[3] When they came near to one another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of great heartlessness, in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat.

[1] τέως μὲν οὖν ἡσυχία τε καὶ σιγὴ κατεῖχεν [p. 304] ἀμφοτέρας τὰς δυνάμεις: ἔπειτα ἀναβοήσεις τε ἀθρόαι παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων αὐτῶν ἐγίνοντο καὶ παρακελεύσεις τοῖς μαχομένοις ἐναλλὰξ εὐχαί τε καὶ οἰμωγαὶ καὶ παντὸς ἄλλου πάθους ἐναγωνίου φωναὶ συνεχεῖς, αἱ μὲν πρὸς τὰ δρώμενά τε καὶ ὁρώμενα ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων,

[19.1] For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening.

[2] αἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντά τε καὶ ὑποπτευόμενα: καὶ ἦν πλείω τὰ εἰκαζόμενα τῶν γινομένων. ἥ τε γὰρ ὄψις ἐκ πολλοῦ διαστήματος γινομένη πολὺ τὸ ἀσαφὲς εἶχε, καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους ἀγωνιστὰς ἑκάστοις συμπαθὲς ἐπὶ το βεβουλημένον ἐλάμβανε τὰ πρασσόμενα, αἵ τε συνεχεῖς τῶν μαχομένων ἐπεμβάσεις καὶ ὑπαναχωρήσεις καὶ εἰς τὸ ἀντίπαλον αὖθις ἀντιμεταστάσεις πολλαὶ καὶ ἀγχίστροφοι γινόμεναι τὸ ἀκριβὲς τῆς γνώμης ἀφῃροῦντο: καὶ ταῦτα ἐπὶ πολὺν ἐγίνετο χρόνον.

[2] For it was impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; and this situation lasted a considerable time.

[3] ῥώμην τε γὰρ σώματος ἔτυχον ὁμοίαν ἔχοντες ἑκάτεροι καὶ τὸ γενναῖον τῆς ψυχῆς ἰσόρροπον ὅπλοις τε καλλίστοις ἐσκεπασμένοι τὰ σώματα ὅλα καὶ γυμνὸν οὐδὲν ἀπολιπόντες μέρος ὅ τι καὶ τρωθὲν ὀξεῖαν ἔμελλεν οἴσειν τὴν τελευτήν, ὥστε πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν ἐκ τοῦ φιλονεικεῖν τε καὶ συμπαθεῖν τοῖς σφετέροις ἔλαθον αὑτοὺς τὸ τῶν κινδυνευόντων μεταλαβόντες πάθος ἀγωνισταί τε μᾶλλον ἐβούλοντο ἢ θεαταὶ τῶν, δρωμένων γεγονέναι.

[3] For the champions on both sides not only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of spirit, and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than spectators.

[4] ὀψὲ δ᾽ οὖν ποτε ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν Ἀλβανῶν τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀντιτεταγμένῳ συμπλέκεται παίων τε καὶ παιόμενος [p. 305] ἄλλας ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις πληγὰς καί πως τυγχάνει τοῦ Ῥωμαίου διὰ βουβῶνος ἐνέγκας τὸ ξίφος. ὁ δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τραύμασι κεκαρωμένος ἤδη καὶ τὴν τελευταίαν πληγὴν θανατηφόρον ἔχων ὑπολυθέντων τῶν μελῶν καταρρυεὶς ἀποθνήσκει.

[4] At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman’s groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him.

[5] ὡς δὲ τοῦτ᾽ εἶδον οἱ θεαταὶ τῆς μάχης ἅμα πάντες ἀνεβόησαν, Ἀλβανοὶ μὲν ὡς νικῶντες ἤδη, Ῥωμαῖοι δ᾽ ὡς κρατούμενοι. τοὺς γὰρ δὴ σφετέρους δύο τοῖς τρισὶν Ἀλβανοῖς εὐκατεργάστους ὑπελάμβανον γενήσεσθαι. ἐν ᾧ δ᾽ ἐγίνετο ταῦτα, ὁ παρασπίζων τῷ πεσόντι Ῥωμαῖος ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τῷ κατορθώματι περιχαρῆ τὸν Ἀλβανὸν ὠθεῖται ταχὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τραύματα δούς, πολλὰ δὲ αὐτὸς λαβὼν τυγχάνει πως κατὰ τῆς σφαγῆς αὐτοῦ

[5] When the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him.

[6] βάψας τὸ ξίφος καὶ διαχρησάμενος. μεταβαλούσης δὲ τῆς τύχης ἐν ὀλίγῳ τά τε τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἔργα καὶ τὰ τῶν θεωμένων πάθη, καὶ Ῥωμαίων μὲν ἀναθαρρησάντων ἐκ τῆς πρότερον κατηφείας, Ἀλβανῶν δὲ ἀφῃρημένων τὸ χαῖρον, ἑτέρα πάλιν ἀντιπνεύσασα τοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατορθώμασι τύχη τούτων μὲν ἐταπείνωσε τὰς ἐλπίδας, τὰ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων φρονήματα ἐπῆρεν. τοῦ γὰρ Ἀλβανοῦ πεσόντος ὁ τὴν πλησίον αὐτοῦ ἔχων στάσιν ἀδελφὸς συμπλέκεται τῷ καταβαλόντι, καὶ τυγχάνουσιν ἀμφότεροι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον πληγὰς ἐξαισίους ἐξενέγκαντες κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ὁ μὲν Ἀλβανὸς τοῦ Ῥωμαίου κατὰ τοῦ μεταφρένου καὶ μέχρι τῶν σπλάγχνων βάψας τὸ ξίφος, ὁ [p. 306] δὲ Ῥωμαῖος ὑπελθὼν τὴν προβολὴν τοῦ πολεμίου καὶ τῶν ἰγνυῶν τὴν ἑτέραν ὑποτεμών.

[6] After Fortune had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the Romans, sunk their hopes and raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his sword down through the Roman’s back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs.

[1] ὁ μὲν δὴ τὸ καίριον τραῦμα λαβὼν εὐθὺς ἐτεθνήκει, ὁ δὲ τὴν ἰγνύαν τετρωμένος οὐκέτι βέβαιος ἦν ἑστάναι, σκάζων δὲ καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῷ θυρεῷ διερειδόμενος ἀντεῖχεν ὅμως ἔτι καὶ μετὰ τοῦ περιλειπομένου τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπὶ τὸν ὑπομένοντα Ῥωμαῖον ἐχώρει, περιέστησάν τε αὐτὸν ὁ μὲν ἐξ ἐναντίας προσιών,

[20.1] The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind.

[2] ὁ δὲ κατὰ νώτου. τῷ δὲ Ῥωμαίῳ δείσαντι μὴ κυκλωθεὶς πρὸς αὐτῶν εὐκατέργαστος γένηται δυσί τε μαχόμενος καὶ διχόθεν ἐπιοῦσιν, ἦν δὲ ἀκραιφνὴς ἔτι, λογισμὸς εἰσέρχεται διελεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ χωρὶς ἑκατέρῳ μάχεσθαι. ῥᾷστα δὲ διαστήσειν αὐτοὺς ὑπελάμβανεν, εἰ δόξαν παράσχοι φυγῆς: οὐ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων διώξεσθαι τῶν Ἀλβανῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑνός, ὁρῶν τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐκέτι καρτερὸν τῶν ποδῶν. ταῦτα δὴ διανοηθεὶς ὡς εἶχε τάχους ἔφευγε καὶ συνέπεσεν αὐτῷ μὴ διαμαρτεῖν τῆς ἐλπίδος.

[2] The Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome — he was still uninjured — hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. He thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation.

[3] ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἕτερος τῶν Ἀλβανῶν οὐδεμίαν ἔχων πληγὴν καίριον ἐδίωκεν αὐτὸν ἐκποδός, ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιβαίνειν ἀδύνατος ὢν πολὺ τοῦ δέοντος ὑστέρει. ἔνθα δὴ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν τοῖς σφετέροις ἐγκελευομένων, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων τὸν αὑτῶν ἀγωνιστὴν κακιζόντων καὶ τῶν μὲν δὴ παιανιζόντων τε καὶ στεφανουμένων ὡς [p. 307] ἐπὶ κατορθουμένῳ τῷ ἀγῶνι, τῶν δ᾽ ὀδυρομένων ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἔτι τῆς τύχης σφᾶς διαναστησομένης, ταμιευσάμενος τὸν καιρὸν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος ὑποστρέφει τε ὀξέως καὶ πρὶν ἢ φυλάξασθαι τὸν Ἀλβανὸν φθάνει τῷ ξίφει κατὰ τοῦ βραχίονος πληγὴν ἐνέγκας καὶ διελὼν τὸν ἀγκῶνα.

[3] For the Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,

[4] πεσούσης δὲ χαμαὶ τῆς χειρὸς ἅμα τῷ ξίφει μίαν ἔτι πληγὴν καίριον ἐξενέγκας ἀποκτείνει τὸν Ἀλβανόν, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τὸν τελευταῖον ὠσάμενος ἡμιθνῆτα καὶ παρειμένον ἐπικατασφάττει. σκυλεύσας δὲ τοὺς τῶν ἀνεψιῶν νεκροὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἠπείγετο πρῶτος ἀπαγγεῖλαι θέλων τὴν ἑαυτοῦ νίκην τῷ πατρί.

[4] and when his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the first news of his victory.

[1] ἔδει δὲ ἄρα καὶ τοῦτον ἄνθρωπον ὄντα μὴ πάντα διευτυχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολαῦσαί τι τοῦ φθονεροῦ δαίμονος, ὃς αὐτὸν ἐκ μικροῦ μέγαν ἐν ὀλίγῳ θεὶς χρόνῳ καὶ εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν θαυμαστὴν καὶ παράδοξον ἐξάρας κατέβαλε φέρων αὐθημερὸν εἰς ἄχαριν συμφορὰν ἀδελφοκτόνον.

[21.1] But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy state of being his sister’s murderer.

[2] ὡς γὰρ ἐγγὺς ἐγένετο τῶν πυλῶν, ἄλλον τε ὄχλον ὁρᾷ παντοδαπὸν ἐκχεόμενον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν προστρέχουσαν: διαταραχθεὶς δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ὄψιν, ὅτι καταλιποῦσα τὴν μετὰ μητρὸς οἰκουρίαν παρθένος ἐπίγαμος εἰς ὄχλον αὑτὴν ἔδωκεν ἀγνῶτα, καὶ πολλοὺς λαμβάνων λογισμοὺς ἀτόπους τελευτῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ φιλανθρώπους ἀπέκλινεν, ὡς ἀσπάσασθαί τε [p. 308] πρώτη τὸν σωθέντα ἀδελφὸν ποθοῦσα καὶ τὰς ἀρετὰς τῶν τεθνηκότων παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μαθεῖν βουλομένη τῶν εὐσχημόνων ὑπερίδοι γυναικεῖόν τι πάσχουσα.

[2] For when he arrived near the gates he saw a multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was distressed that a virgin ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother’s side and joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness.

[3] ἡ δὲ ἄρα οὐ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ποθοῦσα τὰς ἀσυνήθεις ἐτόλμησεν ἐξελθεῖν ὁδούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἔρωτι κρατουμένη τῶν ἀνεψιῶν ἑνός, ᾧ καθωμολόγητο ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ γάμῳ, καὶ κρύπτουσα τὸ πάθος ἀπόρρητον ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τινὸς ἤκουσεν ἀπαγγέλλοντος τὰ περὶ τὴν μάχην, οὐκέτι κατέσχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκλιποῦσα τὴν οἰκίαν ὥσπερ αἱ μαινάδες ἐφέρετο πρὸς τὰς πύλας οὐδὲν ἐπιστρεφομένη τῆς ἀνακαλούσης τε καὶ μεταδιωκούσης τροφοῦ.

[3] However, it was not, after all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who called her and ran to bring her back.

[4] ἔξω δὲ γενομένη τῆς πόλεως ὡς τὸν ἀδελφὸν εἶδε περιχαρῆ: τοὺς ἐπινικίους ἐπικείμενον στεφάνους, οἷς αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνέδησε, καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτοῦ φέροντας τὰ τῶν πεφονευμένων σκῦλα, ἐν οἷς ἦν πέπλος ποικίλος, ὃν αὐτὴ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἐξυφήνασα τῷ μνηστῆρι δῶρον εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα γάμον ἀπεστάλκει ῾ποικίλους γὰρ ἔθος ἐστὶν ἀμφιέννυσθαι. πέπλους Λατίνων τοῖς μετιοῦσι τὰς νύμφασ᾽, τοῦτον δὴ τὸν πέπλον θεασαμένη πεφυρμένον αἵματι τόν τε χιτῶνα κατερρήξατο καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις παίουσα τὸ στῆθος ἐθρήνει καὶ ἀνεκαλεῖτο τὸν ἀνεψιόν, ὥστε πολλὴν κατάπληξιν εἰσελθεῖν ἅπαντας ὅσοι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἦσαν τόπον.

[4] But when she got outside the city and saw her brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and beating her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there.

[5] ἀνακλαυσαμένη δὲ τὸν μόρον τοῦ μνηστῆρος ἀτενέσι τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὁρᾷ καὶ λέγει: μιαρώτατε ἄνθρωπε, χαίρεις ἀποκτείνας τοὺς ἀνεψιοὺς κἀμὲ [p. 309] τὴν παναθλίαν ἀδελφὴν ἀποστερήσας γάμου, ὦ δύστηνες3 ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἔλεος εἰσέρχεταί σε τῶν ἀπολωλότων συγγενῶν, οὓς ἀδελφοὺς ἐκάλεις, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἀγαθόν τι διαπεπραγμένος ἐξέστηκας τῶν φρενῶν ὑπὸ τῆς ἡδονῆς καὶ στεφάνους ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐπίκεισαι κακοῖς τίνος ἔχων ψυχὴν θηρίου;

[5] After she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother and said: “Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. Of what wild beast, then, have you the heart?”

[6] κἀκεῖνος ὑπολαβών, φιλοῦντος, ἔφη, τὴν πατρίδα πολίτου καὶ τοὺς κακῶς αὐτῇ βουλομένους κολάζοντος, ἐάν τε ἀλλότριοι τύχωσιν αὐτῆς ὄντες, ἐάν τε οἰκεῖοι: ἐν οἷς τίθεμαι καὶ σέ, ἥτις ἑνὶ καιρῷ τὰ μέγιστα ἀγαθῶν τε καὶ κακῶν συμβεβηκότα ἡμῖν ἐπιγνοῦσα τήν τε νίκην τῆς πατρίδος, ἣν ὁ σὸς ἀδελφὸς ἐγὼ πάρειμι κατάγων, καὶ τὸν θάνατον τῶν ἀδελφῶν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς, ὦ μιαρὰ σύ, τοῖς κοινοῖς τῆς πατρίδος χαίρεις οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς συμφοραῖς ταῖς ἰδίαις τῆς οἰκίας ἀλγεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεριδοῦσα τῶν σεαυτῆς ἀδελφῶν τὸν τοῦ μνηστῆρος ἀνακλαίεις μόρον, οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ σκότους ἀποφθαρεῖσά που κατὰ μόνας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἁπάντων ὀφθαλμοῖς, καί μοι τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τοὺς στεφάνους ὀνειδίζεις, ὦ ψευδοπάρθενε καὶ μισάδελφε καὶ ἀναξία τῶν προγόνων. ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν οὐ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πενθεῖς, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀνεψιούς, καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν ἔχεις, τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν παρὰ τῷ νεκρῷ, ἄπιθι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὃν ἀνακαλῇ καὶ μήτε τὸν πατέρα μήτε τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς [p. 310]

[6] And he, answering her, said: “The heart of a citizen who loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be foreigners or his own people. And among such I count even you; for though you know that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same time — I mean the victory of your country, which I, your brother, am bringing home with me, and the death of your brothers — you neither rejoice in the public happiness of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, curse you! but before the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, not for your brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour either your father or your brothers.”

[7] καταίσχυνε. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν οὐκ ἐφύλαξεν ἐν τῷ μισοπονήρῳ τὸ μέτριον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς εἶχεν ὀργῆς ὠθεῖ διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν αὐτῆς τὸ ξίφος, ἀποκτείνας δὲ τὴν ἀδελφὴν παρῆν ὡς τὸν πατέρα. οὕτω δὲ ἄρα μισοπόνηρα καὶ αὐθάδη τὰ τῶν τότε Ῥωμαίων ἤθη καὶ φρονήματα ἦν καί, εἴ τις αὐτὰ βούλοιτο παρὰ τὰ νῦν ἔργα καὶ τοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐξετάζειν βίους, ὠμὰ καὶ σκληρὰ καὶ τῆς θηριώδους οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντα φύσεως, ὥστε πάθος οὕτω δεινὸν ὁ πατὴρ ἀκούσας οὐχ ὅπως ἠγανάκτησεν, ἀλλὰ καλῶς καὶ προσηκόντως ὑπέλαβε τὸ πραχθὲν ἔχειν:

[7] After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action.

[8] ὅς γε οὔτε εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἴασεν εἰσενεχθῆναι τὸν νεκρὸν τῆς θυγατρὸς οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πατρῴοις τεθῆναι μνήμασιν ἐπέτρεψεν οὔτε κηδείας καὶ περιστολῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων νομίμων μεταλαβεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ παριόντες αὐτὴν ἐρριμμένην ἐν ᾧ διεχρήσθη χωρίῳ λίθους ἐπιφοροῦντες καὶ γῆν ἐκήδευσαν ὡς πτῶμα ἔρημον κηδομένων.

[8] In fact, he would neither permit his daughter’s body to be brought into the house nor allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any corpse which had none to give it proper burial.

[9] ταῦτά τε δὴ στερρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις, ἃ μέλλω λέγειν: ὡς γὰρ ἐπὶ καλοῖς τε καὶ εὐτυχέσιν ἔργοις αὐθημερὸν ἔθυε τοῖς πατρῴοις θεοῖς ἃς εὔξατο θυσίας καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἑστιάσει λαμπρᾷ τε καὶ καθάπερ ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις ἑορταῖς ὑπεδέχετο ἐλάττους ἡγούμενος τὰς ἰδίας συμφορὰς τῶν κοινῶν τῆς πατρίδος ἀγαθῶν.

[9] Besides these instances of the father’s severity there were still others that I shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid banquet, just as upon the greatest festivals, making less account of his private calamities than of the public advantages of his country.

[10] τοῦτο δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ὁ Ὁράτιος, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἄλλοι συχνοὶ Ῥωμαίων μνημονεύονται ποιήσαντες ἄνδρες ἐπιφανεῖς: λέγω δὲ τὸ θύειν καὶ στεφανηφορεῖν καὶ [p. 311] θριάμβους κατάγειν τέκνων αὐτοῖς ἀπολωλότων ἔναγχος, ὅταν εὐτυχήσῃ δι᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸ κοινόν: ὑπὲρ ὧν κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους ἐρῶ καιρούς.

[10] This not only Horatius but many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I refer to their offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good fortune. Of these I shall make mention in the proper places.

[1] μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην τῶν τριδύμων Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οἱ τότε ὄντες ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου ταφὰς ποιησάμενοι λαμπρὰς τῶν ἀποθανόντων ἐν οἷς ἔπεσον χωρίοις καὶ θύσαντες τἀπινίκια τοῖς θεοῖς ἐν εὐπαθείαις ἦσαν, Ἀλβανοὶ δὲ ἀχθόμενοι ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα δι᾽ αἰτίας ἔχοντες, ὡς κακῶς ἐστρατηγηκότα, ἄσιτοί τε οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀθεράπευτοι τὴν ἑσπέραν ἐκείνην διετέλεσαν.

[22.1] After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies.

[2] τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ πολλὰ παραμυθησάμενος, ὡς οὔτε ἄσχημον ἐπιτάξων αὐτοῖς οὐθὲν οὔτε χαλεπὸν οὔθ᾽ ὃ μὴ συγγενέσι πρέπει, τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ γνώμῃ περὶ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν πόλεων τὰ κράτιστα καὶ συμφορώτατα συμβουλεύσων, καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντά τε αὐτῶν Φουφέττιον ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀρχῆς κατασχὼν ἄλλο τε οὐδὲν τῶν πολιτικῶν μεθαρμοσάμενος οὐδὲ κινήσας ἀπῆγεν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου τὴν δύναμιν.

[2] The next day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the government, he led his army home.

[3] καταγαγόντι δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς θρίαμβον καὶ τὰ πολιτικὰ πράττειν ἀρξαμένῳ προσέρχονται τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες οὐκ ἀφανεῖς τὸν Ὁράτιον ἄγοντες ὑπὸ δίκην, ὡς οὐ καθαρὸν αἵματος ἐμφυλίου διὰ τὸν τῆς ἀδελφῆς φόνον: καὶ καταστάντες μακρὰν διεξῆλθον [p. 312] δημηγορίαν τοὺς νόμους παρεχόμενοι τοὺς οὐκ ἐῶντας ἄκριτον ἀποκτείνειν οὐθένα καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἁπάντων μηνίματα ταῖς μὴ κολαζούσαις πόλεσι τοὺς ἐναγεῖς διεξιόντες.

[3] After he had celebrated the triumph which the senate had decreed for him and had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman’s blood; and being given a hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all the gods against the cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted.

[4] ὁ δὲ πατὴρ ἀπελογεῖτο περὶ τοῦ μειρακίου κατηγορῶν τῆς θυγατρὸς καὶ τιμωρίαν οὐ φόνον εἶναι τὸ πραχθὲν λέγων δικαστήν τε αὑτὸν ἀξιῶν εἶναι τῶν ἰδίων κακῶν ἀμφοτέρων γενόμενον πατέρα. συχνῶν δὲ λόγων ῥηθέντων ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων πολλὴ τὸν βασιλέα κατεῖχεν ἀμηχανία, τί τέλος ἐξενέγκῃ

[4] But the father spoke in defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce in the cause.

[5] περὶ τῆς δίκης. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπολῦσαι τοῦ φόνου τὸν ὁμολογοῦντα τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνῃρηκέναι πρὸ δίκης καὶ ταῦτα ἐφ᾽ οἷς οὐ συνεχώρουν ἀποκτείνειν οἱ νόμοι καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπελάμβανεν, ἵνα μὴ τὴν ἀρὰν καὶ τὸ ἄγος ἀπὸ τοῦ δεδρακότος εἰς τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον εἰσενέγκηται, οὔτε ὡς ἀνδροφόνον ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἑλόμενον προκινδυνεῦσαι καὶ τοσαύτης αὐτῇ δυναστείας γενόμενον αἴτιον ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπολύοντος αὐτὸν τῆς αἰτίας, ᾧ τὴν περὶ τῆς θυγατρὸς ὀργὴν ἥ τε φύσις ἀπεδίδου πρώτῳ καὶ ὁ νόμος.

[5] For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial — and that, too, for an act which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence — lest by so doing he should transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in the case of his daughter.

[6] ἀπορούμενος δὲ τί χρήσεται τοῖς πράγμασι τελευτῶν κράτιστον εἶναι διέγνω τῷ δήμῳ τὴν διάγνωσιν ἐπιτρέπειν. γενόμενος δὲ θανατηφόρου κρίσεως τότε πρῶτον ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος κύριος τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ πατρὸς προσέθετο καὶ ἀπολύει τοῦ φόνου τὸν ἄνδρα: οὐ μὴν ὅ γε βασιλεὺς ἀποχρῆν ἔλεγε τοῖς βουλομένοις τὰ προς τοὺς θεοὺς [p. 313] ὅσια φυλάττειν τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων συντελεσθεῖσαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κρίσιν, ἀλλὰ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς ἱεροφάντας ἐκέλευσεν ἐξιλάσασθαι θεούς τε καὶ δαίμονας καὶ καθῆραι τὸν ἄνδρα οἷς νόμος τοὺς ἀκουσίους φόνους ἁγνίζεσθαι καθαρμοῖς.

[6] Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. And the Roman people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder.

Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated.

[7] κἀκεῖνοι βωμοὺς ἱδρυσάμενοι δύο τὸν μὲν Ἥρας, ἣ λέλογχεν ἐπισκοπεῖν ἀδελφάς, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐπιχωρίου θεοῦ τινος ἢ δαίμονος Ἰανοῦ λεγομένου κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν, ἐπωνύμου δὲ Κορατίων τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀνεψιῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ θυσίας τινὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ποιήσαντες τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καθαρμοῖς ἐχρήσαντο καὶ τελευτῶντες ὑπήγαγον τὸν Ὁράτιον ὑπὸ ζυγόν. ἔστι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις νόμιμον, ὅταν πολεμίων παραδιδόντων τὰ ὅπλα γένωνται κύριοι, δύο καταπήττειν ξύλα ὀρθὰ καὶ τρίτον ἐφαρμόττειν αὐτοῖς ἄνωθεν πλάγιον, ἔπειθ᾽ ὑπάγειν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ὑπὸ ταῦτα καὶ διελθόντας ἀπολύειν ἐλευθέρους ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα. τοῦτο καλεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ζυγόν, ᾧ καὶ οἱ τότε καθαίροντες τὸν ἄνδρα τελευταίῳ τῶν περὶ τοὺς καθαρμοὺς νομίμων ἐχρήσαντο.

[7] The pontiffs erected two altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by Horatius; and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a third to the top of them transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by those who purified Horatius.

[8] ἐν ᾧ δὲ τῆς πόλεως χωρίῳ τὸν ἁγνισμὸν ἐποιήσαντο πάντες Ῥωμαῖοι νομίζουσιν ἱερόν: ἔστι δ᾽ ἐν τῷ στενωπῷ τῷ φέροντι ἀπὸ Καρίνης κάτω τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸν Κύπριον ἐρχομένοις στενωπόν, ἔνθα οἵ τε βωμοὶ μένουσιν οἱ τότε ἱδρυθέντες καὶ ξύλον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τέταται δυσὶ τοῖς ἄντικρυς ἀλλήλων τοίχοις ἐνηρμοσμένον, ὃ γίνεται τοῖς [p. 314] ἐξιοῦσιν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς καλούμενον τῇ Ῥωμαϊκῇ διαλέκτῳ

[8] The place in the city where they performed this expiation is regarded by all the Romans as sacred; it is in the street that leads down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is called in the Roman tongue “the Sister’s Beam.” This place, then, is still preserved in the city as a monument to this man’s misfortune and honoured by the Romans with sacrifices every year.

[9] ξύλον ἀδελφῆς. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ χωρίον τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς μνημεῖον ἐν τῇ πόλει φυλάττεται θυσίαις γεραιρόμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, ἕτερον δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἣν ἐπεδείξατο κατὰ τὴν μάχην μαρτύριον ἡ γωνιαία στυλὶς ἡ τῆς ἑτέρας παστάδος ἄρχουσα ἐν ἀγορᾷ, ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἔκειτο τὰ σκῦλα τῶν Ἀλβανῶν τριδύμων. τὰ μὲν οὖν ὅπλα ἠφάνισται διὰ μῆκος χρόνου, τὴν δ᾽ ἐπίκλησιν ἡ στυλὶς ἔτι φυλάττει τὴν αὐτὴν Ὁρατία καλουμένη πίλα.

[9] Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos in the Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its name and is called pila Horatia or “the Horatian Pillar.”

[10] ἔστι δὲ καὶ νόμος παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ἐκεῖνο κυρωθεὶς τὸ πάθος, ᾧ καὶ εἰς ἐμὲ χρῶνται, τιμὴν καὶ δόξαν ἀθάνατον τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐκείνοις περιτιθεὶς ὁ κελεύων, οἷς ἂν γένωνται τρίδυμοι παῖδες ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου τὰς τροφὰς τῶν παίδων χορηγεῖσθαι μέχρις ἥβης. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τὴν Ὁρατίων οἰκίαν γενόμενα θαυμαστὰς καὶ παραδόξους περιπετείας λαβόντα τοιούτου τέλους ἔτυχεν.

[10] The Romans also have a law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are grown. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end.

[1] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἐνιαύσιον διαλιπὼν χρόνον, ἐν ᾧ πάντα τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιτήδεια παρεσκευάσατο, στρατὸν ἐξάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν Φιδηναίων πόλιν ἔγνω προφάσεις τοῦ πολέμου ποιησάμενος, ὅτι κληθέντες εἰς ἀπολογίαν περὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, ἣν συνεστήσαντο κατὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν, οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀναλαβόντες τὰ ὅπλα [p. 315] καὶ τὰς πύλας κλείσαντες Οὐιεντανῶν τε συμμαχίαν ἐπαγόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἀφειστήκεσαν καὶ τοῖς παραγενομένοις ἐκ Ῥώμης πρεσβευταῖς πυνθανομένοις τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἀπεκρίναντο μηδὲν αὐτοῖς ἔτι πρᾶγμα πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν εἶναι κοινόν, ἐξ οὗ Ῥωμύλος ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἐτελεύτησε,

[23.1] The king of the Romans, after letting a year pass, during which he made the necessary preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship.

[2] πρὸς ὃν ἐποιήσαντο τὰ περὶ τῆς φιλίας ὅρκια. ταύτας δὴ τὰς προφάσεις λαβὼν τήν τε οἰκείαν καθώπλιζε δύναμιν καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων μετεπέμπετο. πλεῖστον δὲ καὶ κράτιστον ἐπικουρικὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως Μέττιος Φουφέττιος ἧκεν ἄγων ὅπλοις κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπέσιν, ὥστε πάσας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τὰς συμμαχικὰς δυνάμεις.

[2] Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces.

[3] ὁ μὲν οὖν Τύλλος ὡς ἐκ προθυμίας τε καὶ ἀπὸ παντὸς τοῦ βελτίστου κοινωνεῖν ἐγνωκότα τοῦ πολέμου τὸν Μέττιον ἐπῄνει καὶ πάντων ἐποιεῖτο τῶν βουλευμάτων συνίστορα: ὁ δὲ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἐν αἰτίαις παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις ὑπάρχων ὡς κακῶς ἐστρατηγηκὼς τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ δὴ καὶ εἰς προδοσίαν διαβαλλόμενος, ἐπειδὴ τρίτον ἔτος ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς διέμενε Τύλλου κελεύσαντος, οὐκ ἀξιῶν τε ἀρχὴν ἔχειν ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπήκοον οὐδὲ ὑποτάττεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ οὐκ αὐτὸς ἡγεῖσθαι πρᾶγμά τι ἐπεβούλευσεν ἀνόσιον.

[3] Tullus, therefore, believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another’s command or to be subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot.

[4] διαπρεσβευσάμενος γὰρ κρύφα πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίων πολεμίους ἐνδοιαστῶς ἔτι πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἔχοντας ἐπῆρεν αὐτοὺς μὴ κατοκνεῖν, ὡς αὐτὸς συνεπιθησόμενος Ῥωμαίοις ἐν τῷ ἀγῶνι, [p. 316] καὶ ταῦτα πράττων τε καὶ διανοούμενος ἅπαντας ἐλάνθανε. Τύλλος δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ παρεσκευάσατο τήν τ᾽ οἰκείαν καὶ τὴν συμμαχικὴν δύναμιν ἐξῆγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Ἀνίητα ποταμὸν οὐ μακρὰν τῆς

[4] He sent ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as yet wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody.

[5] Φιδήνης κατεστρατοπέδευσεν. εὑρὼν δὲ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως στρατιὰν ἐκτεταγμένην πολλὴν αὐτῶν τε Φιδηναίων καὶ τῶν συμμαχούντων αὐτοῖς ἐκείνην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν ἡσυχίαν ἔσχε, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς Φουφέττιόν τε μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν Ἀλβανὸν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους ἐσκόπει μετ᾽ ἐκείνων τίνα χρηστέον εἴη τῷ πολέμῳ τρόπον, καὶ ἐπειδὴ πᾶσιν ἔδοξε μάχην τίθεσθαι διαταχέων καὶ μὴ τρίβειν τὸν χρόνον, χώραν καὶ τάξιν, ἣν ἕκαστος ἔμελλεν ἕξειν, προειπὼν ἡμέραν τε ὁρίσας τῆς μάχης τὴν κατόπιν διέλυσε τὸν σύλλογον.

[5] Tullus, as soon as he had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for the battle, he dismissed the council.

[6] ὁ δὲ Ἀλβανὸς Φουφέττιος ῾ἦν γὰρ δὴ ἔτι ἄδηλος καὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων πολλοῖς προδοσίαν μηχανώμενοσ᾽ συγκαλέσας τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους Ἀλβανῶν λοχαγοὺς καὶ ταξιάρχους λέγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοιάδε: ἄνδρες ταξίαρχοι καὶ λοχαγοί, πράγματα μέλλω ἐς ὑμᾶς μεγάλα καὶ ἀπροσδόκητα ἐκφέρειν, ἃ τέως ἔκρυπτον, ἱκετεύω δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀπόρρητα ποιήσασθαι, εἰ μή με διεργάσεσθε, καὶ ἐὰν δόξῃ συνοίσειν ἐπιτελῆ γενόμενα συλλαβέσθαι μοι αὐτῶν. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν λέγειν ὁ καιρὰς οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει βραχὺς ὤν, αὐτὰ δὲ τὰ ἀναγκαιότατα ἐρῶ.

[6] In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban — for his treachery was still a secret to many even of his own friends — calling together the most prominent centurions and tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows:

“Tribunes and centurions, I am going to disclose to you important and unexpected things which I have hitherto been concealing; and I beg of you to keep them secret if you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many words, as the time is short; so I shall mention only the most essential matters.

[7] ἐγὼ πάντα τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον ἐξ οὗ Ῥωμαίοις [p. 317] ὑπετάχθημεν ἕως τῆς2δε τῆς ἡμέρας αἰσχύνης μεστὸν καὶ ὀδύνης ἔχων τὸν βίον διατετέλεκα καίτοι τιμηθείς γε ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν τῇ αὐτοκράτορι ἀρχῇ, ἣν τρίτον ἔτος ἤδη τοῦτο ἔχω καὶ εἰ βουλοίμην μέχρι παντὸς ἕξω. ἀλλὰ πάντων ἡγούμενος εἶναι κακῶν ἔσχατον ἐν οὐκ εὐτυχοῦσι τοῖς κοινοῖς μόνος εὐτυχεῖν, ἐνθυμούμενος δὲ ὅτι παρὰ πάντα τὰ νενομισμένα παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ὅσια τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀφῃρέθημεν, ἐσκόπουν ὅπως ἂν αὐτὴν ἀνακομισαίμεθα μηδεμιᾶς πειραθέντες μεγάλης συμφορᾶς: πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ παντοδαποὺς λογισμοὺς λαμβάνων μίαν εὕρισκον ὁδὸν ἄγουσαν ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα ῥᾴστην τε καὶ ἀκινδυνοτάτην, εἴ τις αὐτοῖς ἀνασταίη πόλεμος ἐκ τῶν πλησιοχώρων πόλεων.

[7] I, from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life full of shame and grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, which I am now holding for the third year and may, if I should so desire, hold as long as I live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our supremacy, I took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great disaster. And although I considered many plans of every sort, the only way I could discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the neighbouring states.

[8] εἰς γὰρ τοῦτον ὑπελάμβανον αὐτοὺς καθισταμένους συμμάχων δεήσεσθαι καὶ πρώτων γε ἡμῶν. τὸ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο οὐ πολλῆς ὑπελάμβανον ὑμῖν διδαχῆς δεήσειν, ὅτι κάλλιόν τε καὶ δικαιότερον περὶ τῆς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐλευθερίας μᾶλλον ἢ περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ποιήσασθαι τὸν ἀγῶνα.

[8] For I assumed that when confronted by such a war they would have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I assumed that it would not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans.

[9] ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ὑπενόμενσα Ῥωμαίοις πόλεμον ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων Οὐιεντανοὺς καὶ Φιδηναίους πείσας ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα χωρεῖν, ὡς συλληψόμενος αὐτοῖς τοῦ πολέμου. καὶ μέχρι τούτου λέληθα Ῥωμαίους ταῦτα πράττων καὶ ταμιευόμενος ἐμαυτῷ τὸν τῆς ἐπιθέσεως καιρόν: ἐν ᾧ σκέψασθε ὅσα ὠφεληθησόμεθα.

[9] “With these thoughts in mind I secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I have escaped the Romans’ notice as I contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course.

[10] πρῶτον μὲν οὐκ ἐν φανερῷ βουλεύσαντες [p. 318] ἀπόστασιν, ἐν ᾧ κίνδυνος ἦν καθ᾽ ἑκάτερον ἢ ἀπαρασκεύους ἐπειχθέντας καὶ τῇ οἰκείᾳ δυνάμει μόνῃ πιστεύσαντας τὸν ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἀναρρῖψαι κύβον, ἢ παρασκευαζομένους καὶ βοηθείας ἐγείραντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν παρασκευῇ ὄντων προκαταληφθῆναι, οὐδετέρου τῶν χαλεπῶν τούτων πειραθέντες τὸ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων χρήσιμον ἕξομεν. ἔπειτα πολλὴν καὶ δυσπολέμητον οὖσαν τὴν τῶν ἀντιπάλων ἰσχὺν καὶ τύχην οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ βιαίου τρόπου πειρασόμεθα καθαιρεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἁλίσκεται πάντα τὰ ὑπέραυχα καὶ μὴ ῥᾴδια τῷ βιαίῳ καθαιρεθῆναι, δόλῳ καὶ ἀπάτῃ, οὔτε πρῶτοι ἄρξαντες αὐτῶν οὔτε μόνοι.

[10] First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a double danger — either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already prepared — we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the only people who have resorted to these means.

[11] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις οὐκ ἀξιομάχῳ οὔσῃ τῇ οἰκείᾳ δυνάμει πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἰσχὺν ἀντιταχθῆναι Φιδηναίων τε καὶ Οὐιεντανῶν τοσαύτην οὖσαν ὅσην ὁρᾶτε προσειλήφαμέν τε, καὶ ὡς ἂν μάλιστα θάρσος τινὶ συμμαχίας βεβαίου τὸ ἐπικουρικὸν παράσχοι προσγενόμενον οὕτω παρεσκεύασταί μοι.

[11] Besides, as our own force is not strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great numbers you see before you; and I have taken the following precautions that these auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be depended on to adhere to our alliance.

[12] οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ γῇ Φιδηναῖοι τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀράμενοι, τῆς δὲ αὑτῶν προκινδυνεύοντες ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν φυλάξουσιν. ὃ δὲ πάντων μέν ἐστιν ἥδιστον ἀνθρώποις, σπανίως δέ τισιν ἐκ τοῦ παρελθόντος αἰῶνος ἐξεγένετο, καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν ὑπάρξει: εὖ πάσχοντες ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων εὖ δρᾶν ἐκείνους αὐτοὶ δόξομεν. [p. 319]

[12] For it will not be in our territory that the Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves be thought to be conferring one upon them.

[13] καὶ ἐὰν ἡμῖν κατὰ νοῦν χωρήσῃ τὸ ἔργον, ὥσπερ τὸ εἰκὸς ἔχει, Φιδηναῖοί τε καὶ Οὐιεντανοὶ βαρείας ἀπαλλάξαντες ἡμᾶς ὑποταγῆς ὡς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τοῦτο πεπονθότες αὐτοὶ χάριν ἡμῖν εἴσονται. ταῦτα μέν ἐστιν ἃ διὰ πολλῆς φροντίδος παρασκευασθέντα ἱκανὰ εἶναι δοκεῖ μοι θάρσος τε καὶ προθυμίαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως ὑμῖν παρασχεῖν.

[13] And if this enterprise turns out according to our wish, as is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they themselves who had received this favour at our hands.

“These are the preparations which I have made after much thought and which I regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt.

[14] ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἐπιχειρεῖν τῷ ἔργῳ βεβούλευμαι, τοῦτ᾽ ἀκούσατέ μου: τάξιν μὲν ἀποδέδωκέ μοι Τύλλος τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρει καὶ κελεύει με θατέρου τῶν κεράτων ἄρχειν, ὅταν δὲ μέλλωμεν ὁμόσε τοῖς πολεμίοις χωρεῖν, ἄρξω μὲν ἐγὼ λύσας τὴν τάξιν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος ἄγειν, ἀκολουθήσετε δέ μοι ὑμεῖς συντεταγμένους ἄγοντες τοὺς λόχους. ἁψάμενος δὲ τῶν ἄκρων καὶ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ γενόμενος τίνα χρήσομαι τρόπον τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα πράγμασιν ἀκούσατέ μου:

[14] Now hear from me the manner in which I have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I will break ranks and begin to lead up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. When I have gained the top of the hill and am securely posted, hear in what manner I shall handle the situation after that.

[15] ἐὰν μὲν ὁρῶ κατὰ γνώμην ἃ διαλογίζομαι χωροῦντά μοι καὶ θρασεῖς μὲν γεγονότας τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἡμῶν αὐτοῖς συλλαμβανόντων, ταπεινοὺς δὲ καὶ περιφόβους Ῥωμαίους, ὡς προδεδομένους ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν, φυγῆς τε μᾶλλον ἢ ἀλκῆς προνοουμένους, ὅπερ εἰκός, ἐπιθήσομαι αὐτοῖς καὶ μεστὸν ποιήσω νεκρῶν τὸ πεδίον ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου τε κατιὼν ἐπὶ τὸ πρανὲς θαρρούσῃ τε καὶ συντεταγμένῃ δυνάμει πρὸς ἐπτοημένους ἀνθρώπους προσφερόμενος καὶ σποράδας.

[15] If I find my plans turning out according to my wish, that is, if I see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than fight, I will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I shall be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed.

[16] δεινὴ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις καὶ ἡ διὰ κενῆς ἐμπίπτουσα προδοσίας συμμάχων ἢ πολεμίων ἄλλων ἐφόδου δόκησις, [p. 320] καὶ πολλὰ ἤδη στρατεύματα μεγάλα ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς οὕτως ἑτέρου φοβεροῦ παθήματος ὡς ὑπὸ δόξης κενῆς ἴσμεν πανώλεθρα διαφθαρέντα. τὸ δ᾽ ἡμέτερον οὐ λόγος ἔσται κενὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀφανὲς δεῖμα, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργον ἁπάσης ὄψεως καὶ πείρας φοβερώτερον.

[16] For a terrible thing in warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen terror, but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced.

[17] ἐὰν δ᾽ ἄρα τἀναντία τῶν λελογισμένων γινόμενα ὁρῶ ῾λεγέσθω γὰρ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας δόξας εἰωθότα ἀπαντᾶν, ἐπειδὴ πολλὰ καὶ τὰ μὴ εἰκότα οἱ βίοι φέρουσἰ τἀναντία καὶ αὐτὸς ὧν προὐθέμην ἐπιχειρήσω ποιεῖν. ἄξω γὰρ ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἅμα Ῥωμαίοις καὶ συλλήψομαι αὐτοῖς τῆς νίκης τήν τε κατάληψιν τῶν ὑψηλῶν πεποιῆσθαι σκήψομαι τῆς κυκλώσεως τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων ἕνεκα. γενήσεται δέ μου πιστὸς ὁ λόγος ἔργα ὁμολογούμενα τῇ σκήψει παρεσχημένου, ὥσθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τῶν μὲν δεινῶν μηδετέροις κοινωνῆσαι, τῆς δ᾽ ἀμείνονος τύχης παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων μεταλαβεῖν.

[17] If, however, I find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), I too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I have just proposed. For I shall lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with them the victory, pretending that I occupied the heights with the intention of surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since I shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both.

[18] ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔγνωκά τε καὶ δράσω σὺν θεοῖς κράτιστα ὄντα οὐ μόνον Ἀλβανοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Λατίνοις, ὑμᾶς δὲ χρὴ σιγὴν μὲν πρῶτον φυλάττοντας, ἔπειτα κόσμον τε σώζοντας καὶ τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις ὀξέως ὑπηρετοῦντας προθύμους ἀγωνιστὰς γίνεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῖς προθύμους παρέχειν, ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι οὐχ ὅμοιός ἐστιν ἡμῖν τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὁ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας [p. 321] ἀγών, οἷς2τισιν ἐν ἔθει καθέστηκεν ἄρχεσθαι ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων καὶ ὅσοις τοιαύτην πολιτείαν οἱ πατέρες παρέδοσαν.

[18] “I, then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods I shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received that form of government from their ancestors.

[19] ἐλεύθεροι γὰρ ἐξ ἐλευθέρων ἔφυμεν καὶ ἄρχειν τῶν προσοίκων παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν οἱ πατέρες ὁμοῦ τι πεντακόσια ἔτη τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ βίου διαφυλάξαντες, οὗ μὴ ἀποστερήσωμεν ἡμεῖς τοὺς ἐκγόνους. παραστῇ δὲ μηδενὶ ὑμῶν δέος ἂν ταῦτα ἐθέλῃ πράττειν μὴ συνθήκας τε λύσῃ καὶ ὅρκους τοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς γενομένους παραβῇ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐννοείσθω διότι τὰς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων λελυμένας εἰς τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀποκαταστήσει καὶ οὐ τάς γε ἐλαχίστου ἀξίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἃς ἥ τε φύσις ἡ ἀνθρωπεία κατεστήσατο καὶ ὁ πάντων κοινὸς Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ βαρβάρων βεβαιοῖ νόμος, ἄρχειν καὶ τὰ δίκαια τάττειν τοὺς πατέρας τοῖς ἐκγόνοις καὶ τὰς μητροπόλεις ταῖς ἀποικίαις.

[19] For we are freemen descended from freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain the fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.

[20] ταύτας δὴ τὰς συνθήκας οὐδέποτε ἀναιρεθησομένας ἐκ τῆς ἀνθρωπείας φύσεως οὐχ ἡμεῖς οἱ κυρίας ἀξιοῦντες αἰεὶ διαμένειν παρασπονδοῦμεν, οὐδ᾽ ἄν τις ἡμῖν θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων νεμεσήσειεν ὡς ἀνόσια πράττουσιν εἰ δουλεύειν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐκγόνοις δυσανασχετοῦμεν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ καταλύσαντες αὐτὰς ἀρχῆθεν καὶ ἔργῳ ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀθεμίτῳ κρείττω ποιῆσαι τοῦ θείου νόμου τὸν ἀνθρώπινον: καὶ ὅ τε δαιμόνιος χόλος οὐχ ἡμῖν, ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐναντιώσεται κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, καὶ ἡ παρ᾽ ἀνθρώπων νέμεσις εἰς τούτους ἀνθ᾽ ἡμῶν κατασκήψει.

[20] This compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall upon them rather than upon us.

[21] εἰ μὲν οὖν [p. 322] ταῦτα κράτιστα πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι δοκεῖ, πράττωμεν αὐτὰ θεοὺς καὶ δαίμονας ἀρωγοὺς ἐπικαλεσάμενοι, εἰ δέ τις ὑμῶν τἀναντία ἔγνωκε καὶ δυεῖν θάτερον ἢ μηδέποτε ἀνασώσασθαι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἀξίωμα τῆς πόλεως οἴεται δεῖν, ἢ καιρὸν ἕτερόν τινα τοῦ παρόντος ἐπιτηδειότερον περιμένων ἀναβάλλεται τὸν παρόντα, μὴ κατοκνείτω φέρειν εἰς μέσον ἃ φρονεῖ: ὅ τι γὰρ ἂν ἅπασιν ὑμῖν κράτιστον φανῇ βούλευμα τούτῳ χρησόμεθα.

[21] If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan meets with your unanimous approval.”

[1] ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ τὴν γνώμην τῶν παρόντων καὶ πάντα ὑποσχομένων ποιήσειν ὅρκοις ἕκαστον αὐτῶν καταλαβὼν διέλυσε τὸν σύλλογον. τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ προῄεσαν μὲν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος αἱ Φιδηναίων τε καὶ συμμάχων δυνάμεις ἅμα τῷ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνασχεῖν καὶ παρετάσσοντο ὡς εἰς μάχην, ἀντεπεξῄεσαν δὲ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ καθίσταντο εἰς τάξιν.

[24.1] Those who were present having approved of this advice and promised to carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the Romans came out against them and took their positions.

[2] τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀριστερὸν κέρας αὐτὸς ὁ Τύλλος καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κατεῖχον ἐναντίοι Οὐιεντανοῖς ῾οὗτοι γὰρ τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν πολεμίων κατεῖχον κέρασ᾽, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κέρατος ὁ Μέττιος καὶ οἱ Ἀλβανοὶ κατὰ Φιδηναίους παρὰ τὴν λαγόνα τοῦ ὄρους ἐτάξαντο.

[2] Tullus himself and the Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied the enemy’s right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill.

[3] ἐπεὶ δὲ σύνεγγυς ἀλλήλων ἐγίνοντο, πρὶν ἐντὸς βέλους γενέσθαι οἱ Ἀλβανοὶ σχισθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ συντεταγμένους ἦγον τοὺς λόχους ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος. οἱ μὲν οὖν Φιδηναῖοι μαθόντες τοῦτο καὶ πιστεύσαντες ἀληθεύειν σφίσι τὰς περὶ τῆς προδοσίας [p. 323] ὑποσχέσεις τῶν Ἀλβανῶν θρασύτερον ἤδη τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προσεφέροντο, καὶ τὸ μὲν δεξιον κέρας τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐψιλωμένον τῆς συμμαχίας παρερρήγνυτό τε καὶ σφόδρα ἐπόνει, τὸ δ᾽ εὐώνυμον ἀνὰ κράτος ἠγωνίζετο, ἔνθα καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν ὁ Τύλλος ἐν τοῖς ἐπιλέκτοις τῶν ἱππέων μαχόμενος.

[3] When the armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other’s missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling confident that the Albans’ promises to betray the Romans were coming true before their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, carried on the struggle vigorously.

[4] ἐν δὲ τούτῳ προσελάσας τις ἱππεὺς τοῖς ἅμα τῷ βασιλεῖ μαχομένοις, κάμνει τὸ δεξιὸν ἡμῖν κέρας, ἔφησεν, ὦ Τύλλε. Ἀλβανοί τε γὰρ ἐκλιπόντες τὴν τάξιν ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα ἐπείγονται, Φιδηναῖοί τε καθ᾽ οὓς ἐκεῖνοι ἐτάχθησαν ὑπὲρ κέρατος ὄντες τοῦ ἐψιλωμένου κυκλοῦσθαι μέλλουσιν ἡμᾶς. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντας τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἰδόντας τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν Ἀλβανῶν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος δεῖμα ὡς κυκλωσομένους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καταλαμβάνει, ὥστε οὔτε μάχεσθαι οὔτε μένειν αὐτοῖς ἐπῄει.

[4] In the meantime a horseman rode up to those who were fighting under the king and said: “Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now left unprotected, and are going to surround us.” The Romans, upon hearing this and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to fight or to stand their ground.

[5] ἔνθα δὴ σοφίᾳ λέγεται χρήσασθαι ὁ Τύλλος οὐδὲν ἐπιταραχθεὶς τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπὸ τοσούτου τε καὶ οὕτως ἀπροσδοκήτου φανέντος κακοῦ, δι᾽ ἣν οὐ μόνον ἔσωσε τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατιὰν εἰς προὖπτον κατακεκλειμένην ὄλεθρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων πράγματα σύμπαντα συνέτριψέ τε καὶ διέφθειρεν. ὡς γὰρ ἤκουσε τοῦ ἀγγέλου μεγάλῃ φωνῇ χρώμενος, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀκούειν,

[5] Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, and cried:

[6] κρατοῦμεν, εἶπεν, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, τῶν ἐχθρῶν. Ἀλβανοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν τὸ πλησίον [p. 324] ὄρος τοῦτο κατειλήφασιν, ὥσπερ ὁρᾶτε, κατὰ τὰς ἐμὰς ἐντολάς, ἵνα κατὰ νώτου γενόμενοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐπίωσιν αὐτοῖς. ἐνθυμηθέντες οὖν ὅτι ἐν καλῷ τοὺς ἐχθίστους ἡμῖν ἔχομεν, οἱ μὲν ἄντικρυς ἐπιόντες, οἱ δὲ κατόπιν, ἔνθα οὔτε πρόσω χωρεῖν οὔτ᾽ ὀπίσω ἐπιστρέφειν δυνάμενοι ποταμῷ τε καὶ ὄρει ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων ἀποκλειόμενοι καλὴν δώσουσιν ἡμῖν δίκην, ἴτε σὺν πολλῇ καταφρονήσει ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς.

[6] “Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, and show your utter contempt of them.”

[1] ταῦτα παρὰ τὰς τάξεις ἁπάσας παρεξιὼν ἔλεγε, καὶ αὐτίκα τοὺς μὲν Φιδηναίους δέος εἰσέρχεται παλινπροδοσίας ὡς κατεστρατηγημένους ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀλβανοῦ, ἐπεὶ οὔτε ἀντιμεταταξάμενον αὐτὸν εἶδον οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εὐθὺς αὐτὸν ἐλαύνοντα, ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο αὐτοῖς, τοὺς δὲ Ῥωμαίους ἐπῆρεν εἰς εὐτολμίαν καὶ θάρσους ἐνέπλησεν ὁ λόγος: καὶ μέγα ἐμβοήσαντες ὁρμῶσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀθρόοι. τροπὴ δὲ γίνεται μετὰ τοῦτο τῶν Φιδηναίων καὶ φυγὴ

[25.1] These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder.

[2] πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἄκοσμος. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἐπιρράξας αὐτοῖς τὴν ἵππον περιφόβοις οὖσι καὶ τεταραγμένοις καὶ μέχρι τινὸς διώξας, ὡς ἔμαθεν ἐσκεδασμένους ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ οὔτε λογισμὸν ἔτι τοῦ συστῆναι ληψομένους οὔτε δύναμιν ἔχοντας, ἀφεὶς τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐπὶ τὸ συνεστηκὸς ἔτι καὶ διαμένον τῶν πολεμίων ἐχώρει μέρος. καὶ γίνεται καλὸς μὲν καὶ ὁ τῶν πεζῶν ἀγών, ἔτι δὲ καλλίων ὁ τῶν ἱππέων.

[2] The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and standing their ground.

[3] οὐ γὰρ ἐνέκλινον οἱ τῇδε τεταγμένοι Οὐιεντανοὶ τὴν [p. 325] ἔφοδον ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαῖκῆς ἵππου καταπλαγέντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντεῖχον ἄχρι πολλοῦ. ἔπειτα μαθόντες ὅτι τὸ εὐώνυμον σφῶν ἥττηται καὶ πᾶσα ἡ Φιδηναίων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων στρατιὰ φεύγει προτροπάδην, δείσαντες μὴ κυκλωθῶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀναστραφέντων ἐκ τοῦ διωγμοῦ τρέπονται καὶ αὐτοὶ λύσαντες τὰς τάξεις καὶ διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ σώζειν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπειρῶντο.

[3] And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by crossing the river.

[4] ὅσοι μὲν οὖν ἐρρωμενέστατοί τε αὐτῶν ἦσαν καὶ ἥκιστα ὑπὸ τραυμάτων βαρυνόμενοι νεῖν τε οὐκ ἀδύνατοι δίχα τῶν ὅπλων τὸ ῥεῖθρον διεπεραιοῦντο, ὅσοι δὲ τούτων τινὸς ἐνέλιπον ἐν ταῖς δίναις ἀπέθνησκον: ὀξὺ γὰρ τοῦ Τεβέριος περὶ τὴν Φιδήνην καὶ σκολιὸν τὸ ῥεῦμα.

[4] Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings.

[5] ὁ δὲ Τύλλος μοίρᾳ τινὶ τῶν ἱππέων κελεύσας τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ὠθουμένους κτείνειν, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Οὐιεντανῶν τὴν ἄλλην δύναμιν ἄγων ἐξ ἐφόδου γίνεται κύριος αὐτοῦ: καὶ τὰ μὲν Ῥωμαίων πράγματα παραδόξου τυχόντα σωτηρίας ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

[5] Tullus ordered a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the enemy who were pressing toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been unexpectedly preserved from destruction.

[1] ὁ δὲ Ἀλβανὸς ἐπειδὴ λαμπρῶς ἤδη νικῶντας ἐθεάσατο τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Τύλλον, καταβιβάσας καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῶν ὑψηλῶν τὴν οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας τῶν Φιδηναίων ἐχώρει, ἵνα δὴ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις γένοιτο πᾶσι φανερὸς ἔργον τι ποιῶν συμμάχου καὶ συχνοὺς τῶν διεσκεδασμένων ἐν τῇ φυγῇ

[26.1] When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who had become dispersed in the left.

[2] διέφθειρε. συνεὶς δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μισήσας τὴν παλινπροδοσίαν ὁ Τύλλος οὐδὲν ἐξελέγχειν ᾤετο [p. 326] δεῖν κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ἕως ἂν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ ποιήσηται τὸν ἄνδρα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαινεῖν τε τὴν ἀναχώρησιν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα πρὸς πολλοὺς τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἀπὸ παντὸς τοῦ βελτίστου γενομένην ἐσκήπτετο καὶ τῶν ἱππέων μοῖράν τινα πέμψας ὡς αὐτὸν ἠξίου τελείαν ἀποδείξασθαι τὴν προθυμίαν, τοὺς μὴ δυνηθέντας εἰς τὰ τείχη τῶν Φιδηναίων καταφεύγειν ἀλλ᾽ ἐσκεδασμένους ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν συχνοὺς ὄντας κελεύων διερευνώμενον ἀποκτείνειν.

[2] Tullus, though he understood his purpose and understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban’s withdrawal to the heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed about the country.

[3] κἀκεῖνος ὡς θάτερον ὧν ἤλπισε διαπεπραγμένος καὶ λεληθὼς τὸν Τύλλον ἔχαιρέ τε καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ καθιππεύων τὰ πεδία τοὺς καταλαμβανομένους διέφθειρεν, ἤδη δὲ δεδυκότος ἡλίου τοὺς ἱππέας ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἐκ τοῦ διωγμοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐπελθοῦσαν νύκτα ἐν εὐπαθείαις ἅμα τοῖς ἑταίροις ἦν.

[3] And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and passed the following night in making merry with his friends.

[4] ὁ δὲ Τύλλος ἐν τῷ Οὐιεντανῶν χάρακι μείνας ἄχρι πρώτης φυλακῆς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀνακρίνας, τίνες ἦσαν οἱ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἡγεμόνες, ὡς ἔμαθε καὶ τὸν Ἀλβανὸν Μέττιον Φουφέττιον ἐν τοῖς συνομοσαμένοις ὑπάρχοντα, δόξας συνᾴδειν τὰ πραχθέντα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῖς μηνυομένοις ὑπὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν ἑταίρων παραλαβὼν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἀφιππεύει:

[4] Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; and when he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome.

[5] καὶ πρὸ μέσων νυκτῶν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν τοὺς βουλευτὰς συγκαλέσας τήν τε προδοσίαν αὐτοῖς λέγει τὴν τοῦ Ἀλβανοῦ μάρτυρας τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους παρασχόμενος καὶ ὃν τρόπον αὐτὸς κατεστρατήγησε τούς τε πολεμίους [p. 327] καὶ τοὺς Φιδηναίους διηγεῖται. τέλος δὴ τὸ κράτιστον εἰληφότος τοῦ πολέμου τὰ λοιπὰ ἤδη σκοπεῖν αὐτοὺς ἠξίου, τίνα χρὴ τρόπον τιμωρήσασθαι μὲν τοὺς προδότας, σωφρονεστέραν δὲ τὴν Ἀλβανῶν ἀποδοῦναι πόλιν εἰς τὸ λοιπόν.

[5] Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their enemies and the Fidenates. And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained — how the traitors ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future.

[6] τὸ μὲν οὖν τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς ἐπιχειρήσαντας ἔργοις ἀνοσίοις πᾶσιν ἐδόκει δίκαιόν τε καὶ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι, ὃν δὲ τρόπον τοῦτο γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ῥᾷστα καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα πολλὴν αὐτοῖς παρεῖχεν ἀπορίαν. ἀδήλῳ μὲν γὰρ καὶ λεληθότι μόρῳ πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς Ἀλβανῶν ἄνδρας διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν ἀδυνάτων αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο εἶναι: εἰ δὲ φανερῶς συλλαμβάνειν καὶ τιμωρεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐνόχους ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐπιχειρήσειαν, οὐ περιόψεσθαι τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς ὑπελάμβανον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα χωρήσειν. ἅμα δὲ πολεμεῖν Φιδηναίοις τε καὶ Τυρρηνοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν σφῶν συνεληλυθόσιν Ἀλβανοῖς οὐκ ἐβούλοντο. ἀπορουμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν τελευταῖος ἀποδείκνυται γνώμην ὁ Τύλλος, ἣν ἅπαντες ἐπῄνεσαν, ὑπὲρ ἧς μετὰ μικρὸν ἐρῶ.

[6] That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this I shall speak presently.

[1] τετταράκοντα δ᾽ ὄντων σταδίων τῶν μεταξὺ Φιδήνης τε καὶ Ῥώμης ἐλάσας τὸν ἵππον ἀνὰ κράτος παρῆν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα καὶ πρὶν ἡμέραν λαμπρὰν γενέσθαι καλέσας Μάρκον Ὁράτιον τὸν περιλειφθέντα ἐκ τῶν τριδύμων καὶ δοὺς αὐτῷ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν πεζῶν τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀλβανῶν πόλιν ἄγειν, παρελθόντα δ᾽ ἐντὸς τείχους [p. 328] ὡς φίλον ὄντα, ὅταν ὑποχειρίους λάβῃ τοὺς ἔνδον, καθελεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἄχρι θεμελίων μηθενὸς μήτε ἰδίου μήτε κοινοῦ κατασκευάσματος φειδόμενον ἔξω τῶν ἱερῶν, ἀνθρώπων δὲ μηθένα μήτε κτείνειν μήτε ἀδικεῖν,

[27] The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to retain their possessions.

[2] ἀλλὰ πάντας ἐᾶν ἔχειν τὰ ἑαυτῶν. ἐκπέμψας δὲ τοῦτον ἐκάλει τοὺς ταξιάρχους καὶ τοὺς λοχαγοὺς καὶ τὰ δόξαντα τῇ βουλῇ διασαφήσας φυλακὴν ἐκ τούτων καθίσταται περὶ τὸ σῶμα: καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν ὁ Ἀλβανὸς ὡς ἐπὶ νικήματι κοινῷ γεγηθὼς καὶ τῷ Τύλλῳ συνηδόμενος. ὁ δὲ Τύλλος ἀπόρρητον τὴν γνώμην ἔτι φυλάσσων ἐπῄνει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεγάλων ἄξιον ἀπέφαινε δωρεῶν παρεκάλει τε γράψαντα καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων Ἀλβανῶν ὀνόματα τῶν ἐπιφανές τι κατὰ τὴν μάχην διαπραξαμένων φέρειν ὡς αὐτόν, ἵνα κἀκεῖνοι τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἐπινικίων ἀπενέγκωνται μοῖραν.

[2] After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory.

[3] ὁ μὲν δὴ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν φίλων, οἷς ἐχρήσατο τῶν ἀπορρήτων βουλευμάτων συνεργοῖς, εἰσγράψας εἰς δέλτον ἐπιδίδωσιν. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἅπαντας ἀποθεμένους τὰ ὅπλα ἐκάλει: συνιόντων δὲ αὐτῶν τὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα τῶν Ἀλβανῶν ἅμα τοῖς ταξιάρχοις τε καὶ λοχαγοῖς παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ βῆμα ἐκέλευσεν ἑστάναι, ἐχομένους δὲ τούτων τοὺς ἄλλους Ἀλβανοὺς ταχθέντας ἐκκλησιάζειν, μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Ἀλβανοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν τῶν συμμάχων πλῆθος: ἔξωθεν δὲ πάντων περιέστησε Ῥωμαίους, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν οἱ γενναιότατοι, ξίφη κρύπτοντας ὑπὸ ταῖς περιβολαῖς. ὡς δ᾽ ἐν καλῷ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἔχειν ὑπέλαβεν ἀναστὰς ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [p. 329]

[3] Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these the rest of the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up and spoke as follows:

[1] ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοί τε καὶ ἄλλοι φίλοι καὶ σύμμαχοι, τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ τολμήσαντας εἰς πόλεμον ἡμῖν καταστῆναι Φιδηναίους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους αὐτῶν ἐτιμωρησάμεθα σὺν θεοῖς, καὶ δυεῖν θάτερον ἢ παύσονται τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνοχλοῦντες ἡμῖν ἢ

[28.1] “Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced.

[2] δίκας τίσουσιν ἔτι τούτων χείρονας. ἀπαιτεῖ δὲ ὁ καιρός, ἐπεὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἡμῖν κατ᾽ εὐχὴν κεχώρηκε, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τιμωρήσασθαι πολεμίους, ὅσοι φίλων μὲν ἔχουσιν ὀνόματα καὶ παρελήφθησαν εἰς τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ὡς κακῶς τοὺς κοινοὺς ἐχθροὺς μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ποιήσοντες, ἐγκατέλιπον δὲ τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς πιστὸν καὶ μετὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἀπορρήτους ποιησάμενοι συνθήκας διαφθεῖραι πάντας ἡμᾶς ἐπεβάλοντο.

[2] It is now time, since our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all.

[3] πολὺ γὰρ οὗτοι κακίους τῶν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ πολεμίων εἰσὶ καὶ μείζονος τιμωρίας ἄξιοι: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ καὶ φυλάξασθαι ῥᾴδιον τοῖς ἐπιβουλευομένοις καὶ συμπλακέντας ὡς ἐχθροὺς ἀμύνασθαι δυνατόν, φίλους δ᾽ ἐχθρῶν ἔργα ποιοῦντας οὔτε φυλάξασθαι ῥᾴδιον οὔτε ἀμύνασθαι τοῖς προκαταληφθεῖσι δυνατόν. οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως ἐπὶ δόλῳ σύμμαχοι κακὸν μὲν οὐθὲν ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν παθόντες,

[3] For these are much worse than open enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits.

[4] ἀγαθὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα. ἄποικοι μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν ὄντες οὐθὲν τῆς τούτων ἀρχῆς παρασπάσαντες ἰδίαν ἰσχὺν καὶ δύναμιν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων πολέμων ἐκτησάμεθα, ἔθνεσι δὲ μεγίστοις καὶ πολεμικωτάτοις [p. 330] ἐπιτειχίσαντες τὴν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν πόλιν πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν τούτοις τοῦ τε ἀπὸ Τυρρηνῶν καὶ ἀπὸ Σαβίνων πολέμου παρειχόμεθα: ἧς δὴ πόλεως εὖ τε πραττούσης ἁπάντων μάλιστα χαίρειν αὐτοὺς ἔδει καὶ σφαλλομένης μηδὲν ἐνδεέστερον ἢ περὶ τῆς αὐτῶν ἄχθεσθαι.

[4] For, as we are their colony, we have not wrested away any part of their dominion but have acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity no less than at their own.

[5] οἱ δὲ ἄρα φθονοῦντες οὐχ ἡμῖν μόνον τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἑαυτοῖς τῆς δι᾽ ἡμᾶς εὐτυχίας διετέλουν καὶ τελευτῶντες ὡς οὐκέτι κατέχειν τὴν ὕπουλον ἔχθραν ἐδύναντο πόλεμον ἡμῖν προεῖπον. μαθόντες δ᾽ ἡμᾶς εὖ πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα παρεσκευασμένους, ὡς οὐθὲν οἷοίτ᾽ ἦσαν ἐργάσασθαι κακόν, εἰς διαλλαγὰς ἐκάλουν καὶ φιλίαν καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας νεῖκος ἐν τρισὶν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας πόλεως σώμασιν ἠξίουν κριθῆναι. ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ ταύτας τὰς προκλήσεις καὶ νικήσαντες τῇ μάχῃ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἔσχομεν ὑποχείριον.

[5] But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?

[6] φέρε δὴ τί μετὰ ταῦτα ἐποιήσαμεν; ἐξὸν ἡμῖν ὅμηρά τε αὐτῶν λαβεῖν καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλιπεῖν καὶ τοὺς κορυφαιοτάτους τῶν διαστησάντων τὰς πόλεις τοὺς μὲν ἀνελεῖν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκβαλεῖν πολιτείας τε αὐτῶν κόσμον μεταστῆσαι πρὸς τὸ ἡμῖν συμφέρον καὶ χώρας καὶ χρημάτων ἀποδασμῷ ζημιῶσαι καί, ὃ πάντων ῥᾷστον ἦν, ἀφελέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα αὐτούς, ἐξ ὧν ἐγκρατεστέραν ἂν τὴν ἀρχὴν κατεστησάμεθα, τούτων μὲν οὐδὲν ἠξιώσαμεν ποιῆσαι, τῷ δ᾽ εὐσεβεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπετρέψαμεν καὶ τὸ εὐπρεπὲς τὸ πρὸς ἅπαντας τοῦ λυσιτελοῦντος ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἰδίᾳ κρεῖττον ἡγησάμενοι συνεχωρήσαμεν αὐτοῖς ἅπαντα τὰ σφέτερα καρποῦσθαι, [p. 331] Μέττιον δὲ Φουφέττιον, ὃν αὐτοὶ τῇ μεγίστῃ ἀρχῇ ἐκόσμησαν, ὡς δὴ κράτιστον Ἀλβανῶν διοικεῖν τὰ κοινὰ μέχρι τοῦ παρόντος εἰάσαμεν.

[6] Though it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and — the thing that was easiest of all — to disarm them, by which means we should have strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our own private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans — since they themselves had honoured him with the chief magistracy — to administer their affairs up to the present time.

[7] ἀνθ᾽ ὧν τίνας ἡμῖν χάριτας ἀπέδοσαν, ἡνίκα μᾶλλον φίλων τε καὶ συμμάχων εὐνοίας ἔδει, ἀκούσατε: ἀπορρήτους ποιησάμενοι συνθήκας πρὸς τοὺς κοινοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἐν τῷ ἀγῶνι συνεπιθησόμενοι ἡμῖν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἐπειδὴ πλησίον ἀλλήλων ἐγινόμεθα καταλιπόντες τὴν τάξιν ἐφ᾽ ἣν ἐτάχθησαν ᾤχοντο πρὸς τὰ πλησίον ὄρη δρόμῳ προκαταλαβέσθαι σπεύδοντες τὰ ὀχυρά.

[7] “For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else.

[8] εἰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ νοῦν ἡ πεῖρα αὐτοῖς ἐχώρει, οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ κωλῦον ἦν ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς ἀπολωλέναι κυκλωθέντας ὑπό τε πολεμίων καὶ φίλων, καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν ἀγῶνας, οὓς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἠγωνισάμεθα, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ διαφθαρῆναι μιᾷ.

[8] And if their attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being lost in a single day.

[9] ἐπειδὴ δὲ διέπεσεν αὐτῶν τὸ βούλευμα θεῶν μὲν εὐνοίας προηγησαμένης ῾ἁπάσας γὰρ ἔγωγε τὰς καλὰς καὶ ἀγαθὰς πράξεις ἐκείνοις ἀνατίθημἰ, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς ἐμῆς στρατηγίας οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν εἴς τε τὸ δέος τῶν πολεμίων καὶ εἰς τὸ θάρσος τὸ ὑμέτερον παρασχομένης ῾ἃ γὰρ ἐγὼ ἐν τῷ τότε ἀγῶνι ἔφην, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ κελευσθέντες Ἀλβανοὶ προκαταλαμβάνονται τὰ ὄρη κυκλώσεως τῶν πολεμίων ἕνεκα, πλάσματα καὶ

[9] But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to the goodwill of the gods (for I at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), and, second, to the stratagem I made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I made during the battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself),

[10] στρατηγήματα ἦν ἐμά᾽, κεχωρηκότων δ᾽ ἡμῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς ἡμῖν συνέφερεν οὐκ ἂν εἴημεν ἄνδρες οἵους ἡμᾶς προσῆκεν εἶναι, εἰ μὴ τιμωρησαίμεθα [p. 332] τοὺς προδότας, οἵ γε χωρὶς τῆς ἄλλης ἀναγκαιότητος, ἣν διὰ τὸ συγγενὲς ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς φυλάσσειν, σπονδὰς καὶ ὅρκια ποιησάμενοι πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔναγχος οὔτε θεοὺς δείσαντες, οὓς τῶν ὁμολογιῶν ἐποιήσαντο μάρτυρας, οὔτε τὸ δίκαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην νέμεσιν ἐντραπέντες, οὔτε τὸ τοῦ κινδύνου μέγεθος εἰ μὴ κατὰ νοῦν αὐτοῖς ἡ προδοσία χωρήσειεν ὑπολογιζόμενοι, τὸν οἴκτιστον τρόπον ἡμᾶς ἐπεχείρησαν ἀπολέσαι τοὺς ἀποίκους τε καὶ εὐεργέτας, οἱ κτίσται μετὰ τῶν ἐχθίστων τε καὶ πολεμιωτάτων στάντες.

[10] since, I say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be the men we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the danger if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most deadly foes and our greatest enemies.”

[1] ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος οἰμωγαί τε τῶν Ἀλβανῶν ἐγίνοντο καὶ παντοδαπαὶ δεήσεις τοῦ μὲν δήμου μηδὲν ἐγνωκέναι λέγοντος ὧν ὁ Μέττιος ἐμηχανᾶτο, τῶν δὲ τὰς ἡγεμονίας ἐχόντων οὐ πρότερον πεπύσθαι τὰς ἀπορρήτους βουλὰς σκηπτομένων ἢ ἐν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῷ ἀγῶνι, ἡνίκα οὔτε κωλύειν οὔτε μὴ πράττειν τὰ κελευόμενα ἐν δυνατῷ σφίσιν ἦν, ἤδη δέ τινων καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκούσιον ἀνάγκην ἀναφερόντων τὸ πρᾶγμα διὰ κηδείαν ἢ διὰ συγγένειαν:

[29.1] While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent, addressed them thus:

[2] οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας ἔλεξεν: οὐδ᾽ ἐμὲ λέληθεν, ἄνδρες Ἀλβανοί, τούτων ὧν ἀπολογεῖσθε οὐθέν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑμῶν ἀγνοεῖν τὴν προδοσίαν οἴομαι τεκμαιρόμενος ὅτι πολλῶν συνειδότων οὐδὲ τὸν ἐλάχιστον πέφυκε τἀπόρρητα σιωπᾶσθαι χρόνον, τῶν δὲ ταξιαρχῶν τε καὶ λοχαγῶν βραχύ τι μέρος ἡγοῦμαι τὸ συνεπιβουλεῦσαν ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, [p. 333] τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἐξηπατῆσθαι καὶ εἰς ἀκουσίους ἀνάγκας ἀφῖχθαι.

[2] “I, too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the knowledge of them; and I also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and centurions were accomplices in the conspiracy formed against us, but that the greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were compelled to act against their will.

[3] εἰ δέ γε τούτων μηδὲν ἀληθὲς ἦν, ἀλλὰ πάντας εἰσῆλθεν Ἀλβανοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐνθάδε ὄντας ὑμᾶς καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλειπομένους ἡ τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς ἐπιθυμία, καὶ τοῦτο οὐ νῦν πρῶτον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πολλοῦ πάνυ χρόνου δεδογμένον ὑμῖν ἦν, τῆς συγγενείας ἕνεκα πολλὴ Ῥωμαίοις ἀνάγκη καὶ

[3] Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands.

[4] ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῶν τἀδικήματα φέρειν. ἵνα δὲ μηθὲν βουλεύσητε ἔτι καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἄδικον μήτε δὴ βιασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγουμένων τῆς πόλεως μήτε παρακρουσθέντες μία φυλακὴ καὶ πρόνοιά: ἐστιν, εἰ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως πολῖται γενοίμεθα πάντες καὶ μίαν ἡγοίμεθα πατρίδα, ἧς εὖ τε καὶ χεῖρον φερομένης τὸ ἐπιβάλλον μέρος ἕκαστος οἴσεται τῆς τύχης: ἕως δ᾽ ἂν ἐκ διαφόρου γνώμης, ὥσπερ νῦν ἔχει, τό τε πλεῖον καὶ τοὔλαττον ἐπικρίνωμεν ἑκάτεροι, οὐκ ἔσται βέβαιος ἡμῖν ἡ πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλία, ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ μέλλοιεν οἱ μὲν πρότεροι ἐπιβουλεύσαντες τοῖς ἑτέροις ἢ κατορθώσαντες πλεῖον ἕξειν ἢ σφαλέντες ἐν μηδενὶ δεινῷ ἔσεσθαι διὰ τὸ συγγενές, καθ᾽ ὦν δ᾽ ἂν αἱ ἐπιχειρήσεις γένωνται ὑποχείριοι καταστάντες τὰ ἔσχατα παθεῖν καὶ διαφυγόντες μηθὲν ὥσπερ ἐχθροὶ

[4] But against the possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, to remember their wrongs — as has happened in the present instance.

[5] μνησικακεῖν, ὅπερ καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι γέγονεν. ἴστε δὴ ταῦτα δεδογμένα Ῥωμαίοις τῇ παρελθούσῃ νυκτὶ [p. 334] συναγαγόντος ἐμοῦ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς συνέδροις γραψαμένου, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ὑμῶν καθαιρεθῆναι καὶ μήτε τῶν δημοσίων μήτε τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν κατασκευασμάτων ὀρθόν τι ἐᾶσαι διαμένειν μηθὲν ἔξω τῶν ἱερῶν:

[5] “Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I myself having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered that your city be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except the temples;

[6] τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ πάντας ἔχοντας οὓς καὶ νῦν ἔχουσι κλήρους ἀνδραπόδων τε καὶ βοσκημάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων μηθὲν ἀφαιρεθέντας ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦδε χρόνον οἰκεῖν: ὅσην τε τὸ κοινὸν ὑμῶν ἐκέκτητο γῆν τοῖς μηθένα κλῆρον ἔχουσιν Ἀλβανῶν διαμερισθῆναι χωρὶς τῶν ἱερῶν κτημάτων, ἐξ ὧν αἱ θυσίαι τοῖς θεοῖς ἐγίνοντο. οἴκων δὲ κατασκευῆς, ἐν οἷς τοὺς βίους ἱδρύσεσθε οἱ μετανιστάμενοι, καθ᾽ οὓς ἔσονται τῆς πόλεως τόπους, ἐμὲ ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν συλλαμβάνοντα τοῖς ἀπορωτάτοις ὑμῶν τῆς εἰς τὰ ἔργα δαπάνης.

[6] that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I take charge of the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you in the expense of building;

[7] καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος ὑμῶν μετὰ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν δημοτικῶν συντελεῖν εἰς φυλὰς καὶ φράτρας καταμερισθέν, βουλῆς δὲ μετέχειν καὶ ἀρχὰς λαμβάνειν καὶ τοῖς πατρικίοις προσνεμηθῆναι τούσδε τοὺς οἴκους: Ἰουλίους, Σερουϊλίους, Κορατίους, Κοϊντιλίους, Κλοιλίους, Γεγανίους, Μετιλίους: Μέττιον δὲ καὶ τοὺς σὺν τούτῳ βουλεύσαντας τὴν προδοσίαν δίκας ὑποσχεῖν, ἃς ἂν ἡμεῖς τάξωμεν δικασταὶ περὶ ἑκάστου τῶν ὑπαιτίων καθεζόμενοι: οὐθένα γὰρ ἀποστερήσομεν κρίσεως οὐδὲ λόγου. [p. 335]

[7] that the mass of your population be incorporated with our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the Geganii, and the Metilii; and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the privilege of making a defence.”

[1] ὡς δὲ ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν, ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν Ἀλβανῶν πένητες ἠγάπων εἰ Ῥώμην τε οἰκήσουσι καὶ τῆς γῆς κλῆρον ἕξουσι καὶ ἐπῄνουν μεγάλῃ βοῇ τὰ διδόμενα, οἱ δὲ λαμπρότεροι τοῖς ἀξιώμασι καὶ ταῖς τύχαις κρείττους ἤχθοντο, εἰ δεήσει πόλιν τε τὴν γειναμένην αὐτοὺς ἐκλιπεῖν καὶ προγονικὰς ἑστίας ἐρημῶσαι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οἰκεῖν ἐν τῇ ξένῃ: οἷς οὐδὲν ἐπῄει λέγειν εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην κατακεκλειμένοις ἀνάγκην. ὁ δὲ Τύλλος ἐπειδὴ τὴν διάνοιαν εἶδε τῶν πολλῶν, ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὸν Μέττιον ἐκέλευσεν, εἴ τι πρὸς ταῦτα λέγειν βούλεται.

[30.1] At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with loud acclaim the terms granted them. But those among them who were distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in answer to the charges.

[2] οὐκ ἔχων δ᾽ ὁ Μέττιος ὅ τι χρὴ λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς κατηγοροῦντάς τε καὶ καταμαρτυροῦντας τὴν Ἀλβανῶν βουλὴν ἔφησεν αὑτῷ ταῦτα ὑποθέσθαι ποιεῖν δι᾽ ἀπορρήτων, ὅτε ἐξῆγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον, ἠξίου τε τοὺς Ἀλβανούς, οἷς ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπεχείρει, βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ μήτε τὴν πατρίδα κατασκαπτομένην περιορᾶν μήτε τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίαις συναρπαζομένους. ταραχῆς δὲ γινομένης κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καί τινων φεύγειν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα ὡρμηκότων οἱ περιεστεφανωκότες τὸν ὄχλον ἀρθέντος σημείου τινὸς ἀνέσχον τὰ ξίφη.

[2] But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords.

[3] περιφόβων δὲ γενομένων ἁπάντων ἀναστὰς πάλιν ὁ Τύλλος εἶπεν: οὐδὲν ἔτι ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν νεωτερίζειν οὐδ᾽ ἐξαμαρτάνειν, ἄνδρες Ἀλβανοί. ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἂν παρακινεῖν τι τολμήσητε, πάντες [p. 336] ἀπολεῖσθε ὑπὸ τούτων: δείξας τοὺς ἔχοντας τὰ ξίφη. δέχεσθε οὖν τὰ διδόμενα καὶ γίνεσθε ἀπὸ τοῦ χρόνου τοῦδε Ῥωμαῖοι. δυεῖν γὰρ ἀνάγκη θάτερον ὑμᾶς ποιεῖν ἢ Ῥώμην κατοικεῖν ἢ μηδεμίαν ἑτέραν γῆν ἔχειν πατρίδα.

[3] And when all were terrified, Tullus rose up again and said: “It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country.

[4] οἴχεται γὰρ ἕωθεν ἐκπεμφθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ Μάρκος Ὁράτιος ἀναιρήσων τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν ἐκ θεμελίων καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας εἰς Ῥώμην μετάξων. ταῦτα οὖν εἰδότες ὅσον οὔπω γενησόμενα παύσασθε θανατῶντες καὶ ποιεῖτε τὰ κελευόμενα. Μέττιον δὲ Φουφέττιον ἀφανῶς τε ἡμῖν ἐπιβουλεύσαντα καὶ οὐδὲ νῦν ὀκνήσαντα ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς ταραχώδεις καὶ στασιαστὰς καλεῖν τιμωρήσομαι τῆς κακῆς καὶ δολίου ψυχῆς ἀξίως.

[4] For early this morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I shall punish him in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves.”

[5] ταῦτα λέξαντος αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν ἐρεθιζόμενον τῆς ἐκκλησίας μέρος ἔπτηξεν, οἷα δὴ κρατούμενον ἀνάγκῃ ἀφύκτῳ, τὸν δὲ Φουφέττιον ἀγανακτοῦντα ἔτι καὶ κεκραγότα μόνον τάς τε συνθήκας ἀνακαλούμενον, ἃς αὐτὸς ἐξηλέγχθη παρασπονδῶν, καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἐν κακοῖς τοῦ θράσους ὑφιέμενον οἱ ῥαβδοῦχοι κελεύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως Τύλλου συλλαβόντες καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα περικαταρρήξαντες ἔξαινον τὸ σῶμα μάστιξι πάνυ πολλαῖς.

[5] At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body with many stripes.

[6] ἐπεὶ δὲ ταύτης ἅλις εἶχε τῆς τιμωρίας, προσελάσαντες δύο συνωρίδας τῇ μὲν ἑτέρᾳ προσήρτων τοὺς βραχίονας αὐτοῦ, τῇ δ᾽ ἑτέρᾳ τοὺς πόδας ῥυτῆρσι κατεχομένους μακροῖς: ἐλαυνόντων δὲ τῶν ἡνιόχων τὰς συνωρίδας ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ξαινόμενός τε περὶ τῇ γῇ καὶ ἀνθελκόμενος [p. 337] ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρας ἐπὶ τἀναντία ὁ δείλαιος ἐν ὀλίγῳ διασπᾶται χρόνῳ.

[6] After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite directions, was soon torn apart.

[7] Μέττιος μὲν δὴ Φουφέττιος οὕτως οἰκτρᾶς καὶ ἀσχήμονος τελευτῆς ἔτυχε, τοῖς δ᾽ ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ συνειδόσι τὴν προδοσίαν αὐτοῦ δικαστήρια ὁ βασιλεὺς καθίσας τοὺς ἁλόντας ἐξ αὐτῶν κατὰ τὸν τῶν λειποτακτῶν τε καὶ προδοτῶν νόμον ἀπέκτεινεν.

[7] This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the law respecting deserters and traitors.

[1] ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγίνετο χρόνῳ, Μάρκος Ὁράτιος ὁ προαπεσταλμένος μετὰ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἐπὶ τὴν καθαίρεσιν τῆς Ἄλβας ταχέως διανύσας τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ καταλαβὼν πύλας τε ἀκλείστους καὶ τεῖχος ἀφύλακτον εὐπετῶς γίνεται τῆς πόλεως κύριος. συναγαγὼν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τά τε πραχθέντα κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἅπαντα ἐδήλωσεν αὐτοῖς καὶ

[31.1] In the meantime Marcus Horatius, who had been sent on with the picked troops to destroy Alba, having quickly made the march and finding the gates open and the walls unguarded, easily made himself master of the city. Then, assembling the people, he informed them of everything which had happened during the battle and read to them the decree of the Roman senate.

[2] το ψήφισμα τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς διεξῆλθεν. ἀντιβολούντων δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ χρόνον εἰς πρεσβείαν αἰτουμένων οὐδεμίαν ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενος τὰς μὲν οἰκίας καὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο κατασκεύασμα ἰδιωτικὸν ἢ δημόσιον ἦν κατέσκαπτε, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους μετὰ πολλῆς φροντίδος παρέπεμπεν εἰς Ῥώμην ἄγοντάς τε τὰ ἑαυτῶν χρήματα καὶ φέροντας:

[2] And though the inhabitants had recourse to supplications and begged for time in which to send an embassy, he proceeded without any delay to raze the houses and walls and every other building, both public and private; but he conducted the inhabitants to Rome with great care, permitting them to take their animals and their goods with them.

[3] οὓς ὁ Τύλλος ἀφικόμενος ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου ταῖς Ῥωμαίων φυλαῖς καὶ φράτραις ἐπιδιεῖλεν οἰκήσεις τε συγκατεσκεύασεν ἐν οἷς αὐτοὶ προῃροῦντο τῆς πόλεως τόποις καὶ τῆς δημοσίας γῆς τὴν ἀρκοῦσαν τοῖς θητεύουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀπεμέριζε ταῖς τε ἄλλαις [p. 338]

[3] And Tullus, upon arriving from the camp, distributed them among the Roman tribes and curiae, assisted them in building houses in such parts of the city as they themselves preferred, allotted a sufficient portion of the public lands to those of the labouring class, and by other acts of humanity relieved the needs of the multitude.

[4] φιλανθρωπίαις ἀνελάμβανε τὸ πλῆθος. ἡ μὲν δὴ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν πόλις, ἣν ἔκτισεν Ἀσκάνιος ὁ ἐξ Αἰνείου τοῦ Ἀγχίσου καὶ Κρεούσης τῆς Πριάμου θυγατρός, ἔτη διαμείνασα μετὰ τὸν οἰκισμὸν πεντακόσια τριῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς δέκα δέοντα, ἐν οἷς πολλὴν ἔσχεν ἐπίδοσιν εἰς εὐανδρίαν τε καὶ πλοῦτον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἅπασαν εὐδαιμονίαν ἡ τὰς τριάκοντα Λατίνων ἀποικίσασα πόλεις καὶ πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἡγησαμένη τοῦ ἔθνους, ὑπὸ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀποικήσεως καθαιρεθεῖσα ἔρημος εἰς τόδε χρόνου διαμένει.

[4] Thus the city of Alba, which had been built by Ascanius, the son whom Aeneas, Anchises’ son, had by Creusa, the daughter of Priam, after having stood for four hundred and eighty-seven years from its founding, during which time it had greatly increased in population, wealth and every form of prosperity, and after having colonized the thirty cities of the Latins and during all this time held the leadership of that nation, was destroyed by the last colony it had planted, and remains uninhabited to this day.

[5] βασιλεὺς δὲ Τύλλος τὸν ἐπιόντα χειμῶνα διαλιπὼν ἔαρος ἀρχομένου στρατὸν ἐπὶ Φιδηναίους πάλιν ἐξάγει. τοῖς δὲ Φιδηναίοις κοινῇ μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἡτισοῦν βοήθεια ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν συμμαχίδων ἀφίκετο πόλεων, μισθοφόροι δέ τινες ἐκ πολλῶν συνερρύησαν τόπων, οἷς πιστεύσαντες ἐθάρρησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως προελθεῖν: παραταξάμενοι δὲ καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀποκτείναντες ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλείους ἀποβαλόντες

[5] King Tullus, after letting the following winter pass, led out his army once more against the Fidenates at the beginning of spring. These had publicly received no assistance whatever from any of the cities in alliance with them, but some mercenaries had resorted to them from many places, and relying upon these, they were emboldened to come out from their city; then, after arraying themselves for battle and slaying many in the struggle that ensued and losing even more of their own men, they were again shut up inside the town.

[6] κατεκλείσθησαν πάλιν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ. ὡς δὲ περιχαρακώσας αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ὁ Τύλλος καὶ περιταφρεύσας εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην κατέκλεισε τοὺς ἔνδον ἀπορίαν, ἠναγκάσθησαν τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐφ᾽ οἷς αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο. γενόμενος δὲ τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς πόλεως κύριος τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἀποκτείνας, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἅπαντας ἀπολύσας καὶ τὰ σφέτερα πάντα καρποῦσθαι [p. 339] τὸν αὐτὸν ἐάσας τρόπον τήν τε πολιτείαν, ἣν πρότερον εἶχον, ἀποδοὺς αὐτοῖς διέλυσε τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Ῥώμην τὴν τροπαιοφόρον ἀπεδίδου τοῖς θεοῖς πομπήν τε καὶ θυσίαν δεύτερον ἐκεῖνον κατάγων θρίαμβον.