ πυθόμενος ἔτι λανθάνουσαν ὑμᾶς οὐκέτ᾽ ᾠόμην δεῖν τῆς εὐπρεπείας τῶν διαλλαγῶν στοχάζεσθαι. δειναὶ γὰρ, ὦ Τύλλε, μηχαναὶ πλέκονται καθ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ δόλος ἄφυκτος ἔρραπται κατ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων, ὃς ἔμελλεν ἀκονιτὶ καὶ δίχα πόνου πάντα συντρίψειν καὶ διαφθερεῖν ἡμῶν τὰ
[6] But while we have been delaying and watching each other, to see which side should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since I learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I felt that I ought no longer to aim at appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a conflagration or a flood.
[7] πράγματα πυρὸς ἢ ποταμοῦ δίκην ἐμπεσών. δημιουργοὶ δὲ τῶν ἀνοσίων βουλευμάτων εἰσὶν οἱ δυνατώτατοι Φιδηναίων τε καὶ Οὐιεντανῶν συνελθόντες. ὅστις δὲ ὁ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτῶν τρόπος ἦν καὶ πόθεν εἰς ἐμὲ ἡ τῶν ἀπορρήτων βουλευμάτων γνῶσις ἐλήλυθεν ἀκούσατε.
[7] The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me.”
[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν δίδωσι τῶν παρόντων τινὶ ἀναγνῶναι τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἃς αὐτῷ κεκομικώς τις ἐτύγχανε παρὰ τῶν ἐν Φιδήνῃ ξένων καὶ τὸν κομίσαντα αὐτὰς παρήγαγεν. ἀναγνωσθεισῶν δὲ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐξηγησαμένου πάντα ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἐπιτιθεμένων αὐτὰς ἀπὸ στόματος ἤκουσεν ἐκπλήξεώς τε μεγάλης κατασχούσης τοὺς ἀκούοντας, οἷα εἰκὸς ἐπὶ τηλικούτῳ κακῷ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀκουσθέντι, μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν ὁ Φουφέττιος πάλιν ἔλεξεν:
[8.1] With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued:
[2] ἀκηκόατε τὰς αἰτίας, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, δι᾽ ἃς ἐγὼ τέως μὲν ἀνεβαλλόμην τοὺς πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀγῶνας, νῦν [p. 282] δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ φιλίας ἠξίωσα πρότερος ἄρχειν λόγων. ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ἤδη σκοπεῖσθε, πότερον οἴεσθε δεῖν περὶ βοιδίων καὶ προβατίων ἁρπαγῆς ἄσπειστον πόλεμον φυλάττειν πρὸς τοὺς κτίσαντας καὶ πατέρας, ἐν ᾧ καὶ κρατηθέντες ἀπολεῖσθε καὶ κρατήσαντες, ἢ διαλυσάμενοι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἔχθραν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς κοινοὺς ἐχθροὺς χωρεῖν, οἵ γε οὐ μόνον ἀπόστασιν ἐβούλευσαν ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπανάστασιν, οὔτε πεπονθότες οὐδὲν δεινὸν οὔτε μὴ πάθωσι δεδιότες, καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἐπέθεντο ἡμῖν, ὡς ὁ κοινὸς ἀξιοῖ τοῦ πολέμου νόμος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ σκότους, ὡς ἂν ἥκιστα ὑπίδοιτό τις αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ φυλάξαιτο.
[2] You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I have thus far been postponing armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures concerning peace. After this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted not only to revolt from you but also to attack you — although they have neither suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any — and, what is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and guarded against.
[3] ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅτι μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνοσίους ἀνθρώπους ἰτέον ἡμῖν ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ καταλυσαμένοις τὰ ἔχθη ῾μανίας γὰρ θάτερα ἀξιοῦν᾽ ὡς ἐγνωκόσιν ὑμῖν καὶ ποιήσουσιν οὐδὲν δέομαι πλείω λέγειν καὶ παρακελεύεσθαι. ὃν δὲ τρόπον αἱ διαλύσεις καλαὶ καὶ συμφέρουσαι γένοιντ᾽ ἂν ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς πόλεσι ῾τοῦτο γὰρ ἴσως ποθεῖτε ἀκοῦσαι πάλαἰ νῦν ἤδη πειράσομαι λέγειν.
[3] But I need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) I shall now endeavour to explain.
[4] ἐγὼ νομίζω κρατίστας μὲν εἶναι διαλλαγὰς καὶ πρεπωδεστάτας συγγενέσι καὶ φίλοις πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἐν αἷς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἔγκοτον οὐδὲ μνησίκακον ἀφέσεως ἅπασι πρὸς ἅπαντας ὑπὲρ ὧν ἔδρασαν ἢ ἔπαθον ἀδόλου γινομένης, ἧττον δὲ τούτων εὐπρεπεῖς, ἐν αἷς τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἀπολύεται τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, οἱ δὲ ἀδικήσαντες ἀλλήλους [p. 283] ἀναγκάζονται δίκας ὑπέχειν λόγῳ κρινόμενοι καὶ νόμῳ.
[4] For my part, I hold that that mutual reconciliation is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to undergo such a trial as reason and law direct.
[5] τούτων δὴ τῶν διαλλαγῶν ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ χρῆναι τὰς εὐπρεπεστέρας καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτέρας ἡμᾶς ἑλέσθαι καὶ γνώμην θέσθαι περὶ μηδενὸς ἡμᾶς ἀλλήλοις μνησικακεῖν, σὺ δ᾽ εἰ μὴ βούλει διαλλάττεσθαι τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον, ὦ Τύλλε, ἀλλὰ καὶ διδόναι δίκας καὶ λαμβάνειν ἀξιοῖς τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἕτοιμοι καὶ ταῦτα ποιεῖν εἰσιν Ἀλβανοὶ τὰ κοινὰ ἔχθη προκαταλυσάμενοι. εἰ δέ τινας ἔχεις παρὰ ταύτας λέγειν ἑτέρας εἴτε καλλίους διαλλαγὰς εἴτε δικαιοτέρας, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις φέρων εἰς μέσον καὶ πολλήν σοι χάριν εἴσομαι.
[5] Of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and magnanimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it before us too soon, and for doing so I shall be greatly obliged to you.”
[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ Φουφεττίου παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔλεξε: καὶ ἡμεῖς, ὦ Φουφέττιε, βαρεῖαν ὑπελαμβάνομεν ἡμᾶς καταλήψεσθαι συμφοράν, εἰ δι᾽ αἵματος καὶ φόνων ἀναγκασθείημεν κρῖναι τὸν συγγενῆ πόλεμον, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν ὁπότε τὰ προπολέμια θύοιμεν ἐκωλυόμεθα ἄρχειν μάχης: τάς τε ἀπορρήτους Φιδηναίων καὶ Οὐιεντανῶν συνωμοσίας, ἃς ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις ἡμῖν συνώμοσαν, ὀλίγῳ πρότερον σοῦ πεπύσμεθα παρὰ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ξένων καὶ οὐκ ἀφύλακτοι πρὸς αὐτάς ἐσμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς παθεῖν τε μηδὲν αὐτοὶ κακὸν κἀκείνους τιμωρήσασθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀξίως παρεσκευάσμεθα, οὐχ ἧττόν τε σοῦ καταλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἀμαχητὶ μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐβουλόμεθα.
[9.1] After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said:
“We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;
[2] πρότεροι δὲ πρεσβεύεσθαι περὶ διαλλαγῶν [p. 284] οὐκ ἠξιοῦμεν, ἐπείπερ οὐδ᾽ ἤρξαμεν αὐτοὶ πρότεροι τοῦ πολέμου, ἄρξαντας δὲ ἠμυνάμεθα. ἀποτιθεμένων δὲ ὑμῶν τὰ ὅπλα δεχόμεθα τὰς προκλήσεις ἄσμενοι καὶ περὶ διαλλαγῶν οὐδὲν ἀκριβολογούμεθα, ἀλλὰ τὰς κρατίστας τε καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτας δεχόμεθα πᾶν ἀδίκημα καὶ πᾶν ἁμάρτημα τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως ἀφιέντες, εἰ δὴ καὶ κοινὰ χρὴ καλεῖν πόλεως ἁμαρτήματα, ὧν ὁ στρατηγὸς ὑμῶν Κλοίλιος αἴτιος ἦν, ὃς ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν οὐ μεμπτὰς τέτικε δίκας τοῖς θεοῖς.
[2] yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magnanimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba — if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both.
[3] ἀφείσθω δὴ πᾶσα ἐγκλήματος ἰδίου τε καὶ κοινοῦ πρόφασις καὶ μηδενὸς ἔτι μνήμη τῶν παρεληλυθότων ἔστω κακῶν, ὡς καὶ σοί, ὦ Φουφέττιε, δοκεῖ: ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπόχρη τοῦτο μόνον ἡμᾶς σκοπεῖν, ὅπως ἂν τὴν παροῦσαν ἔχθραν διαλυσαίμεθα πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως μηδ᾽ αὖθίς ποτε πολεμήσομεν ἔτι δεῖ παρασκευάσασθαι: οὐ γὰρ ἀναβολὰς ποιησόμενοι τῶν κακῶν συνεληλύθαμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπαλλαγάς. τίς οὖν ἡ βεβαία τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσις ἔσται καὶ τί παρασχόντες εἰς τὰ πράγματα ἑκάτεροι νῦν τε καὶ εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον ἐσόμεθα φίλοι, σὺ μὲν παρέλιπες, ὦ Φουφέττιε, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσθεῖναι πειράσομαι.
[3] Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain — even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also.
[4] εἰ παύσαιντο μὲν Ἀλβανοὶ φθονοῦντες Ῥωμαίοις ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἀγαθοῖς, οὐκ ἄνευ μεγάλων κινδύνων καὶ πόνων πολλῶν αὐτὰ κτησάμενοι, ῾οὐθὲν γοῦν πεπονθότες ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτε ἔλαττον κακὸν διὰ τοῦτο μισεῖτε ἡμᾶς, ὅτι [p. 285] δοκοῦμεν ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πράττειν᾽ παύσαιντο δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δἰ ὑποψίας ἔχοντες Ἀλβανοὺς ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοντας ἀεί σφισι καὶ φυλαττόμενοι καθάπερ ἐχθρούς: οὐ γὰρ ἂν γένοιτο βεβαίως φίλος τῷ μισοῦντι οὐδείς.
[4] If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him).
[5] πῶς οὖν γενήσεται τούτων ἑκάτερον; οὐκ ἐὰν γράψωμεν αὐτὰ ἐν ταῖς ὁμολογίαις οὐδ᾽ ἐὰν ὀμόσωμεν ἀμφότεροι καθ᾽ ἱερῶν, ῾μικραὶ γὰρ αὗταί γε αἱ φυλακαὶ καὶ ἀσθενεῖσ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν κοινὰς ἡγησώμεθα τὰς ἀλλήλων τύχας. ἓν γάρ ἐστι μόνον, ὦ Φουφέττιε, λύπης ἀνθρωπίνης ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίοις ἀγαθοῖς γινομένης ἄκος, τὸ μηκέτι τοὺς φθονοῦντας ἀλλότρια τὰ τῶν φθονουμένων ἀγαθὰ ἡγεῖσθαι.
[5] How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims — for these are small and weak assurances — but by looking upon each other’s fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own.
[6] ἵνα δὴ τοῦτο γένηται, Ῥωμαίους μὲν οἶμαι δεῖν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν Ἀλβανοῖς θεῖναι πάντα ὅσα τε νῦν ἔχουσι καὶ αὖθις ἕξουσιν ἀγαθά, Ἀλβανοὺς δὲ ἀγαπητῶς τὰ διδόμενα δέχεσθαι καὶ γενέσθαι μάλιστα μὲν ἅπαντας ὑμᾶς, εἰ δὲ μή γε τοὺς πλείστους τε καὶ ἀρίστους ὑμῶν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως οἰκήτορας. οὐ γὰρ δὴ Σαβίνοις μὲν καὶ Τυρρηνοῖς καλῶς εἶχεν ἐκλιποῦσι τὰς ἑαυτῶν πόλεις μεταθέσθαι τοὺς βίους ὡς ἡμᾶς, ὑμῖν δὲ ἄρα τοῖς συγγενεστάτοις τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο γενόμενον οὐχ ἕξει καλῶς;
[6] In order to accomplish this, I think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully the accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?
[7] εἰ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιώσετε μίαν οἰκεῖν πόλιν τὴν ἡμετέραν μεγάλην τε οὖσαν ἤδη καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐσομένην, ἀλλὰ φιλοχωρήσετε τοῖς πατρῴοις ἐφεστίοις, ἐκεῖνό γέ τοι ποιήσατε: βουλευτήριον ἓν ἀποδείξατε, ὃ τὰ συμφέροντα ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρας βουλεύσει πόλεως, [p. 286] καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀπόδοτε μιᾷ τῇ κρείττονι πόλει καὶ πλείονα δυναμένῃ ποιεῖν ἀγαθὰ τὴν ἥττονα. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἀξιῶ καὶ τούτων γενομένων τόθ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι βεβαίως ἡμᾶς ἔσεσθαι φίλους, δύο δὲ πόλεις οἰκοῦντας ἰσοκορύφους ὥσπερ νῦν οὐδέποτε ὁμονοήσειν.
[7] If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services to the weaker. This is what I recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us.”
[1] ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ Φουφέττιος χρόνον εἰς βουλὴν ᾐτήσατο, καὶ μεταστὰς ἐκ τοῦ συλλόγου μετὰ τῶν παρόντων Ἀλβανῶν εἰ χρὴ δέχεσθαι τὰς αἱρέσεις ἐσκόπει. ὡς δὲ τὰς ἁπάντων γνώμας ἔλαβεν, ἐπιστρέψας αὖθις εἰς τὸν σύλλογον ἔλεξεν: ἡμῖν μέν, ὦ Τύλλε, τὴν μὲν πατρίδα καταλιπεῖν οὐ δοκεῖ οὐδ᾽ ἐξερημοῦν ἱερὰ πατρῷα καὶ προγονικὰς ἑστίας καὶ τόπον, ὃν ἐγγὺς ἐτῶν πεντακοσίων οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν κατέσχον, καὶ ταῦτα μὴ πολέμου κατειληφότος ἡμᾶς μηδ᾽ ἄλλης θεοπέμπτου συμφορᾶς μηδεμιᾶς: ἓν δὲ καταστήσασθαι βουλευτήριον καὶ μίαν εἶναἰ
[10.1] Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned to the assembly and spoke as follows: “We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other.
[2] τὴν ἄρξουσαν τῆς ἑτέρας πόλιν οὐκ ἀπαρέσκει. γραφέσθω δὴ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, ει δοκεῖ, καὶ πᾶσα ἀναιρείσθω πολέμου πρόφασις. ὡς δὲ συνέβησαν ἐπὶ τούτοις, περὶ τῆς μελλούσης τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παραλήψεσθαι πόλεως διεφέροντο, καὶ πολλοὶ ἐλέχθησαν εἰς τοῦτο λόγοι παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων δικαιοῦντος ἑκατέρου τὴν αὑτοῦ πόλιν ἄρχειν τῆς ἑτέρας. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλβανὸς τοιαῦτα προίσχετο δίκαια:
[2] Let this article, then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be removed.”
These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other.
[3] ἡμεῖς, ὦ Τύλλε, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἄλλης ἄρχειν ἄξιοί ἐσμεν Ἰταλίας, ὅτι ἔθνος Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ μέγιστον [p. 287] τῶν κατοικούντων τήνδε τὴν γῆν ἐθνῶν παρεχόμεθα, τοῦ δὲ Λατίνων ἔθνους, εἰ καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν, ἡγεῖσθαι δικαιοῦμεν οὐκ ἄτερ αἰτίας, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸν κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων νόμον, ὃν ἡ φύσις ἔδωκεν ἅπασι, τῶν ἐκγόνων ἄρχειν τοὺς προγόνους. ὑπὲρ ἁπάσας δὲ τὰς ἄλλας ἀποικίας, αἷς μέχρι τοῦ παρόντος οὐδὲν ἐγκαλοῦμεν, τῆς ὑμετέρας οἰόμεθα δεῖν πόλεως ἄρχειν οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ τὴν ἀποικίαν εἰς αὐτὴν ἀπεσταλκότες, ὥστε ἐξίτηλον εἶναι ἤδη τὸ ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν γένος ὑπὸ χρόνου παλαιωθέν, ἀλλὰ τῇ τρίτῃ πρὸ ταύτης γενεᾷ. ἐὰν δὲ ἀναστρέψασα τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας δικαιώσεις ἡ φύσις τὰ νέα τάξῃ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἄρχειν καὶ τὰ ἔκγονα τῶν προγόνων, τότε καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνεξόμεθα τὴν μητρόπολιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀποικίας ἀρχομένην, πρότερον δὲ οὔ.
[3] The claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows:
“As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation of all that inhabit this country. But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before.
[4] ἓν μὲν δὴ τοῦτο τὸ δικαίωμα παρεχόμενοι τῆς ἀρχῆς οὐκ ἂν ἀποσταίημεν ὑμῖν ἑκόντες ἕτερον δὲ τοιόνδε: δέξασθε δὲ αὐτὸ μὴ ὡς ἐπὶ διαβολῇ καὶ ὀνειδισμῷ τῷ ὑμετέρῳ λεγόμενον, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἀναγκαίου ἕνεκα: ὅτι τὸ μὲν Ἀλβανῶν γένος οἷον ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν κτισάντων τὴν πόλιν, τοιοῦτον ἕως τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνων διαμένει, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔχοι τις ἐπιδεῖξαι φῦλον ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲν ἔξω τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ Λατίνων, ᾧ τῆς πολιτείας μεταδεδώκαμεν: ὑμεῖς δὲ τὴν [p. 288] ἀκρίβειαν τοῦ παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς πολιτεύματος διεφθάρκατε Τυρρηνούς τε ὑποδεξάμενοι καὶ Σαβίνους καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς ἀνεστίους καὶ πλάνητας καὶ βαρβάρους πάνυ πολλούς, ὥστε ὀλίγον τὸ γνήσιον ὑμῶν ἐστιν ὅσον ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν ὡρμήθη, μᾶλλον δὲ πολλοστὸν τοῦ
[4] This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument — and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity — is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race.
[5] ἐπεισάκτου τε καὶ ἀλλοφύλου. εἰ δὲ ἡμεῖς παραχωρήσαιμεν ὑμῖν τῆς ἀρχῆς, τὸ νόθον ἄρξει τοῦ γνησίου καὶ τὸ βάρβαρον τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ καὶ τὸ ἐπείσακτον τοῦ αὐθιγενοῦς. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν τοῦτο ἔχοιτε εἰπεῖν, ὅτι τὸν μὲν ἔπηλυν ὄχλον οὐδενὸς εἰάκατε εἶναι τῶν κοινῶν κύριον, ἄρχετε δ᾽ αὐτοὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ βουλεύετε οἱ αὐθιγενεῖς: ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῖς ἀποδείκνυτε ξένους, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς τὸ πλεῖστον ὑμῖν ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν ἐπηλύδων, ὧν οὐδὲν ἂν φήσαιτε ἑκόντες ὑπομένειν. τίς γὰρ ἑκουσίως ἄρχεται τῶν κρειττόνων ὑπὸ τοῦ χείρονος; πολλὴ δὴ μωρία καὶ κακότης, ἃ δι᾽ ἀνάγκην φαίητ᾽ ἂν ὑμεῖς ὑπομένειν,
[5] And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity.
[6] ταῦτα ἡμᾶς ἑκόντας δέχεσθαι. τελευταῖός μοι λόγος ἐστίν, ὅτι τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως οὐθὲν ἔτι παρακινεῖ μέρος τοῦ πολιτεύματος ὀκτωκαιδεκάτην ἤδη γενεὰν οἰκουμένης καὶ πάντα ἐν κόσμῳ τὰ συνήθη καὶ πάτρια ἐπιτελούσης, ἡ δ᾽ ὑμετέρα πόλις ἀδιακόσμητός ἐστιν ἔτι καὶ ἀδιάτακτος, ἅτε νεόκτιστος οὖσα καὶ ἐκ πολλῶν συμφορητὸς ἐθνῶν, ᾗ μακρῶν δεῖ χρόνων καὶ παθημάτων παντοδαπῶν, ἵνα καταρτισθῇ καὶ παύσηται ταραττομένη καὶ στασιάζουσα [p. 289] ὥσπερ νῦν. ἅπαντες δ᾽ ἂν εἴποιεν ὅτι δεῖ τὰ καθεστηκότα τῶν ταραττομένων καὶ τὰ πεπειραμένα τῶν ἀδοκιμάστων καὶ τὰ ὑγιαίνοντα τῶν νοσούντων ἄρχειν: οἷς ὑμεῖς τἀναντία ἀξιοῦντες οὐκ ὀρθῶς ποιεῖτε.
[6] My last argument is this: The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many races, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse.”
[1] τοιαῦτα τοῦ Φουφεττίου λέξαντος παραλαβὼν ὁ Τύλλος τὸν λόγον εἶπε: τὸ μὲν ἐκ φύσεως καὶ προγόνων ἀρετῆς δίκαιον, ὦ Φουφέττιε καὶ ὑμεῖς ἄνδρες Ἀλβανοί, κοινὸν ἀμφοτέροις ἡμῖν: τοὺς αὐτοὺς γὰρ εὐχόμεθα προγόνους ἑκάτεροι, ὥστε οὐδὲν δεῖ τούτου χάριν οὔτε πλέον ἡμῶν ἔχειν τοὺς ἑτέρους οὔτ᾽ ἔλαττον. τὸ δὲ ἄρχειν ἐκ παντὸς τῶν ἀποικιῶν τὰς μητροπόλεις ὡς ἀναγκαῖόν τι φύσεως νόμιμον οὔτε ἀληθὲς οὔτε δίκαιον ἠξιοῦτο ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν:
[11] After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said:
“The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one’s ancestors, Fufetius and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just.
[2] πολλά γέ τοι φῦλά ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων, παρ᾽ οἷς αἱ μητροπόλεις οὐκ ἄρχουσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὑποτάττονται ταῖς ἀποικίαις. μέγιστον δὲ καὶ φανερώτατον τοῦ λόγου τοῦδε παράδειγμα ἡ Σπαρτιατῶν πόλις οὐ τῶν ἄλλων μόνον ἄρχειν ἀξιοῦσα Ἑλλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ Δωρικοῦ γένους ὅθεν ἀπῳκίσθη. καὶ τί δεῖ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων λέγειν; αὐτοὶ γὰρ ὑμεῖς οἱ τὴν ἡμετέραν πόλιν ἀποικίσαντες Λαουϊνιατῶν ἐστε ἄποικοι.
[2] Indeed, there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why should I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of the Lavinians.
[3] εἰ δὴ φύσεώς ἐστι νόμος ἄρχειν τῆς ἀποικίας τὴν μητρόπολιν, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοιεν ἀμφοτέροις ἡμῖν Λαουϊνιᾶται τὰ δίκαια τάττοντες; πρὸς μὲν δὴ τὸ πρῶτον ὑμῶν δικαίωμα καὶ πλείστην ἔχον εὐπροσωπίαν [p. 290] ταῦθ᾽ ἱκανά: ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ τοὺς βίους τῶν πόλεων ἀντιπαρεξετάζειν ἀλλήλοις ἐπεχείρεις, ὦ Φουφέττιε, λέγων ὅτι τὸ μὲν Ἀλβανῶν εὐγενὲς ὅμοιον ἀεὶ διαμένει, τὸ δ᾽ ἡμέτερον ἐξέφθαρται ταῖς ἐπιμιξίαις τοῦ ἀλλοφύλου, καὶ οὐκ ἠξίους ἄρχειν τῶν γνησίων τοὺς νόθους οὐδὲ τῶν αὐθιγενῶν τοὺς ἐπήλυδας, μάθε καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο ἁμαρτάνων μάλιστα τὸ δικαίωμα.
[3] If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has always remained the same while ours has been ‘corrupted’ by the various admixtures of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born nor newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, you are greatly mistaken.
[4] ἡμεῖς γὰρ τοσούτου δέομεν αἰσχύνεσθαι κοινὴν ἀναδείξαντες τὴν πόλιν τοῖς βουλομένοις, ὥστε καὶ σεμνυνόμεθα ἐπὶ τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ ἔργῳ, οὐκ αὐτοὶ τοῦ ζήλου τοῦδε ἄρξαντες, παρὰ δὲ τῆς Ἀθηναίων πόλεως τὸ παράδειγμα λαβόντες, ἧς μέγιστον κλέος ἐν Ἕλλησίν ἐστι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐχ ἥκιστα εἰ μὴ καὶ
[4] For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy.
[5] μάλιστα τὸ πολίτευμα. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἡμῖν πολλῶν γενόμενον ἀγαθῶν αἴτιον οὔτ᾽ ἐπίμεμψιν οὔτε μεταμέλειαν ὡς ἡμαρτηκόσι φέρει, ἄρχει τε καὶ βουλεύει καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τιμὰς καρποῦται παρ᾽ ἡμῖν οὐχ ὁ πολλὰ χρήματα κεκτημένος οὐδὲ ὁ πολλοὺς πατέρας ἐπιχωρίους ἐπιδεῖξαι δυνάμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις ἂν ᾖ τούτων τῶν τιμῶν ἄξιος. οὐ γὰρ ἐν ἄλλῳ τινὶ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην εὐγένειαν ὑπάρχειν νομίζομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀρετῇ. ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ὄχλος σῶμα τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν ἰσχὺν καὶ δύναμιν τοῖς βουλευθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατίστων παρεχόμενος. μεγάλη τε ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις ἐκ μικρᾶς καὶ φοβερὰ τοῖς περιοίκοις ἐξ εὐκαταφρονήτου διὰ ταύτην τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν γέγονε, τῆς τε ἡγεμονίας, [p. 291] ὑπὲρ ἧς τῶν ἄλλων Λατίνων οὐδεὶς ἀντιποιεῖται πρὸς ἡμᾶς, τοῦτο Ῥωμαίοις τὸ πολίτευμα ἦρξεν οὗ
[5] And this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins disputes with us.
[6] σὺ κατηγόρεις, ὦ Φουφέττιε. ἐν ἰσχύι γὰρ ὅπλων κεῖται τὸ τῶν πόλεων κράτος, αὕτη δ᾽ ἐκ πολλῶν σωμάτων γίνεται: ταῖς δὲ μικραῖς καὶ ὀλιγανθρώποις καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέσιν οὐκ ἔστιν ἄρχειν ἑτέρων,
[6] For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.
[7] ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἄρχειν. καθόλου δ᾽ ἔγωγε τόθ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνω δεῖν τὰς ἑτέρων διασύρειν πολιτείας καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπαινεῖν, ὅταν τις ἔχῃ δεῖξαι τὴν μὲν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν ἐκ τοῦ ταῦτα ἐπιτηδεύειν ἅ φησιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ μεγάλην οὖσαν, τὰς δὲ διαβαλλομένας διὰ τὸ μὴ ταῦτα προαιρεῖσθαι κακοδαιμονούσας. τὰ δ᾽ ἡμέτερα πράγματα οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ μὲν ὑμετέρα πόλις ἀπὸ μείζονος αὐχήματος ἀρχομένη καὶ πλειόνων ἀφορμῶν τυχοῦσα εἰς ἐλάττονα ὄγκον συνῆκται, ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰς τὰς πρώτας ἀρχὰς λαβόντες ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ μεγίστην τῶν πλησιοχώρων πόλεων τὴν Ῥώμην πεποιήκαμεν τούτοις τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν ὧν σὺ κατηγόρεις χρώμενοι.
[7] On the whole, I am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.
[8] τὸ δὲ στασιάζον ἡμῶν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο δι᾽ αἰτίας εἶχες, ὦ Φουφέττιε, οὐκ ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ καὶ ἐλαττώσει τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ αὐξήσει γίνεται. φιλοτιμούμεθα γὰρ οἱ νεώτεροι πρὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ οἱ ἔποικοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους, πότεροι πλείονα ποιήσομεν τὸ κοινὸν ἀγαθά.
[8] And as for our factional strife — since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure — it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.
[9] ἵνα δὲ συντεμὼν εἴπω τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἑτέρων ἄρξειν δύο προσεῖναι δεῖ ταῦτα, [p. 292] τὴν ἐν τῷ πολεμεῖν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ βουλεύσθαι φρόνησιν, ἃ περὶ ἡμᾶς ἐστιν ἀμφότερα: καὶ ὅτι οὐ κενὸς ὁ κόμπος ἡ παντὸς λόγου κρείττων πεῖρα ἡμῖν μαρτυρεῖ. τοσαύτην γοῦν μεγέθει καὶ δυνάμει πόλιν οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν γενέσθαι τρίτῃ γενεᾷ μετὰ τὸν οἰκισμόν, εἰ μὴ τό τε ἀνδρεῖον ἐπερίττευεν αὐτῇ καὶ τὸ φρόνιμον. ἱκαναὶ δὲ τεκμηριῶσαι τὸ κράτος αὐτῆς πολλαὶ πόλεις ἐκ τοῦ Λατίνων οὖσαι γένους καὶ τὴν κτίσιν ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔχουσαι, αἳ τὴν ὑμετέραν ὑπεριδοῦσαι πόλιν ἡμῖν προσκεχωρήκασι καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀξιοῦσιν ἢ ὑπ᾽ Ἀλβανῶν, ὡς ἡμῶν μὲν ἀμφότερα ἱκανῶν ὄντων τούς τε φίλους εὖ ποιεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς κακῶς, ὑμῶν δ᾽ οὐδέτερα.
[9] In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.
[10] πολλὰ εἶχον ἔτι καὶ ἰσχυρά, ὦ Φουφέττιε, πρὸς τὰς δικαιώσεις, ἃς σὺ παρέσχου, λέγειν: μάταιον δὲ ὁρῶν τὸν λόγον καὶ ἐν ἴσῳ τὰ πολλὰ τοῖς ὀλίγοις λεχθησόμενα πρὸς ἀντιπάλους ὄντας ὑμᾶς τοῦ δικαίου κριτὰς παύομαι λέγων. ἕνα δὲ ὑπολαμβάνων κράτιστον εἶναι καὶ μόνον ἡμῶν τὰ νείκη δύνασθαι διακρῖναι τρόπον, ᾧ πολλοὶ βάρβαροί τε καὶ Ἕλληνες εἰς ἔχθη καταστάντες οἱ μὲν ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας, οἱ δὲ ὑπὲρ ἀμφισβητησίμου γῆς ἐχρήσαντο, τοῦτον εἰπὼν ἔτι παύσομαι:
[10] I had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I will make an end of speaking. However, since I conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I shall propose this and then conclude.
[11] εἰ ποιησαίμεθα μέρει τινὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν στρατιᾶς ἑκάτεροι τὸν ἀγῶνα εἰς ὀλιγοστόν τι πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν συναγαγόντες τὴν τοῦ πολέμου [p. 293] τύχην: ἐξ ὁποτέρας δ᾽ ἂν πόλεως οἱ κρατήσαντες τῶν ἀντιπάλων γένωνται, ταύτῃ συγχωρήσαιμεν ἄρχειν τῆς ἑτέρας. ὁπόσα γὰρ μὴ διαιρεῖται ὑπὸ λόγου, ταῦτα ὑπὸ τῶν ὅπλων κρίνεται.
[11] Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms.”
[1] τὰ μὲν δὴ λεχθέντα περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας τῶν πόλεων δικαιώματα ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατηγῶν τοιάδε ἦν: τέλος δὲ τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν ἠκολούθησεν οἷον ὁ Ῥωμαῖος ὑπετίθετο. οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ παρόντες Ἀλβανῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ταχεῖαν ἀπαλλαγὴν τοῦ πολέμου ποιήσασθαι ζητοῦντες ὅπλοις τὸ νεῖκος ἔγνωσαν διελεῖν. συγχωρηθέντος δὲ καὶ τούτου περὶ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀγωνιουμένων ζήτησις ἐγίνετο οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν ἑκατέρου τῶν στρατηγῶν διάνοιαν ἀποδεικνυμένου.
[12.1] These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.
[2] Τύλλος μὲν γὰρ ἐβούλετο ἐν ἐλαχίστοις σώμασι γενέσθαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κρίσιν ἑνὸς Ἀλβανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτάτου πρὸς ἕνα Ῥωμαῖον τὸν ἄριστον μονομαχήσοντος καὶ πρόθυμος ἦν αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος ἀγωνίσασθαι προκαλούμενος εἰς τὴν ὁμοίαν φιλοτιμίαν τὸν Ἀλβανόν, καλοὺς ἀποφαίνων τοῖς ἀνειληφόσι τὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας ἀγῶνας, οὐ μόνον ἐὰν νικήσωσιν ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ κἂν αὐτοὶ κρατηθῶσιν ὑπ᾽ ἀγαθῶν, καὶ διεξιὼν ὅσοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ βασιλεῖς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ψυχὰς προκινδυνεῦσαι τῶν κοινῶν παρέσχον δεινὸν ἡγούμενοι τῶν μὲν τιμῶν πλέον αὐτοὶ φέρεσθαι, τῶν δὲ πόνων ἔλαττον.
[2] For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.
[3] ὁ δὲ Ἀλβανὸς τὸ μὲν ὀλίγοις σώμασι [p. 294] κινδυνεύειν τὰς πόλεις ὀρθῶς ἐνόμιζεν εἰρῆσθαι, περὶ δὲ τῆς ἑνὶ πρὸς ἕνα μάχης διεφέρετο λέγων ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἡγουμένοις τῶν στρατοπέδων ὅταν ἰδίαν κατασκευάζωνται δυναστείαν καλὸς καὶ ἀναγκαῖός ἐστιν ὁ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγών, ταῖς δὲ πόλεσιν αὐταῖς ἐπειδὰν ὑπὲρ τῶν πρωτείων διαφέρωνται πρὸς ἀλλήλας οὐ μόνον σφαλερὸς ἀλλὰ καὶ αἰσχρὸς ὁ διὰ μονομαχίας κίνδυνος, ἐάν τε τῆς κρείττονος λάβωνται τύχης ἐάν τε τῆς χείρονος.
[3] The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.
[4] τρεῖς δὲ ἄνδρας ἐπιλέκτους ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας πόλεως συνεβούλευεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἁπάντων ὄψιν Ἀλβανῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων διαγωνίσασθαι. ἐπιτηδειότατον γὰρ εἶναι τόνδε τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰς ἅπασαν ἀμφισβητουμένου πράγματος διαίρεσιν ἀρχήν τε καὶ μέσα καὶ τελευτὴν ἔχοντα ἐν ἑαυτῷ. ταύτῃ προσθεμένων τῇ γνώμῃ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν ὅ τε σύλλογος διελύθη καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπῄεσαν ἑκάτεροι χάρακας.
[4] And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp.
[1] ἔπειτα καλέσαντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὰς δυνάμεις ἀμφοτέρας οἱ στρατηγοὶ διεξῆλθον ἅ τε διελέχθησαν αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς συνέθεντο καταλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπικυρωσάντων δὲ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἀμφοτέρων κατὰ πολλὴν εὐδόκησιν τὰς τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁμολογίας, θαυμαστὴ μετὰ τοῦτο κατεῖχε φιλοτιμία καὶ λοχαγοὺς καὶ στρατιώτας πολλῶν πάνυ προθυμουμένων ἐξενέγκασθαι τὰ τῆς μάχης ἀριστεῖα καὶ οὐ λόγῳ σπουδαζόντων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔργῳ φιλοτιμίας ἀποδεικνυμένων, ὥστε χαλεπὴν [p. 295] γενέσθαι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν τὴν τῶν ἐπιτηδειοτάτων διάγνωσιν.
[13.1] After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.
[2] εἰ γάρ τις ἦν ἢ πατέρων ἐπιφανείᾳ λαμπρὸς ἢ σώματος ῥώμῃ διαπρεπὴς ἢ πράξει τῇ κατὰ χεῖρα γενναῖος ἢ κατ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ τύχην ἢ τόλμαν ἐπίσημος ἑαυτὸν ἠξίου τάττειν πρῶτον ἐν τοῖς τρισί.
[2] For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.
[3] ταύτην ἐπὶ πολὺ χωροῦσαν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὁ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν ἔπαυσε στρατηγὸς ἐνθυμηθείς, ὅτι θεία τις πρόνοια ἐκ πολλοῦ προορωμένη τὸν μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀγῶνα τοὺς προκινδυνεύσοντας ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κατεσκεύασε γενέσθαι οἴκων τε οὐκ ἀφανῶν καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθοὺς ὀφθῆναί τε καλλίστους καὶ οὐ γενέσεως ὁμοίας τοῖς πολλοῖς μετειληφότας, ἀλλὰ σπανίου καὶ θαυμαστῆς διὰ τὸ παράδοξον.
[3] This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.
[4] Ὁρατίῳ γάρ τινι Ῥωμαίῳ καὶ Κορατίῳ τὸ γένος Ἀλβανῷ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐνεγγύησε θυγατέρας διδύμους Σικίνιος Ἀλβανός. τούτοις ἀμφοτέροις αἱ γυναῖκες ἐγκύμονες ἅμα γενόμεναι, τὰς πρωτοτόκους ἐκφέρουσι γονὰς ἄρρενα βρέφη τρίδυμα, καὶ αὐτὰ ἃ οἱ γεινάμενοι πρὸς οἰωνοῦ λαβόντες ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πόλει καὶ οἴκῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ τρέφουσιν ἅπαντα καὶ τελειοῦσιν: θεὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔφην, δίδωσι κάλλος τε καὶ ῥώμην καὶ δὴ καὶ ψυχῆς γενναιότητα μηδενὸς τῶν ἄριστα πεφυκότων χείροσι γενέσθαι. τούτοις ἔγνω τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὁ Φουφέττιος ἐπιτρέπειν τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγῶνα [p. 296] καὶ προκαλεσάμενος εἰς λόγους τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ῥωμαίων λέγει πρὸς αὐτόν:
[4] It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows:
[1] θεός τις ἔοικεν, ὦ Τύλλε, προνοούμενος τῶν πόλεων ἑκατέρας ἐν ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς καὶ δὴ καὶ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν ἀγῶνα φανερὰν τὴν εὔνοιαν πεποιῆσθαι. τὸ γὰρ εὑρεθῆναι τοὺς ἀγωνιουμένους ὑπὲρ πάντων γένει τε μηδενὸς χείρονας καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθοὺς ὀφθῆναί τε καλλίστους, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐξ ἑνὸς πεφυκότας πατρὸς καὶ ὑπὸ μιᾶς γεγεννημένους μητρὸς καὶ τὸ θαυμασιώτατον ἐν μιᾷ προελθόντας εἰς φῶς γενέσει, παρ᾽ ὑμῖν μὲν Ὁρατίους, παρ᾽ ἡμῖν δὲ Κορατίους, θαυμαστῇ τινι καὶ θείᾳ παντάπασιν ἔοικεν εὐεργεσίᾳ.
[14.1] “Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come into the world on the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I say, has every appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour.
[2] τί οὖν οὐ δεχόμεθα τὴν τοσαύτην τοῦ δαιμονίου πρόνοιαν καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν ἐπὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγῶνα τοὺς τριδύμους ἀδελφοὺς ἑκάτεροι; τά τε γὰρ ἄλλ᾽, ὅσα ἐν τοῖς ἄριστα μαχησομένοις βουλοίμεθ᾽ ἂν εἶναι, κἀν τούτοις ἔνεστι τοῖς ἀνδράσι, καὶ τὸ μὴ προλιπεῖν τοὺς παρασπιστὰς κάμνοντας τούτοις μᾶλλον ὑπάρξει ἀδελφοῖς οὖσι παρ᾽ οὕστινας ἄλλους Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν, ἥ τε φιλοτιμία τῶν ἄλλων νέων χαλεπὴ λυθῆναι δι᾽ ἑτέρου τινὸς οὖσα τρόπου ταχεῖαν ἕξει τὴν κρίσιν.
[2] Why, therefore, do we not accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in any other way, will be promptly settled.
[3] τεκμαίρομαι γάρ τινα καὶ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν χάριν ἐν πολλοῖς εἶναι τῶν ἀντιποιουμένων ἀρετῆς, [p. 297] ὥσπερ καὶ παρ᾽ Ἀλβανοῖς: οὓς εἰ διδάσκοιμεν ὅτι θεία τις ἔφθακε τύχη τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας σπουδὰς αὐτῆς παρασχούσης τοὺς ἐξ ἴσου τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν πόλεων ἀγῶνα ποιησομένους, οὐ χαλεπῶς πείσομεν. οὐ γὰρ ἀρετῇ λείπεσθαι δόξουσι τῶν τριδύμων ἀδελφῶν, ἀλλὰ φύσεως εὐκληρίᾳ καὶ τύχης ἰσορρόπου πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον ἐπιτηδειότητι.
[3] For I surmise that among you also, as well as among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is equally inclined toward both sides.”
[1] τοσαῦτα τοῦ Φουφεττίου λέξαντος καὶ πάντων τὴν γνώμην ἐπαινεσάντων ῾ἔτυχον δὲ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν οἱ κράτιστοι παρόντες ἀμφοτέροισ᾽ μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν ὁ Τύλλος λέγει: τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὀρθῶς ἐπιλελογίσθαι μοι δοκεῖς, ὦ Φουφέττιε: θαυμαστὴ γάρ τις ἡ τὴν οὐδέποτε συμβᾶσαν ὁμοιογένειαν ἐν ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας γενεᾶς ἐξενέγκασα τύχη: ἓν δ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν ἔοικας, ὃ πολὺν παρέξει τοῖς νεανίσκοις ὄκνον, ἐὰν ἀξιῶμεν αὐτοὺς ἀλλήλοις χωρεῖν διὰ μάχης.
[15.1] After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general approbation (for the most important both of the Romans and Albans were with the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows:
“In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be unaware — a matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to fight with one another.
[2] ἡ γὰρ Ὁρατίων μήτηρ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀδελφὴ τῆς Κορατίων μητρός ἐστι τῶν Ἀλβανῶν, καὶ τέθραπται τὰ μειράκια ἐν τοῖς ἀμφοτέρων τῶν γυναικῶν κόλποις ἀσπάζονταί τ᾽ ἀλλήλους καὶ φιλοῦσιν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ πολλοὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀδελφούς. ὅρα δὴ μή ποτε οὐδ᾽ ὅσιον ᾖ τούτοις ἀναδιδόναι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ καλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων φόνον ἀνεψιοὺς καὶ συντρόφους ὄντας. τὸ γὰρ ἐμφύλιον ἄγος, ἐὰν ἀναγκασθῶσιν ἀλλήλους μιαιφονεῖν, εἰς ἡμᾶς ἐλεύσεται τοὺς ἀναγκάζοντας.
[2] For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one another’s blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them.”
[3] [p. 298] λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Φουφέττιος: οὐδ᾽ ἐμὲ λέληθεν, ὦ Τύλλε, τὸ συγγενὲς τῶν μειρακίων, οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἀναγκάσων αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἀνεψιοῖς διὰ μάχης χωρεῖν εἰ μὴ βουληθεῖεν αὐτοὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ὑπομεῖναι παρεσκευασάμην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐπὶ νοῦν ἦλθέ μοι τόδε τὸ βούλευμα τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς Κορατίους μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸς ἐπ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ διάπειραν ἔλαβον εἰ βουλομένοις αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ὁ ἀγών: δεξαμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν λόγον ἀπίστῳ τινὶ καὶ θαυμαστῇ προθυμίᾳ, τότε ἀνακαλύπτειν ἔγνων τὸ βούλευμα καὶ φέρειν εἰς μέσον: σοί τε τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὑποτίθεμαι ποιεῖν καλέσαντι τοὺς παρ᾽ ὑμῖν τριδύμους πεῖραν αὐτῶν τῆς γνώμης ποιήσασθαι.
[3] To this Fufetius answered: “Neither have I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the youths, nor did I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into my mind I sent for the Alban Curiatii and sounded them in private to learn whether they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I decided to disclose my plan and bring it forward for consideration. And I advise you to take the same course yourself — to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition.
[4] ἐὰν μὲν οὖν ἑκόντες συνεπιδιδῶσι κἀκεῖνοι τὰ σώματα προκινδυνεῦσαι τῆς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδος δέχου τὴν χάριν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀναδύωνται μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς πρόσφερε ἀνάγκην. μαντεύομαι δὲ καὶ περὶ ἐκείνων οἷα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων, εἴπερ οὖν εἰσὶν οἵους ἀκούομεν, ἐν ὀλίγοις τοῖς ἄριστα πεφυκόσιν ὅμοιοι καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθοί: κλέος γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐλήλυθε τῆς ἀρετῆς.
[4] And if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the favour; but if they hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I predict, however, the same result with them as with our own youths — that is, if they are such men as we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also.”
[1] δέχεται δὴ τὴν παραίνεσιν ὁ Τύλλος καὶ δεχημέρους ποιησάμενος ἀνοχάς, ἐν αἷς βουλεύσεταί τε καὶ μαθὼν τὴν διάνοιαν τῶν Ὁρατίων ἀποκρινεῖται παρῆν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις βουλευσάμενος [p. 299] ἅμα τοῖς ἀρίστοις, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς πλείστοις ἔδοξε δέχεσθαι τὰς τοῦ Φουφεττίου προκλήσεις, μεταπέμπεται τοὺς τριδύμους ἀδελφοὺς καὶ λέγει πρὸς αὐτούς:
[16.1] Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them:
[2] ἄνδρες Ὁράτιοι, Φουφέττιος ὁ Ἀλβανὸς εἰς λόγους συνελθὼν ἐμοὶ τὴν τελευταίαν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου σύνοδον ἔφη τοὺς προκινδυνεύσοντας ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρας πόλεως τρεῖς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς κατὰ θείαν γεγενῆσθαι πρόνοιαν, ὧν οὐκ ἂν εὕροιμεν ἑτέρους οὔτε γενναιοτέρους οὔτε ἐπιτηδειοτέρους, Ἀλβανῶν μὲν Κορατίους, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ὑμᾶς: τοῦτό τε καταμαθὼν :αὐτὸς ἐξητακέναι πρῶτον εἰ βουλομένοις εἴη τοῖς ἀνεψιοῖς ὑμῶν ἐπιδοῦναι τὰ σώματα τῇ πατρίδι, μαθὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀναδεχομένους τὸν ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἀγῶνα κατὰ πολλὴν προθυμίαν θαρρῶν εἰς μέσον ἐκφέρειν ἤδη τὸν λόγον, ἠξίου τε καὶ ἐμὲ πεῖραν ὑμῶν λαβεῖν, πότερον βουλήσεσθε προκινδυνεῦσαι τῆς πατρίδος ὁμόσε χωρήσαντες Κορατίοις ἢ
[2] Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find — the Curiatii among the Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat on behalf of all their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this honour to others.
[3] παραχωρεῖτε τῆς φιλοτιμίας ταύτης ἑτέροις. ἐγὼ δὲ ἀρετῆς μὲν ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα γενναιότητος, ἣν οὐ λανθάνουσαν ἔχετε, πάντων μάλιστα δεξομένους ὑμᾶς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀριστείων κίνδυνον ἄρασθαι, δεδοικὼς μὴ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς τριδύμους συγγενὲς ἐμπόδιον ὑμῖν γένηται τῆς προθυμίας, [p. 300] χρόνον ᾐτησάμην εἰς βουλὴν ἀνακωχὰς δεχημέρους ποιησάμενος: ὡς δὲ ἀφικόμην δεῦρο τὴν βουλὴν συνεκάλεσα καὶ προὔθηκα περὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἐν κοινῷ σκοπεῖν: δόξαν δὲ ταῖς πλείοσι γνώμαις, εἰ μὲν ἑκόντες ἀναδέχοισθε τὸν ἀγῶνα καλὸν ὄντα καὶ προσήκοντα ὑμῖν, ὃν ἐγὼ πρόθυμος ἤμην μόνος ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων διαγωνίσασθαι, ἐπαινεῖν τε καὶ δέχεσθαι τὴν χάριν ὑμῶν, εἰ δὲ τὸ συγγενὲς ἐντρεπόμενοι μίασμα, οὐ γὰρ δὴ κακοὶ ψυχὴν ὁμολογοῦντες εἶναι, τοὺς ἔξω τοῦ γένους ἀξιώσαιτε καλεῖν, μηδεμίαν ὑμῖν ἀνάγκην προσφέρειν. ταῦτα τῆς :βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης καὶ οὔτε πρὸς ὀργὴν δεξομένης εἰ δι᾽ ὄκνου τὸ ἔργον λάβοιτε οὔτε μικρὰν χάριν εἰσομένης ὑμῖν εἰ τιμιωτέραν ἡγήσαισθε τῆς συγγενείας τὴν πατρίδα, τυγχάνετε εὖ βουλευσάμενοι.
[3] I, in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not concealed from public notice, assumed that you of all others would embrace this danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest your kinship with the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I requested time for deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I came here I assembled the senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble one and worthy of you and which I myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to avoid the pollution of kindred blood — for surely it would be no admission of cowardice on your part — you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight obligation to you if you rate your country more highly than your kinship, deliberate carefully and well.”
[1] ὡς δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἤκουσαν οἱ νεανίαι, μεταστάντες ἑτέρωσε καὶ διαλεχθέντες ὀλίγα πρὸς ἀλλήλους προσέρχονται πάλιν ἀποκρινούμενοι καὶ λέγει ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ὁ πρεσβύτατος τοιάδε: εἰ μὲν ἐλευθέροις ἡμῖν οὖσι καὶ κυρίοις τῆς ἰδίας γνώμης ἐξουσίαν παρεῖχες, ὦ Τύλλε, βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς ἀνεψιοὺς ἀγῶνος, οὐθὲν ἔτι διαμελλήσαντες ἀπεκρινάμεθα ἄν σοι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν διαλογισμούς: ἐπειδὴ δὲ περίεστιν ἡμῖν ὁ πατήρ, οὗ χωρὶς οὐδὲ τἀλάχιστα λέγειν ἢ πράττειν ἀξιοῦμεν, αἰτούμεθά σε [p. 301] ὀλίγον ἀναδέξασθαι χρόνον τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἡμῶν, ἕως τῷ πατρὶ διαλεχθῶμεν.
[17.1] The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest on behalf of them all spoke as follows: “If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked with him.”
[2] ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ τοῦ Τύλλου τὴν εὐσέβειαν αὐτῶν καὶ κελεύσαντος οὕτω ποιεῖν ἀπῄεσαν ὡς τὸν πατέρα. δηλώσαντες δὲ αὐτῷ τὰς προκλήσεις τοῦ Φουφεττίου καὶ οὓς ὁ Τύλλος διελέχθη λόγους καὶ τελευταίαν τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀπόκρισιν ἠξίουν εἰπεῖν ἥντινα γνώμην αὐτὸς ἔχει.
[2] Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with their own answer, they desired his advice.
[3] ὁ δὲ ὑπολαβών, Ἀλλ᾽ εὐσεβὲς μέν, ἔφη, πρᾶγμα ποιεῖτε, ὦ παῖδες, τῷ πατρὶ ζῶντες καὶ οὐδὲν ἄνευ τῆς ἐμῆς γνώμης διαπραττόμενοι, καιρὸς δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἤδη περὶ ὑμῶν τά γε τηλικαῦτα φαίνεσθαι φρονοῦντας. ὑπολαβόντες οὖν τὸν ἐμὸν βίον ἤδη τέλος ἔχειν φανερὸν ποιήσατέ μοι, τί δή ποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ προείλεσθε πράττειν ἄνευ τοῦ πατρὸς περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βουλευσάμενοι.
[3] And he answered and said: “But indeed this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated without your father upon your own affairs.”
[4] ἀποκρίνεται πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ πρεσβύτατος τοιάδε: ἐδεξάμεθ᾽ ἄν, ὦ πάτερ, τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγῶνα καὶ πάσχειν ὑπεμείναμεν ὅ τι ἂν δοκῇ τῷ δαιμονίῳ: τεθνάναι γὰρ ἂν βουλοίμεθα μᾶλλον ἢ ζῆν ἀνάξιοι γενόμενοι σοῦ τε καὶ τῶν προγόνων. τὸ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀνεψιοὺς συγγενὲς οὐχ ἡμεῖς πρότεροι λύσομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης διαλέλυται στέρξομεν.
[4] And the eldest answered him thus: “Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein.
[5] εἰ γὰρ Κορατίοις ἔλαττον κρίνεται τοῦ καλοῦ τὸ συγγενές, οὐδὲ Ὁρατίοις τιμιώτερον φανήσεται τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρετῆς. ὁ δὲ πατὴρ ὡς ἔμαθε τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνασχὼν εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν πολλὰς ἔφη χάριτας εἰδέναι τοῖς [p. 302] θεοῖς, ὅτι παῖδας ἔδωκαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς: ἔπειτα περιλαβὼν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἡδίστας ἀποδοὺς ἀσπασμῶν τε καὶ φιλημάτων φιλοφροσύνας, Ἔχετ᾽, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην, ὦ παῖδες ἀγαθοί, καὶ πορευθέντες ἀποκρίνασθε Τύλλῳ
[5] For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than valour.” Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of embraces and kisses, he said: “You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable.”
[6] τήν τ᾽ εὐσεβῆ καὶ καλὴν ἀπόκρισιν. οἱ μὲν δὴ χαίροντες ἐπὶ τῇ παρακελεύσει τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπῄεσαν καὶ προσελθόντες τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀναδέχονται τὸν ἀγῶνα, κἀκεῖνος συγκαλέσας τὴν βουλὴν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπαίνους τῶν νεανίσκων διαθέμενος ἀποστέλλει πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν Ἀλβανὸν τοὺς δηλώσοντας, ὅτι δέχονται Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ παρέξονται τοὺς Ὁρατίους διαγωνιουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς.
[6] The youths went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty.
[1] ἀπαιτούσης δὲ τῆς ὑποθέσεως καὶ τὸν τρόπον διεξελθεῖν τῆς μάχης ἀκριβῶς καὶ τὰ μετὰ ταύτην γενόμενα πάθη θεατρικαῖς ἐοικότα περιπετείαις μὴ ῥᾳθύμως διελθεῖν πειράσομαι καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβείας ἕκαστον, ὡς ἐμὴ δύναμις, εἰπεῖν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ὁ χρόνος ἧκεν ἐν ᾧ τέλος ἔδει λαβεῖν τὰς ὁμολογίας, ἐξῄεσαν μὲν αἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεις πανστρατιᾷ, ἐξῄεσαν δὲ μετὰ ταῦθ᾽ οἱ νεανίσκοι τοῖς πατρῴοις θεοῖς εὐξάμενοι καὶ προῆγον ἅμα τῷ βασιλεῖ κατευφημούμενοί τε ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὄχλου καὶ παττόμενοι τὰς κεφαλὰς ἄνθεσιν: ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἡ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν ἐξεληλύθει στρατιά.
[18.1] As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no perfunctory manner, I shall endeavour, as far as I am able, to give an accurate account of every incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans’ army also had marched out.
[2] ἐπεὶ δὲ κατεστρατοπεδεύσαντο πλησίον ἀλλήλων μεταίχμιον ποιησάμενοι τὸν διείργοντα τὴν Ῥωμαίων [p. 303] ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλβανῶν ὅρον, ἔνθα καὶ πρότερον εἶχον ἑκάτεροι τοὺς χάρακας, πρῶτον μὲν ἱερὰ θύσαντες ὤμοσαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμπύρων στέρξειν τὴν τύχην, ἣν ἂν ἐκ τῆς μάχης τῶν ἀνεψιῶν ἑκατέρα πόλις ἐξενέγκηται, καὶ φυλάξειν τὰς ὁμολογίας βεβαίους μηδένα προσάγοντες αὐταῖς δόλον αὐτοί τε καὶ γένος τὸ ἐξ αὐτῶν: ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πρὸς θεοὺς ὅσια διεπράξαντο, θέμενοι τὰ ὅπλα προῆγον ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἀμφότεροι θεαταὶ τῆς μάχης ἐσόμενοι τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων σταδίων τὸ μεταξὺ χωρίον τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις καταλιπόντες: καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν τούς τε Κορατίους ὁ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν στρατηγὸς ἄγων καὶ τοὺς Ὁρατίους ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ὡπλισμένους τε κάλλιστα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἔχοντας κόσμον οἷον ἄνθρωποι λαμβάνουσιν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ.
[2] And when the armies had encamped near one another, leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid fashion and withal dressed like men about to die.
[3] γενόμενοι δὲ σύνεγγυς ἀλλήλων τὰ μὲν ξίφη τοῖς ὑπασπισταῖς παρέδωκαν, προσδραμόντες δὲ περιέβαλλον ἀλλήλοις κλαίοντες καὶ τοῖς ἡδίστοις ὀνόμασιν ἀνακαλοῦντες, ὥστε εἰς δάκρυα προπεσεῖν ἅπαντας καὶ πολλὴν ἀστοργίαν κατηγορεῖν σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ὅτι παρὸν ἄλλοις τισὶ σώμασι κρῖναι τὴν μάχην εἰς ἐμφύλιον αἷμα καὶ συγγενικὸν ἄγος τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν πόλεων ἀγῶνα κατέκλεισαν. παυσάμενοι δὲ τῶν ἀσπασμῶν οἱ νεανίσκοι καὶ τὰ ξίφη παρὰ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν λαβόντες ἀναχωρησάντων τῶν πέλας ἐτάξαντό τε καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ συνῄεσαν ὁμόσε.