[1] [p. 1] βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Ταρκύνιος οὐ μικρῶν οὐδ᾽ ὀλίγων Ῥωμαίοις ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος γενόμενος, ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη τὴν ἀρχὴν κατασχὼν οὕτω τελευτᾷ υἱωνούς τε δύο καταλιπὼν νηπίσυς καὶ δύο θυγατέρας ἀνδράσιν ἤδη συνοικούσας. διάδοχος δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὁ γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ γίνεται Τύλλιος ἐνιαυτῷ τετάρτῳ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Ἐπιτελίδης Λάκων ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησιν Ἀρχεστρατίδου: [p. 2] περὶ οὗ καιρὸς ἤδη λέγειν, ἃ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς παρελίπομεν, ἐξ ὧν τε γονέων ἔφυ καὶ τίνας ἀπεδείξατο πράξεις ἰδιώτης ὢν ἔτι καὶ πρὶν ἐπὶ τὴν δυναστείαν παρελθεῖν.
[1.1] King Tarquinius, accordingly, who had conferred not a few important benefits upon the Romans, died in the manner I have mentioned, after holding the sovereignty for thirty-eight years, leaving two grandsons who were infants and two daughters already married. His son-in-law Tullius succeeded him in the sovereignty in the fourth year of the fiftieth Olympiad (the one in which Epitelides, a Lacedaemonian, won the short-distance foot-race), Archestratides being archon at Athens. It is now the proper time to mention those particulars relating to Tullius which we at first omitted, namely, who his parents were and what deeds he performed while he was yet a private citizen, before his accession to the sovereignty.
[2] τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ λεγόμενα, οἷς μάλιστ᾽ ἔγωγε συγκατατίθεμαι, τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐστίν. ἐν Κορνικόλῳ πόλει τοῦ Λατίνων ἔθνους ἀνήρ τις ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου γένους Τύλλιος ὄνομα γυναικὶ συνῆν Ὀκρισίᾳ καλλίστῃ τε καὶ σωφρονεστάτῃ τῶν ἐν Κορνικόλῳ γυναικῶν. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ὁ Τύλλιος, ὅθ᾽ ἡ πόλις ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κατελαμβάνετο, μαχόμενος ἀποθνήσκει, τὴν δ᾽ Ὀκρισίαν ἐγκύμονα οὖσαν ἐξαίρετον ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων λαμβάνει Ταρκύνιος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ δίδωσι δωρεὰν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γυναικί. μαθοῦσα δ᾽ ἐκείνη πάντα τὰ περὶ τὴν ἄνθρωπον οὐ πολλοῖς χρόνοις ὕστερον ἐλευθέραν αὐτὴν ἀφίησι καὶ πασῶν μάλιστα γυναικῶν ἀσπαζομένη τε καὶ τιμῶσα διετέλεσεν.
[2] Concerning his family, then, the account with which I can best agree is this: There lived at Corniculum, a city of the Latin nation, a man of the royal family named Tullius, who was married to Ocrisia, a woman far excelling all the other women in Corniculum in beauty and modesty. When this city was taken by the Romans, Tullius himself was slain while fighting, and Ocrisia, then with child, was selected from the spoils and taken by King Tarquinius, who gave her to his wife. She, having been informed of everything that related to this woman, freed her soon afterwards and continued to treat her with kindness and honour above all other women.
[3] ἐκ ταύτης γίνεται τῆς Ὀκρισίας ἔτι δουλευούσης παιδίον, ᾧ τίθεται τραφέντι ἡ μήτηρ τὸ μὲν ἴδιόν τε καὶ συγγενικὸν ὄνομα Τύλλιον ἐπὶ τοῦ πατρός, τὸ δὲ κοινὸν καὶ προσηγορικὸν Σερούιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας τύχης, ὅτι δουλεύουσα ἔτεκεν αὐτόν. εἴη δ᾽ ἂν ὁ Σερούιος εἰς τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν διάλεκτον μεταβιβαζόμενος Δούλιος.
[3] While Ocrisia was yet a slave she bore a son, to whom, when he had left the nursery, she gave the name of Tullius, from his father, as his proper and family name, and also that of Servius as his common and first name, from her own condition, since she had been a slave when she had given birth to him. Servius, if translated into the Greek tongue, would be doulios or “servile.”
[1] φέρεται δέ τις ἐν ταῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀναγραφαῖς καὶ ἕτερος ὑπὲρ τῆς γενέσεως αὐτοῦ λόγος ἐπὶ τὸ μυθῶδες ἐξαίρων τὰ περὶ αὐτόν, ὃν ἐν πολλαῖς Ῥωμαϊκαῖς [p. 3] ἱστορίαις εὕρομεν, εἰ θεοῖς τε καὶ δαίμοσι λέγεσθαι φίλος τοιοῦτος: αἵτινες ἀπὸ τῆς ἑστίας τῶν βασιλείων, ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἄλλας τε Ῥωμαῖοι συντελοῦσιν ἱερουργίας καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν δείπνων ἀπαρχὰς ἁγίζουσιν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀνασχεῖν λέγουσιν αἰδοῖον ἀνδρός. τοῦτο δὲ θεάσασθαι τὴν Ὀκρισίαν πρώτην φέρουσαν τοὺς εἰωθότας πελάνους ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ καὶ αὐτίκα πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐλθοῦσαν εἰπεῖν.
[2.1] There is also current in the local records another story relating to his birth which raises the circumstances attending to the realm of the fabulous, and we have found it in many Roman histories. This account — if it be pleasing to the gods and the lesser divinities that it be related — is somewhat as follows: They say that from the hearth in the palace, on which the Romans offer various other sacrifices and also consecrate the first portion of their meals, there rose up above the fire a man’s privy member, and that Ocrisia was the first to see it as she was carrying the customary cakes to the fire, and immediately informed the king and queen of it.
[2] τὸν μὲν οὖν Ταρκύνιον ἀκούσαντά τε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἰδόντα τὸ τέρας ἐν θαύματι γενέσθαι, τὴν δὲ Τανακυλίδα τά τ᾽ ἄλλα σοφὴν οὖσαν καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ μαντικὰ οὐδενὸς χεῖρον Τυρρηνῶν ἐπισταμένην εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅτι γένος ἀπὸ τῆς ἑστίας τῆς βασιλείου πέπρωται γενέσθαι κρεῖττον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν φύσιν ἐκ τῆς μιχθείσης τῷ φάσματι γυναικός. τὰ δ᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τερατοσκόπων ἀποφηναμένων δόξαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν Ὀκρισίαν, ᾗ πρώτῃ ἐφάνη τὸ τέρας, εἰς ὁμιλίαν αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν: καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο τὴν γυναῖκα κοσμησαμένην, οἷς ἔθος ἐστὶ κοσμεῖσθαι τὰς γαμουμένας, κατακλεισθῆναι μόνην εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ τέρας ὤφθη.
[2] Tarquinius, they add, upon hearing this and left beholding the prodigy, was astonished; but Tanaquil, who was not only wise in other matters but also inferior to none of the Tyrrhenians in her knowledge of divination, told him it was ordained by fate that from the royal hearth should issue a scion superior to the race of mortals, to be born of the woman who should conceive by that phantom. And the other soothsayers affirming the same thing, the king thought it fitting that Ocrisia, to whom the prodigy had first appeared, should have intercourse with it. Thereupon this woman, having adorned herself as brides are usually adorned, was shut up alone in the room in which the prodigy had been seen.
[3] μιχθέντος δή τινος αὐτῇ θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων καὶ μετὰ τὴν μίξιν ἀφανισθέντος εἴθ᾽ Ἡφαίστου καθάπερ οἴονταί τινες εἴτε τοῦ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἥρωος, ἐγκύμονα γενέσθαι καὶ τεκεῖν τὸν Τύλλιον ἐν τοῖς καθήκουσι χρόνοις. τοῦτο τὸ μύθευμα οὐ πάνυ τι πιστὸν εἶναι δοκοῦν ἑτέρα [p. 4] τις ἐπιφάνεια θεία γενομένη περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμαστὴ
[3] And one of the gods or lesser divinities, whether Vulcan, as some think, or the tutelary deity of the house, having had intercourse with her and afterwards disappearing, she conceived and was delivered of Tullius at the proper time. This fabulous account, although it seems not altogether credible, is rendered less incredible by reason of another manifestation of the gods relating to Tullius which was wonderful and extraordinary.
[4] καὶ παράδοξος ἧττον ἀπιστεῖσθαι ποιεῖ. καθημένου γάρ ποτ᾽ αὐτοῦ μεσούσης μάλισθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ παστάδι τῶν βασιλείων καὶ κατενεχθέντος ἐφ᾽ ὕπνον, πῦρ ἀπέλαμψεν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ, ἥ τε μήτηρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γυνὴ πορευόμεναι διὰ τῆς παστάδος ἐθεάσαντο καὶ πάντες ὅσοι σὺν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐτύγχανον τότε παρόντες, καὶ μέχρι τούτου διέμενεν ἡ φλὸξ ὅλην αὐτοῦ καταλάμπουσα τὴν κεφαλήν, ἕως ἡ μήτηρ προσδραμοῦσα διανέστησεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ φλὸξ ἅμα τῷ ὕπνῳ διασκεδασθεῖσα ἠφανίσθη. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ λεγόμενα τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐστίν.
[4] For when he had fallen asleep one day while sitting in the portico of the palace about noon, a fire shone forth from his head. This was seen by his mother and by the king’s wife, as they were walking through the portico, as well as by all who happened to be present with them at the time. The flame continued to illumine his whole head till his mother ran to him and wakened him; and with the ending of his sleep the flame was dispersed and vanished. Such are the accounts that are given of his birth.
[1] ἃ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ βασιλεῦσαι διεπράξατο λόγου ἄξια, ἐξ ὧν Ταρκύνιός τ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠγάσθη καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος τῆς μετὰ βασιλέα τιμῆς ἠξίου, τοιάδε. ἀντίπαις μὲν ὢν ἔτι τῇ πρώτῃ στρατείᾳ, ἣν ἐπὶ Τυρρηνοὺς Ταρκύνιος ἐστράτευσεν, ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι τεταγμένος οὕτως ἔδοξεν ἀγωνίσασθαι καλῶς, ὥστε περιβόητος εὐθὺ γενέσθαι καὶ τἀριστεῖα πρῶτος ἁπάντων λαβεῖν: ἔπειθ᾽ ἑτέρας γενομένης ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ἔθνος στρατείας καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς περὶ πόλιν Ἤρητον ἀνδρειότατος ἁπάντων φανεὶς στεφάνοις αὖθις ἀριστείοις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκοσμεῖτο.
[3.1] The memorable actions he performed before becoming king, in consideration of which Tarquinius admired him and the Roman people honoured him next to the king, are these: When, scarcely more than a boy as yet, he was serving in the cavalry in the first campaign that Tarquinius undertook against the Tyrrhenians, he was thought to have fought so splendidly that he straightway became famous and received the prize of valour ahead of all others. Afterwards, when another expedition was undertaken against the same nation and a sharp battle was fought near the city of Eretum, he showed himself the bravest of all and was again crowned by the king as first in valour.
[2] ἔτη δὲ γεγονὼς εἴκοσι μάλιστα τῆς συμμαχικῆς στρατηγὸς ἀπεδείχθη [p. 5] δυνάμεως, ἣν Λατῖνοι ἔπεμψαν, καὶ συγκατεκτήσατο βασιλεῖ Ταρκυνίῳ τὴν τῶν Τυρρηνῶν ἀρχήν: ἔν τε τῷ πρὸς Σαβίνους πολέμῳ τῷ πρώτῳ συστάντι τῶν ἱππέων ἀποδειχθεὶς ἡγεμὼν ἐτρέψατο τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς καὶ μέχρι πόλεως Ἀντέμνης ἐλάσας τἀριστεῖα καὶ ἐκ ταύτης τῆς μάχης ἔλαβεν: ἑτέρας τε πολλὰς πρὸς τὸ αὐτὸ ἔθνος ἀγωνισάμενος μάχας τοτὲ μὲν ἱππέων ἡγούμενος, τοτὲ δὲ πεζῶν ἐν ἁπάσαις ἐφάνη ψυχὴν ἄριστος καὶ πρῶτος ἐστεφανοῦτο τῶν ἄλλων.
[2] And when he was about twenty years old he was appointed to command the auxiliary forces sent by the Latins, and assisted King Tarquinius in obtaining the sovereignty over the Tyrrhenians. In the first war that arose against the Sabines, being general of the horse, he put to flight that of the enemy, pursuing them as far as the city of Antemnae, and again received the prize of valour because of this battle. He also took part in many other engagements against the same nation, sometimes commanding the horse and sometimes the foot, in all of which he showed himself a man of the greatest courage and was always the first to be crowned ahead of the others.
[3] καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρέστη Ῥωμαίοις εἰς ὑπόταξίν τε καὶ παράδοσιν τῶν πόλεων τὸ ἔθνος, αἰτιώτατος εἶναι δόξας Ταρκυνίῳ καὶ ταύτης τῆς δυναστείας τοῖς ἐπινικίοις στεφάνοις ἀνεδεῖτο ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ἦν δὲ καὶ φρονῆσαι τὰ πολιτικὰ συνετώτατος καὶ λόγῳ τὰ βουλευθέντα ἐξενεγκεῖν οὐδενὸς χείρων ἁπάσαις θ᾽ ἁρμόσαι ταῖς τύχαις καὶ παντὶ συνεξομοιωθῆναι προσώπῳ δυνατώτατος.
[3] And when that nation came to surrender themselves and deliver up their cities to the Romans, he was regarded by Tarquinius as the chief cause of his gaining this dominion also, and was crowned by him with the victor’s crown. Moreover, he not only had the shrewdest understanding of public affairs, but was inferior to none in his ability to express his plans; and he possessed in an eminent degree the power of accommodating himself to every circumstance of fortune and to every kind of person.
[4] καὶ διὰ ταῦτα Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου μεταγαγεῖν ἠξίωσαν εἰς τοὺς πατρικίους ψῆφον ἐπενέγκαντες, ὥσπερ Ταρκύνιόν τε πρότερον καὶ ἔτι πρὸ τούτου Νόμαν Πομπίλιον: ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κηδεστὴν ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν θυγατέρων ἐγγυήσας, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα διὰ νόσους ἢ διὰ γῆρας ἀδύνατος ἦν ἐπιτελεῖν, δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τούτῳ πράττειν ἐπέσκηπτεν, οὐ μόνον τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως διοικεῖν ἀξιῶν. ἐν οἷς ἅπασιν ἐξητάσθη πιστὸς καὶ δίκαιος, καὶ οὐδὲν ᾤοντο διαφέρειν οἱ δημόται [p. 6] Ταρκύνιον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν κοινῶν ἢ Τύλλιον: οὕτως ἐξεθεραπεύθησαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις.
[4] Because of these accomplishments the Romans thought proper to transfer him by their votes from the plebeian to the patrician order, an honour they had previously conferred on Tarquinius, and, still earlier, on Numa Pompilius. The king also made him his son-in-law, giving him one of his two daughters in marriage, and whatever business his infirmities or his age rendered him incapable of performing by himself, he ordered Tullius to transact, not only entrusting to him the private interests of his own family, but also asking him to manage the public business of the commonwealth. In all these employments he was found faithful and just, and the people felt that it made no difference whether it was Tarquinius or Tullius who looked after the public affairs, so effectually had he won them to himself by the services he had rendered to them.
[1] φύσεώς τε δὴ μετειληφὼς ἀποχρώντως κατεσκευασμένης πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῆς τύχης πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἐσχηκὼς ἀφορμάς, ἐπειδὴ τελευτῆσαι συνέβη Ταρκύνιον ἐπιβουλευθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἄγκου Μαρκίου παίδων ἀνασώσασθαι τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρχὴν βουλομένων, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου δεδήλωκα λόγῳ, δόξας ὑπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν καλεῖσθαι, δραστήριος ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἀφῆκεν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν τὸν καιρόν.
[4.1] This man, therefore, being endowed with a nature adequately equipped for command and also supplied by Fortune with many great opportunities for attaining it, believed, when Tarquinius died by the treachery of the sons of Ancus Marcius, who desired to recover their father’s kingdom, as I have related in the preceding book, that he was called to the kingship by the very course of events and so, being a man of action, he did not let the opportunity slip from his grasp.
[2] ἡ δὲ συγκατασκευάσασα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ καὶ πάντων αἰτία γενομένη τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἡ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος βασιλέως ἦν γυνὴ γαμβρῷ τε συλλαμβάνουσα ἰδίῳ καὶ ἐκ πολλῶν συνεγνωκυῖα θεσφάτων, ὅτι βασιλεῦσαι Ῥωμαίων ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἄνδρα εἵμαρτο. ἔτυχε δ᾽ αὐτῇ νεανίας μὲν υἱὸς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ τετελευτηκὼς χρόνου, παιδία δ᾽ ἐξ ἐκείνου δύο νήπια καταλειπόμενα.
[2] The person who helped him to seize possession of the supreme power and the author of all his good fortune was the wife of the deceased conflict, who aided him both because he was her son-in-law and also because she knew from many oracles that it was ordained by fate that this man should be king of the Romans. It chanced that her son, a youth, had died shortly before and that two infant sons were left by him.
[3] ἐνθυμουμένη δὲ τὴν περὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐρημίαν καὶ περιδεὴς οὖσα, μὴ κατασχόντες οἱ Μάρκιοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἄρωνται τὰ παιδία καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλικὴν συγγένειαν ἀφανίσωσι, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπέταξε τὰς τῶν βασιλείων θύρας κλεῖσαι καὶ φύλακας ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ἐπέστησε διακελευσαμένη μηδένα παριέναι μήτ᾽ ἔσω μήτ᾽ ἔξω: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ δωματίου πάντας ἐξελθεῖν κελεύσασα τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐν ᾧ τὸν [p. 7] Ταρκύνιον ἡμιθνῆτα ἔθεσαν, τὴν δ᾽ Ὀκρισίαν καὶ τὸν Τύλλιον καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν συνοικοῦσαν τῷ Τυλλίῳ κατασχοῦσα καὶ τὰ παιδία ὑπὸ τῶν τροφῶν ἐνεχθῆναι κελεύσασα λέγει πρὸς αὐτούς:
[3] She, therefore, reflecting on the desolation of her house and being under the greatest apprehension lest, if the sons of Marcius possessed themselves of the sovereignty, they should destroy these infants and extirpate all the royal family, first commanded that the gates of the palace should be shut and guards stationed there with orders to allow no one to pass either in or out. Then, ordering all the rest to leave the room in which they had laid Tarquinius when he was at the point of death, she detained Ocrisia, Tullius and her daughter who married to Tullius, and after ordering the children to be brought by their nurses, she spoke to them as follows:
[4] Ταρκύνιος μὲν ἡμῖν ὁ βασιλεύς, ὦ Τύλλιε, παρ᾽ ᾧ τροφῆς καὶ παιδείας ἔτυχες, ἁπάντων μάλιστα σὲ τιμήσας φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἀνόσια παθὼν ἐκπεπλήρωκε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μοῖραν οὔτε περὶ τῶν ἰδίων πραγμάτων διαθέμενος οὐδὲν οὔτε περὶ τῶν κοινῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπισκήψας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀσπάσασθαί τινα ἡμῶν καὶ προσαγορεῦσαι τοὺς ἐσχάτους ἀσπασμοὺς δυνηθείς. ἔρημα δὲ καὶ ὀρφανὰ τὰ δύστηνα ταυτὶ παιδία καταλείπεται κίνδυνον οὐ τὸν ἐλάχιστον ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς τρέχοντα: εἰ γὰρ ἐπὶ Μαρκίοις τοῖς ἀνελοῦσι τὸν πάππον αὐτῶν τὰ τῆς πόλεως ἔσται πράγματα, τὸν οἴκτιστον ἀπολοῦνται τρόπον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν: ἔσται γ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀσφαλὴς ὁ βίος, οἷς ἐνεγγύησε Ταρκύνιος τὰς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρας ἐκείνους ὑπεριδών, ἐὰν οἱ φονεύσαντες αὐτὸν τὴν ἀρχὴν κατάσχωσιν, οὐδὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις αὐτοῦ φίλοις καὶ συγγενέσιν οὐδ᾽ ἡμῖν ταῖς ἀθλίαις γυναιξίν: ἀλλὰ πάντας ἡμᾶς φανερῶς τε καὶ κρύφα πειράσονται διολέσαι.
[4] “Our king Tarquinius, in whose home you received your nurture and training, Tullius, and who honoured you above all his friends and relations, has finished his destined course, the victim of an impious crime, without having either made any disposition by will of his private interests or left injunctions concerning the public business of the commonwealth, and without having had it in his power even to embrace any of us and utter his last farewells. And these unhappy children here are left destitute and orphaned and in imminent danger of their lives. For if the power falls into the hands of the Marcii, the murderers of their grandfather, they will be put to death by them in the most piteous manner. Even the lives of you men, to whom Tarquinius gave his daughters in preference to them, will not be safe, should his murderers obtain the sovereignty, any more than the lives of the rest of his friends and relations or of us miserable women; but they will endeavour to destroy us all both openly and secretly.
[5] ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐνθυμουμένους ἡμᾶς δεῖ μὴ περιορᾶν τοὺς ἐκεῖνον ἀποκτείναντας ἄνδρας ἀνοσίους καὶ πᾶσιν ἡμῖν ἐχθροὺς τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν κτησαμένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντιοῦσθαι καὶ κωλύειν νῦν μὲν ἀπάτῃ καὶ δόλῳ χρησαμένους: τούτων [p. 8] γὰρ ἐν τῷ παρόντι δεῖ: ὅταν δὲ τὰ πρῶτα ἡμῖν χωρήσῃ κατὰ νοῦν, τότε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ πάσῃ δυνάμει καὶ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων αὐτοῖς ὁμόσε χωροῦντας, ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ τούτων δέῃ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δεήσει βουληθέντων 1 ἡμῶν πράττειν νῦν ἃ δεῖ.
[5] Bearing all this in mind, then, we must not permit the wicked murderers of Tarquinius and the enemies of us all to obtain so great power, but must oppose and prevent them, now by craft and deceit, since these means are necessary at present, but when our first attempt has succeeded, then coming to grips with them openly with all our might and with arms, if those too shall be necessary. But they will not be necessary if we are willing to take the proper measures now.
[6] τίνα δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστί; πρῶτον μὲν κρυπτώμεθα τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως θάνατον καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἐξενεχθῆναι παρασκευάσωμεν, ὅτι πληγὴν οὐδεμίαν ἔχει καίριον, οἵ τ᾽ ἰατροὶ λεγέτωσαν ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις αὐτὸν ἀποδείξειν ὑγιῆ: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐγὼ προελθοῦσα εἰς τοὐμφανὲς ἐρῶν πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον, ὡς δὴ Ταρκυνίου μοι ταῦτ᾽ εἰπεῖν ἐπισκήψαντος, ὅτι πάντων ἀποδείκνυσιν ἐπιμελητὴν καὶ φύλακα τῶν τ᾽ ἰδίων καὶ τῶν κοινῶν, ἕως αὐτὸς ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων ὑγιὴς γένηται, τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ἑαυτοῦ γαμβρῶν, τὸ σὸν εἰποῦσα, ὦ Τύλλιε, ὄνομα ἔσται δ᾽ οὐκ ἄκουσι Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ βουλομένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτροπεύεσθαι, ὑφ᾽ οὗ
[6] And what are these measures? Let us, in the first place, conceal the king’s death and cause a report to be spread among the people that he has received no mortal wound, and let the physicians state that in a few days they will show him safe and sound. Then I will appear in public and will announce to the people, as if Tarquinius had so enjoined, that he has committed to one of his two sons-in-law (naming you, Tullius) the care and guardianship both of his private interests and of the public business till he is recovered of his wounds; and the Romans, far from being displeased, will be glad to see the state administered by you, who often have administered it already in the past.
[7] πολλάκις ἤδη καὶ πρότερον ἐπετροπεύθη. ὅταν δὲ τὸν παρόντα κίνδυνον διασκεδάσωμεν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἰσχυρόν ἐστι ζῆν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀγγελλομένου, παραλαβὼν σὺ τάς τε ῥάβδους καὶ τὴν τῶν ὅπλων ἐξουσίαν κάλει τοὺς βουλεύσαντας ἀποκτεῖναι Ταρκύνιον ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ τῶν Μαρκίου παίδων ἀρξάμενος καὶ πρόθες αὐτοῖς δίκας: τιμωρησάμενος δὲ τούτους ἅπαντας, ἐὰν μὲν ὑπομείνωσι τὰς κρίσεις, θανάτοις, ἐὰν δ᾽ ἐρήμους ἀφῶσιν, ὃ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς οἶμαι ποιήσειν, ἀειφυγίᾳ καὶ δημεύσει τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, [p. 9] καθίστασ᾽ ἤδη τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁμιλίαις τε φιλανθρώποις τὸ πλῆθος ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν ἀδίκημα γενέσθαι πολλὴν ἔχων φροντίδα καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν πολιτῶν εὐεργεσίαις τισὶ καὶ δωρεαῖς ὑπαγόμενος: ἔπειθ᾽ ὅταν ἡμῖν καιρὸς εἶναι δοκῇ, τότε λέγωμεν ἀποτεθνηκέναι
[7] Then, when we have averted the present danger — for the power of our enemies will be at an end the moment the king is reported to be alive — do you assume the rods and the military power and summon before the people those who formed the plot to assassinate Tarquinius, beginning with the sons of Marcius, and cause them to stand trial. After you have punished all these, with death, if they submit to be tried, or with perpetual banishment and the confiscation of their estates, if they let their case go by default, which I think they will be more apt to do, then at last set about establishing your government. Win the affections of the people by kindly affability, take great care that no injustice be committed, and gain the favour of the poorer citizens by sundry benefactions and gifts. Afterwards, when we see a proper time, let us announce that Tarquinius is dead and hold a public funeral for him.
[8] Ταρκύνιον καὶ ταφὰς αὐτοῦ ποιῶμεν ἀπὸ τοῦ φανεροῦ. δίκαιος δ᾽ εἶ, Τύλλιε, τραφείς θ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ παιδευθεὶς καὶ πάντων μετεσχηκὼς ἀγαθῶν, ὅσων παρὰ μητρός τε καὶ πατρὸς υἱοὶ μεταλαμβάνουσι, καὶ θυγατρὶ συνοικῶν ἡμετέρᾳ, ἐὰν δὴ καὶ βασιλεὺς ἔτι γένῃ Ῥωμαίων ἐμοῦ καὶ εἰς τοῦτό σοι συναγωνισαμένης, πατρὸς εὔνοιαν τοῖς παιδίοις τοῖς2δε παρασχέσθαι: ὅταν δ᾽ εἰς ἄνδρας ἔλθωσι καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν ἱκανοὶ γένωνται, τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτῶν ἀποδεῖξαι Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμόνα.
[8] And as for you, Tullius, if you, who have been brought up and educated by us, have partaken of every advantage that sons receive from their mother and father, and are married to our daughter, shall in addition actually become king of the Romans, it is but just, since I helped to win this also for you, that you should show all the kindness of a father to these little children, and when they come to manhood and are capable of handling public affairs, that you should appoint the elder to be leader of the Romans.”
[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰποῦσα καὶ τῶν παιδίων ἑκάτερον εἰς τὰς ἀγκάλας ἐμβαλοῦσα τοῦ τε γαμβροῦ καὶ τῆς θυγατρὸς καὶ πολὺν ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων κινήσασα οἶκτον, ἐπειδὴ καιρὸς ἦν, ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ δωματίου καὶ παρήγγειλε τοῖς ἔνδον εὐτρεπῆ τὰ πρὸς τὴν θεραπείαν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἰατροὺς συγκαλεῖν. διαλιποῦσα δὲ τὴν μεταξὺ νύκτα τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ πολλοῦ πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια συνδραμόντος ὄχλου προῆλθεν εἰς τοὐμφανὲς ταῖς θυρίσιν ἐπιστᾶσα ταῖς φερούσαις εἰς τὸν πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν στενωπόν, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐδήλωσε [p. 10] τοῖς παροῦσι τοὺς βουλεύσαντας ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν φόνον, καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοὖργον ἀποσταλέντας ὑπ᾽
[5.1] With these words she thrust each of the children in turn into the arms of both her son-in-law and her daughter and roused great compassion in them both; then, when it was the proper time, she went out of the room and ordered the servants to get everything ready for dressing the king’s wounds and to call the physicians. And letting that night pass, the next day, when the people flocked in great numbers to the palace, she appeared at the windows that gave upon the narrow street before the gates and first informed them who the persons were who had plotted the murder of the king, and produced in chains those whom they had sent to commit the deed.
[2] αὐτῶν δεδεμένους παρήγαγεν: ἔπειθ᾽ ὡς εἶδε πολλοὺς: ὀλοφυρομένους τε τὸ πάθος καὶ τοῖς δεδρακόσιν ἀπεχθομένους, τελευτῶσα εἶπεν οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἀνοσίων ἐπιβουλευμάτων γεγονέναι οὐ δυνηθεῖσιν ἀποκτεῖναι Ταρκύνιον. ἀγαπητῶς δὲ τὸν λόγον ἁπάντων δεξαμένων τότε τὸν Τύλλιον αὐτοῖς συνίστησιν ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπίτροπον ἁπάντων τῶν τ᾽ ἰδίων καὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἀποδεικνύμενον, ἕως αὐτὸς ῥαΐσῃ.
[2] Then, finding that many lamented the calamity and were angry at the authors of it, she at last told them that these men had gained naught from their wicked designs, since they had not been able to kill Tarquinius. This statement being received with universal joy, she then commended Tullius to them as the person appointed by the king to be the guardian of all his interests, both private and public, till he himself recovered.
[3] ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ἀπῄει περιχαρὴς γενόμενος, εἰ μηδὲν πέπονθεν ὁ βασιλεὺς δεινόν, καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ τὴν δόξαν ἔχων ταύτην διετέλει. ὁ δὲ Τύλλιος ἰσχυρὰν χεῖρα περὶ αὑτὸν ἔχων καὶ τοὺς ῥαβδούχους ἐπαγόμενος τοὺς βασιλικοὺς προῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τοὺς Μαρκίους ἐκήρυττεν ἥκειν ὑφέξοντας δίκην: ὡς δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἐπικηρύξας αὐτοῖς ἀϊδίους φυγὰς καὶ τὰς οὐσίας ἀναλαβὼν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἀσφαλῶς ἤδη τὴν Ταρκυνίου κατεῖχεν ἀρχήν.
[3] The people, therefore, went away greatly rejoicing, in the belief that the king had suffered no fatal injury, and continued for a long time in that opinion. Afterwards Tullius, attended by a strong body of men and taking along the king’s lictors, went to the Forum and caused proclamation to be made for the Marcii to appear and stand trial; and upon their failure to obey, he pronounced sentence of perpetual banishment against them, and having confiscated their property, he was now in secure possession of the sovereignty of Tarquinius.
[1] βούλομαι δ᾽ ἐπιστήσας τὸν ἑξῆς λόγον ἀποδοῦναι τὰς αἰτίας, δι᾽ ἃς οὔτε Φαβίῳ συγκατεθέμην οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἱστορικοῖς, ὅσοι γράφουσιν υἱοὺς εἶναι τοὺς καταλειφθέντας παῖδας ὑπὸ Ταρκυνίου, ἵνα μή τινες τῶν ἐκείναις ἐντυχόντων ταῖς ἱστορίαις σχεδιάζειν με ὑπολάβωσιν οὐχ υἱοὺς, ἀλλ᾽ υἱωνοὺς αὐτοῦ [p. 11] γράφοντα τοὺς παῖδας. παντάπασι γὰρ ἀπερισκέπτως καὶ ῥᾳθύμως οἱ συγγραφεῖς περὶ αὐτῶν ταύτην ἐξενηνόχασι τὴν ἱστορίαν οὐδὲν ἐξητακότες τῶν ἀναιρούντων αὐτὴν ἀδυνάτων τε καὶ ἀτόπων: ὧν ἕκαστον ἐγὼ πειράσομαι ποιῆσαι φανερὸν δι᾽ ὀλίγων.
[6.1] I shall interrupt the narration of what follows that I may give the reasons which have induced me to disagree with Fabius and the rest of the historians who affirm that the children left by Tarquinius were his sons, to the end that none who have read those histories may suspect that I am inventing when I call them his grandsons rather than his sons. For it is sheer heedlessness and indolence that has led these historians to publish that account of them without first examining any of the impossibilities and absurdities that are fatal to it. Each of these absurdities I will endeavour to point out in a few words.
[2] Ταρκύνιος ἐκ Τυρρηνίας μετανίσταται τὸν οἶκον ὅλον ἀνασκευασάμενος ἐν τῇ κρατίστῃ τοῦ φρονεῖν ὑπάρχων ἡλικίᾳ. πολιτεύεσθαι γὰρ ἤδη καὶ ἄρχειν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν ἀξιῶν παραδίδοται, καὶ τὴν ἄπαρσιν ἐκεῖθεν πεποιημένος διὰ τὸ μηδεμιᾶς ἐν τῇ πόλει τιμῆς μεταλαμβάνειν.
[2] Tarquinius packed up and removed from Tyrrhenia with all his household at an age the most capable of reflection; for it is reported that he already aspired to take part in public life, to hold magistracies and to handle public affairs, and that he removed from there because he was not allowed to share in any position of honour in the state.
[3] ἕτερος μὲν οὖν ἄν τις αὐτὸν ὑπέθετο καὶ τριακοστὸν ἔτος ἔχοντα τοὐλάχιστον, ὅτ᾽ ἀπῆρεν ἐκ Τυρρηνίας: ἀπὸ ταύτης γὰρ οἱ νόμοι τῆς ἡλικίας καλοῦσιν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ τοὺς ἄρχειν τε καὶ πράττειν βουλομένους τὰ κοινά: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔτι νεώτερον αὐτὸν ὑποτίθεμαι πέντε ὅλοις ἔτεσι, καὶ ποιῶ κατὰ τὸ πέμπτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἀπανιστάμενον. καὶ μὴν ὅτι γυναῖκα Τυρρηνίδα ἐπηγάγετο, ἣν ζῶντος ἔτι τοῦ πατρὸς ἔγημεν, ἅπαντες ὁμολογοῦσιν οἱ τὰς Ῥωμαϊκὰς συγγράψαντες ἱστορίας.
[3] Anyone else, then, might have assumed that he was at least in his thirtieth year when he left Tyrrhenia, since it is from this age onwards, as a rule, that the laws call to the magistracies and to the administration of public affairs those who desire such a career; but I will suppose him five whole years younger than this and put him in his twenty-fifth year when he removed. Moreover, all the Roman historians agree that he brought with him a Tyrrhenian wife, whom he had married while his father was yet alive.
[4] παραγίνεται δ᾽ εἰς Ῥώμην Ἄγκου Μαρκίου βασιλεύοντος, ὡς μὲν Γέλλιος ἱστορεῖ κατὰ τὸν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς βασιλείας, ὡς δὲ Λικίννιος γράφει κατὰ τὸν ὄγδοον. ἔστω δὴ κατὰ τοῦτον ἐληλυθὼς τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, καθ᾽ ὃν γράφει Λικίννιος, καὶ μὴ πρότερον: ἐν ὑστέρῳ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἂν εἴη χρόνῳ παραγεγονώς, εἴγε δὴ κατὰ τὸν ἔνατον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς [p. 12] Ἄγκου δυναστείας ἱππέων ἡγούμενος ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Λατίνους πόλεμον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως πέμπεται, ὡς ἀμφότεροι λέγουσιν οἱ συγγραφεῖς: εἰ δὴ παρεγένετο μὲν εἰς Ῥώμην οὐ πλείω τῶν πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι γεγονὼς ἐτῶν, Ἄγκῳ δὲ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὸν ὄγδοον τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνιαυτὸν φίλος γενόμενος ἑπτακαίδεκα διέτριψεν ἔτη παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ λοιπά: τέτταρα γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς εἴκοσι βεβασίλευκεν Ἄγκος: ἔτη δ᾽ ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα τὴν βασιλείαν κατέσχεν αὐτὸς ὡς ἅπαντες ὁμολογοῦσιν, ὀγδοηκονταέτης ἂν ἦν, ὅτ᾽ ἐτελεύτα. ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ συλλογισμοῦ
[4] He came to Rome in the first year of the reign of Ancus Marcius, as Gellius writes, but according to Licinius, in the eighth year. Grant, then, that he came in the year Licinius states and not before; for he could not have come after that time, since in the ninth year of the reign of Ancus he was sent by the king to command the cavalry in the war against the Latins, as both these historians state. Now, if he was not more than twenty-five years old when he came to Rome, and, having been received into the friendship of Ancus, who was then king, in the eighth year of his reign (for Ancus reigned twenty-four years), and if he himself reigned thirty-eight, as all agree, he must have been fourscore years old when he died; for this is the sum obtained by adding up the years.
[5] τῶν ἐτῶν τοῦτο συνάγεται τὸ πλῆθος. ἡ γυνὴ δ᾽ εἰ πέντε ἔτεσιν ἦν αὐτοῦ νεωτέρα καθάπερ εἰκός, ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἂν δήπου καὶ πέμπτον εἶχεν ἔτος, ὅτ᾽ ἀπέθνησκε Ταρκύνιος. εἰ δὴ τὸν νεώτερον τῶν υἱῶν ἔσχατον ἐκύησεν ἔτος ἔχουσα πεντηκοστόν: προσωτέρω γὰρ οὐκέτι κυΐσκεται τούτου τοῦ χρόνου γυνή, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν οὗτος αὐτὸς τῶν ὠδίνων ὁ ὅρος, ὡς οἱ ταῦτ᾽ ἐξητακότες γράφουσιν: οὗτος μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἂν ἐλάττω γεγονὼς ἦν ἐτῶν πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς θάνατον, ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος οὐ μείων ἑπτακαιεικοσαέτους: οὐκ ἄρα νηπίους κατέλιπεν υἱοὺς
[5] If his wife was five years younger, as may well be supposed, she was presumably in her seventy-fifth year when Tarquinius died. Accordingly, if she conceived her second and last son when she was in her fiftieth year (for at a more advanced age a woman no longer conceives, but this is itself the limit of her child-bearing, as those authors write who have looked into these things), this son could not have been less than twenty-five years old when his father died, and Lucius, the elder, not less than twenty-seven; hence the sons whom Tarquinius left by this wife could not have been infants.
[6] ὁ Ταρκύνιος ἐκ ταύτης γεγονότας τῆς γυναικός. ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴγ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἡλικίαν εἶχον οἱ παῖδες, ὅθ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῶν ἀπέθνησκεν, οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῶν οὕτως ἦν [p. 13] ἀθλία καὶ θεοβλαβής, ὥστ᾽ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι μὲν τῶν ἑαυτῆς τέκνων ἣν κατέλιπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ πατὴρ ἀρχήν, τῷ δ᾽ ἀλλοτρίῳ καὶ ἐκ δούλης γεγονότι χαρίζεσθαι: οὔτ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ τῆς πατρῴας ἀρχῆς ἀποστερούμενοι φαύλως καὶ ῥᾳθύμως τὸ ἀδίκημα ἤνεγκαν καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐν τῇ κρατίστῃ τοῦ λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν ὄντες ἀκμῇ: οὔτε γὰρ εὐγενείᾳ προεῖχεν αὐτῶν ὁ Τύλλιος ἐκ δούλης μητρὸς ὢν οὔθ᾽ ἡλικίας ἀξιώματι παρὰ πολὺ διήλλαττεν, ἀλλὰ τρισὶ μόνον ἔτεσι θατέρου πρεσβύτερος ἦν: ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἄν γε παρεχώρησαν αὐτῷ τῆς βασιλείας ἑκόντες.
[6] But surely, if her sons had been grown men when their father died, it cannot be imagined either that their mother would have been so miserable a creature or so infatuated as to deprive her own children of the sovereignty their father had left them and bestow it upon an outsider and the son of a slave-woman, or, again, that her sons themselves, when thus deprived of their father’s sovereignty, would have borne the injustice in so abject and supine a manner, and that at an age when they were at the very height of their powers both of speech and of action. For Tullius neither had the advantage of them in birth, being the son of a slave-woman, nor excelled them much in the dignity of age, being only three years older than one of them; so that they would not willingly have yielded the kingship to them.
[1] ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἄλλας τινὰς τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀτοπίας, ἃς ἅπαντες ἠγνόησαν οἱ τὰ Ῥωμαϊκὰ συνταξάμενοι πλὴν ἑνός, οὗ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐρῶ τοὔνομα. ὡμολόγηται γάρ, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν Ταρκυνίου τελευτὴν παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν Τύλλιος ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τετταράκοντα καὶ τέτταρα κατέσχεν, ὥστ᾽ εἰ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἑκτακαιεικοσαέτης ἦν, ὅτ᾽ ἀπεστερεῖτο τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ πρεσβύτερος τῶν Ταρκυνίων, ὑπὲρ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη γεγονὼς ἄν ἦν, ὅτε τὸν Τύλλιον ἀπέκτεινεν.
[7.1] This view involves some other absurdities, too, of which all the Roman historians have been ignorant, with the exception of one whom I shall name presently. For it has been agreed that Tullius, having succeeded to the kingdom after the death of Tarquinius, held it for forty-four years; so that, if the eldest of the Tarquinii was twenty-seven years old when he was deprived of the sovereignty, he must have been above seventy when he killed Tullius.
[2] ἐν κρατίστῃ δέ γ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡλικίᾳ τότ᾽ ὄντα παραδεδώκασιν οἱ συγγραφεῖς καί φασιν, ὅτι Τύλλιον αὐτὸς ἀράμενος ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ φέρων ἔξω κατὰ τῶν κρηπίδων ἐξέχεεν. ἥ τ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔκπτωσις αὐτοῦ γίνεται πέμπτῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἔτει, καὶ τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει στρατευόμενος ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀρδεάτας εἰσάγεται πολέμῳ καὶ πάντα [p. 14] τὰ ἔργα δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τελῶν: οὐκ εἶχε δὲ λόγον ἐν πολέμοις ἐξετάζεσθαι ἓξ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα βεβιωκὼς ἔτη.
[2] But he was then in the prime of life, according to the tradition handed down by the historians, and they state that he himself lifted up Tullius, and carrying him out of the senate-house, hurled him down the steps. His expulsion from the kingship happened in the twenty-fifth year after this, and in that same year he is represented as making war against the people of Ardea and performing all the duties himself; but it is not reasonable to suppose that a man ninety-six years old should be taking part in wars.
[3] ἐκπεσών τε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτι πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ ἐλάττω τεττάρων καὶ δέκα ἐτῶν, αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐξεταζόμενος, ὥς φασι, παρὰ τὰς κοινὰς ἁπάντων ἐστὶ δόξας, καὶ ὁ τοῦ βίου χρόνος αὐτῷ πλείων ἀναφαίνεται τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ δέκα γεγονὼς ἐτῶν: τοῦτο δὲ τὸ μῆκος τῶν βίων οὐ φέρουσιν οἱ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τόποι.
[3] And after his expulsion he still makes war against the Romans for no less than fourteen years, being present himself, they say, at all the engagements — which is contrary to all common sense. Thus, according to them, he must have lived above one hundred and ten years; but this length of life is not produced by our climes.
[4] ταῦτα δὴ τὰ ἄτοπα συνειδότες τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν συγγραφέων τινὲς ἑτέραις αὐτὰ λύειν ἐπειράθησαν ἀτοπίαις, οὐ Τανακυλίδα ποιοῦντες μητέρα τῶν παιδίων, ἀλλὰ Γεγανίαν τινά, περὶ ἧς οὐδεμίαν παρειλήφαμεν ἱστορίαν: ἄωρος δὴ γίνεται πάλιν ὁ γάμος τοῦ Ταρκυνίου μικρὸν ἀπολείποντος ἐτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα, καὶ ἡ τῶν τέκνων γένεσις τοῖς ταύτην ἔχουσι τὴν ἡλικίαν ἄπιστος: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄπαις ἦν, ὥστ᾽ ἐκ παντὸς ἐπιθυμῆσαι τέκνων, ἀλλὰ θυγατέρες ἦσαν αὐτῷ δύο καὶ
[4] Some of the Roman historians, being sensible of these absurdities, have endeavoured to solve them by means of other absurdities, alleging that not Tanaquil but one Gegania, of whom no other account has come down to us, was the mother of the children. But here again, the marriage of Tarquinius is unseasonable, he being then very near fourscore years old, and the begetting of children by men of that age is incredible; nor was he a childless man, who would wish by all means for children, for he had two daughters and these already married.
[5] αὗταί γ᾽ ἤδη γεγαμημέναι. τούτων δὴ τῶν ἀδυνάτων τε καὶ ἀτόπων ἕκαστα ἐπιλογιζόμενος οὐχ υἱοὺς εἶναι Ταρκυνίου γράφω τοὺς παῖδας, ἀλλ᾽ υἱωνούς, Λευκίῳ Πείσωνι τῷ Φρῦγι συγκαταθέμενος. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἐνιαυσίοις πραγματείαις ταῦθ᾽ ἱστόρηκε μόνος: εἰ [p. 15] μή γ᾽ ἄρα γόνῳ μὲν ἦσαν υἱωνοὶ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ παῖδες, ποιήσει δ᾽ υἱοί, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἦν αἴτιον τῆς ἀπάτης τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι τοῖς συγγράψασι τὰς Ῥωμαϊκὰς ἱστορίας. προειρημένων δὴ τούτων καιρὸς ἐπανάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπολειπομένην διήγησιν.
[5] In the light, therefore, of these various impossibilities and absurdities, I state that the children were not the sons, but the grandsons, of Tarquinius, agreeing therein with Lucius Piso Frugi (for he in his Annals is the only historian who has given this account); unless, indeed, the children were the king’s grandsons by birth and his sons by adoption and this circumstance misled all the other Roman historians. Now that these explanations have been made by way of preface, it is time to resume my narrative where it was broken off.
[1] ἐπειδὴ δὲ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν τῆς βασιλείας ὁ Τύλλιος καὶ τὴν ἑταιρίαν τῶν Μαρκίων ἐξελάσας βεβαίως ἤδη τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνόμιζε κρατεῖν, τόν τε βασιλέα Ταρκύνιον, ὡς ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων τετελευτηκότα ἔναγχος, ἐκκομιδῇ τε πολυτελεῖ καὶ μνήματος ἐπισήμου κατασκευῇ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς ἐκόσμει, καὶ τὸν ἐξ ἐκείνου χρόνον ὡς ἐπίτροπος ὢν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου γένους παίδων τόν τ᾽ ἴδιον αὐτῶν βίον καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράγματα τῆς πόλεως διὰ φυλακῆς τε καὶ φροντίδος ἐποιεῖτο.
[8.1] When Tullius, after receiving the guardianship of the kingdom and expelling the faction of the Marcii, thought he was now in secure possession of the sovereignty, he honoured King Tarquinius, as if he had but recently died of his wounds, with a very costly funeral, an imposing monument, and the other usual honours. And from that time, as guardian of the royal children, he took under his protection and care both their private fortunes and the public interests of the commonwealth.
[2] τοῖς δὲ πατρικίοις οὐκ ἦν τὰ γινόμενα καθ᾽ ἡδονάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἠγανάκτουν καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες αὐτὸν ἑαυτῷ τινα μηχανήσασθαι βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν, μήτε βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης μήτε τῶν ἄλλων τῶν κατὰ νόμον ἐπιτελεσθέντων. συνιόντες τε πολλάκις οἱ πλεῖστον ἐξ αὐτῶν δυνάμενοι διελέγοντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ τῆς καταλύσεως τῆς παρανόμου ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς, ἐπειδὰν πρῶτον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὑπὸ τοῦ Τυλλίου ἀναχθῶσιν, ἀναγκάσαι τὸν ἄνδρα τὰς ῥάβδους ἀποθέσθαι καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς σύμβολα: ὅταν δὲ τοῦτο γένηται, τοὺς καλουμένους μεσοβασιλεῖς ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνων ἑλέσθαι τὸν ἄρξοντα τῆς [p. 16]
[2] The patricians, however, were not pleased with these proceedings, but felt indignation and resentment, being unwilling that Tullius should build up a kind of royal power for himself without either a decree of the senate or the other formalities prescribed by law. And the most powerful of them met together frequently and discussed with one another means of putting an end to his illegal rule; and they resolved that in the first time Tullius should assemble them in the senate-house they would compel him to lay aside the rods and the other symbols of royalty, and that after this was done they would appoint the magistrates called interreges and through them choose a man to rule the state in accordance with the laws.
[3] πόλεως κατὰ νόμους. ταῦτα διανοουμένων αὐτῶν ἐπιγνοὺς ὁ Τύλλιος ἐπὶ τὸ δημαγωγεῖν καὶ θεραπεύειν τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν πολιτῶν ἐτρέπετο, δι᾽ ἐκείνων ἐλπίσας τὴν ἀρχὴν καθέξειν, καὶ συγκαλέσας τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τά τε παιδία προήγαγεν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ λόγον διεξῆλθε τοιόνδε.
[3] While they were making these plans, Tullius, becoming aware of their purpose, applied himself to flattering and courting the poorer citizens, and hopes of retaining the sovereignty through them; and having called an assembly of the people, he brought the children forward to the tribunal and delivered a speech somewhat as follows:
[1] πολλή με ἀνάγκη κατείληφεν, ἄνδρες πολῖται, κήδεσθαι τῶν παιδίων τούτων καὶ νηπίων. Ταρκύνιος γὰρ ὁ πάππος αὐτῶν ἀπάτορα καὶ ἄπολιν ὄντα με παραλαβὼν ἐξέθρεψεν οὐδὲν ἐνδεέστερον ἄγων τῶν αὑτοῦ τέκνων καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν θυγατέρων ἔδωκέ μοι γυναῖκα, καὶ παρὰ πάντα τὸν τοῦ βίου χρόνον ὥσπερ ἐξ αὑτοῦ γεγονότα τιμῶν καὶ φιλῶν, ὡς καὶ ὑμεῖς ἴστε, διετέλεσε, καὶ ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῷ συνέπεσεν, εἴ τι πάθοι τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων,
[9.1] “I find myself under great obligation, citizens, to take care of these infant children. For Tarquinius, their grandfather, received me when I was fatherless and without a country, and brought me up, holding me in no respect inferior to his own children. He also gave me one of his two daughters in marriage, and during the whole course of his life continued to honour and love me, as you also know, with the same affection as if I had been his own son. And after that treacherous attack was made upon him he entrusted me with the guardianship of these children in case he should suffer the fate of all mortals.
[2] ἐμοὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν παιδίων ἐπίστευσε. τίς οὖν ἢ πρὸς θεοὺς ὅσιον ἢ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαιον ὑπολήψεταί με, ἐὰν ἐγκαταλίπω καὶ προδῶ τοὺς ὀρφανούς, οἷς τοσαύτας ὀφείλω χάριτας; ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ προδώσω πίστιν οὐδὲ τὴν τῶν παιδίων ἐρημίαν ἐγκαταλείψω κατὰ δύναμιν τὴν ἐμήν. δίκαιοι δ᾽ ἐστὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς διαμεμνῆσθαι τὰς εὐεργεσίας, ἃς ὁ πάππος αὐτῶν τὸ κοινὸν εὐηργέτησεν ὑποτάξας μὲν ὑμῖν τὰς Λατίνων τοσαύτας πόλεις ἀντιποιουμένας τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὑπηκόους δὲ ποιήσας Τυρρηνοὺς ἅπαντας μέγιστον τῶν περιοίκων [p. 17] δυναμένους, ἀναγκάσας δὲ τὸ Σαβίνων ἔθνος ὑποχείριον ὑμῖν γενέσθαι, μετὰ πολλῶν ἅκαντα ταῦτα καὶ μεγάλων κινδύνων κατεργασάμενος.
[2] Who, therefore, will think me pious towards the gods or just towards men if I abandon and betray the orphans to with I owe so great a debt of gratitude? But, to the best of my ability, I shall neither betray the trust reposed in me nor yet abandon the children in their forlorn condition. You too ought in justice to remember the benefits their grandfather conferred upon the commonwealth in reducing to your obedience so many cities of the Latins, your rivals for the sovereignty, in making all the Tyrrhenians, the most powerful of your neighbours, your subjects, and in forcing the Sabine nation to submit to you — all of which he effected at the cost of many great dangers.
[3] ὅσον μὲν οὖν αὐτὸς ἔζη χρόνον, ἐκείνῳ κροσῆκεν ὑμᾶς τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν χάριτας εἰδέναι, ἐπειδὴ δὲ τετελεύτηκε τὸν βίον τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀποτίνειν, καὶ μὴ συγκατορύττειν ἅμα τοῖς σώμασι τῶν εὐεργετῶν καὶ τὴν μνήμην τῶν ἔργων. δόξατε οὖν κοινῇ πάντες ἐπίτροποι καταλελεῖφθαι τῶν παιδίων καὶ βεβαιοῦτε αὐτοῖς ἣν ὁ πάππος κατέλιπεν ἀρχήν. οὐδὲν γὰρ τοσοῦτον ἀπολαύσειαν ἂν ἐκ τῆς ἐμῆς ἑνὸς ὄντος προστασίας, ὅσον ἐκ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ὑμῶν βοηθείας.
[3] As long, therefore, as he himself was living, it became you to give him thanks for the benefits you had received from him; and now that he is dead, it becomes you to make a grateful return to his posterity, and not to bury the remembrance of their deeds together with the persons of your benefactors. Consider, therefore, that you have all jointly been left guardians of these little children, and confirm to them the sovereignty which their grandfather left them. For they would not receive so great an advantage from my guardianship, which is that of one man only, as from the joint assistance of you all.
[4] ταῦτα δ᾽ εἰπεῖν ἠνάγκασμαι συνισταμένους τινὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς αἰσθόμενος καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἑτέροις παραδοῦναι βουλομένους. ἀξιῶ δ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τῶν ἐμῶν μεμνημένους ἀγώνων, οὓς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἠγωνισάμην, οὔτε μικρῶν ὄντων οὔτ᾽ ὀλίγων, οὓς οὐδὲν δέομαι πρὸς εἰδότας ὑμᾶς λέγειν, τὰς ἀντὶ τούτων ὀφειλομένας ἐμοὶ χάριτας τοῖς παιδίοις ἀκοδοῦναι τούτοις. οὐ γὰρ ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν ἐμαυτῷ κατασκευαζόμενος, ἧς οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἄξιος ἦν βουληθεὶς τυγχάνειν, ἀλλὰ τῷ Ταρκυνίου γένει βοηθῶν τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν προῄρημαι.
[4] I have been compelled to say these things because I have perceived that some persons are conspiring against them and desire to hand the sovereignty over the others. I ask you, Romans, also to call to mind the struggles I have undergone in the interest of your supremacy — struggles neither inconsiderable nor few, which I need not relate to you who are familiar with them — and to repay to these little children the gratitude you owe me in return. For it has not been with a view to securing a sovereignty of my own — of which, if that had been my aim, I was as worthy as anyone — but in order to aid the family of Tarquinius, that I have chosen to direct public affairs.
[5] ἱκέτης δ᾽ ὑμῶν γίνομαι μὴ τοὺς ὀρφανοὺς ἐγκαταλιπεῖν [p. 18] νῦν μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς κινδυνεύοντας, εἰ δ᾽ ἡ πρώτη πεῖρα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτῶν χωρήσει κατὰ νοῦν, καὶ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξελαθησομένους. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων ὡς ἐγνωκόσιν ὑμῖν τὰ δέοντα καὶ ποιήσουσιν, ὅσα προσήκει, οὐδὲν δέομαι πλείω λέγειν: ἃ δὲ παρεσκεύασμαι ποιεῖν ὑμᾶς αὐτὸς ἀγαθὰ καὶ ὧν χάριν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συνεκάλεσα, ἀκούσατέ μου.
[5] And I entreat you as a suppliant not to abandon these orphans, who are now, indeed, only in danger of losing the sovereignty, but, if this first attempt of their enemies succeeds, will also be expelled from the city. But on this subject I need say no more to you, since you both know what is required and will perform your duty.
[6] ὅσοι μὲν ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἤδη χρέα διὰ πενίαν ἀδύνατοί εἰσιν ἀποδοῦναι, τούτοις βοηθεῖν προθυμούμενος, ἐπειδὴ πολῖταί τ᾽ εἰσι καὶ πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀνηντλήκασι πόνους, ἵνα μὴ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀφαιρεθῶσιν ἐλευθερίαν οἱ τὴν κοινὴν βεβαιώσαντες, ἐκ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ
[6] “Hear from me now the benefits I myself have arranged to confer upon you and the reasons that induced me to summon this assembly. Those among you who already have debts which through poverty they are unable to discharge, I am eager to help, since they are citizens and have undergone many hardships in the service of their country; hence, in order that these men who have securely established the common liberty may not be deprived of their own, I am giving them from my own means enough to pay their debts.
[7] χρημάτων δίδωμι διαλύσασθαι τὰ χρέα. ὅσοι δ᾽ ἂν μετὰ ταῦτα δανείσωνται, τούτους οὐκ ἐάσω πρὸς τὰ χρέα ἀπάγεσθαι καὶ νόμον θήσομαι μηδένα δανείζειν ἐπὶ σώμασιν ἐλευθέροις ἱκανὸν ἡγούμενος τοἱς δανεισταῖς τῆς οὐσίας τῶν συμβαλόντων κρατεῖν. ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ δημόσιον γινομένας εἰσφοράς, δι᾽ ἃς οἱ πένητες ἐπιβαροῦνταί τε καὶ ἀναγκάζονται δανείσματα ποιεῖν, κουφοτέρας εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν φέρητε, τιμήσασθαι τὰς οὐσίας ἅπαντας κελεύσω καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ τιμήματος ἕκαστον εἰσφέρειν τὸ ἐπιβάλλον, ὡς ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ εὐνομωτάταις πόλεσι πυνθάνομαι γινόμενον, δίκαιόν [p. 19] τε καὶ συμφέρον τῷ κοινῷ τοῦθ᾽ ἡγούμενος τοὺς μὲν πολλὰ κεκτημένους πολλὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοὺς δ᾽ ὀλίγα ἔχοντας ὀλίγα.
[7] And those who shall hereafter borrow I will not permit to be haled to prison on account of their debts, but will make a law that no one shall lend money on the security of the persons of free men; for I hold that it is enough for the lenders to possess the property of those who contracted the debts. And in order to lighten for the future the burden also of the war taxes you pay to the public treasury, by which the poor are oppressed and obliged to borrow, I will order all the citizens to give in a valuation of their property and everyone to pay his share of the taxes according to that valuation, as I learn is done in the greatest and best governed cities; for I regard it as both just and advantageous to the public that those who possess much should pay much in taxes and those who have little should pay little.
[8] δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τῆς δημοσίας γῆς, ἣν διὰ τῶν ὅπλων κτησάμενοι κατέχετε, μὴ τοὺς ἀναιδεστάτους ὥσπερ νῦν κρατεῖν οὔτε χάριτι λαβόντας οὔτ᾽ ὠνῇ κτησαμένους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μηδένα κλῆρον ἔχοντας ὑμῶν, ἵνα μὴ θητεύητε ὄντες ἐλεύθεροι μηδὲ τὰς ἀλλοτρίας κτήσεις, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἰδίας γεωργῆτε: οὐ γὰρ ἂν γένοιτο φρόνημα εὐγενὲς ἐν ἀνδράσιν ἀπορουμένοις τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀναγκαίων.
[8] I also believe that the public lands, which you have obtained by your arms and now enjoy, should not, as at present, be held by those who are the most shameless, whether they got them by favour or acquired them by purchase, but by those among you who have no allotment of land, to the end that you, being free men, may not be serfs to others or cultivate others’ lands instead of your own; for a noble spirit cannot dwell in the breasts of men who are in want of the necessaries of daily life.
[9] ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἔγνων καὶ ἴσην καὶ κοινὴν ποιεῖν τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τὰ δίκαια πᾶσι πρὸς ἅπαντας ὅμοια. εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ἥκουσί τινες αὐθαδείας, ὥσθ᾽ ὑβρίζειν εἰς τὸ δημοτικὸν ἀξιοῦσι καὶ μηδ᾽ ἐλευθέρους ἡγεῖσθαι τοὺς πένητας ὑμῶν. ἵνα δὲ καὶ λαμβάνωσι τὰ δίκαια καὶ ὑπέχωσιν οἱ μείζους τοῖς ἐλάττοσιν ἐξ ἴσου, νόμους θήσομαι κωλυτὰς μὲν τῆς βίας, φύλακας δὲ τῆς δικαιοσύνης καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδένα χρόνον ἀνήσω τῆς ἁπάντων προνοούμενος ἰσηγορίας.
[9] But, above all these things, I have determined to make the government fair and impartial and justice the same for all and towards all. For some have reached that degree of presumption that they take upon themselves to maltreat the common people and do not look upon the poor among you as being even free men. To the end, therefore, that the more powerful may both receive justice from and do justice to their inferior impartially, I will establish such laws as shall prevent violence and preserve justice, and I myself will never cease to take thought for the equality of all the citizens.”
[1] τοιαῦτα λέγοντος αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἔπαινος ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐγένετο τῶν μέν, ὅτι πιστὸς ἦν καὶ δίκαιος περὶ τοὺς εὐεργέτας, ἐπαινούντων, τῶν δ᾽, ὅτι φιλάνθρωπος καὶ μεγαλόψυχος εἰς τοὺς ἀπόρους, τῶν δ᾽, ὡς μέτριος καὶ δημοτικὸς πρὸς τοὺς ταπεινοτέρους, ἁπάντων δ᾽, ὅτι νόμιμος καὶ δίκαιος ἄρχων, ἀγαπώντων [p. 20]
[10.1] While he was thus speaking there was much praise from the assembly, some commending him for his loyalty and justice to his benefactors, others for his humanity and generosity to the poor, and still others for his moderation and democratic spirit towards those of humbler station; but all loved and admired him for being a lawful and just ruler.
[2] τε καὶ τεθαυμακότων. διαλυθείσης δὲ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἀπογράφεσθαι κελεύσας τοὺς ὑποχρέους, ὅσοι τὴν πίστιν ἀδύνατοι ἦσαν φυλάττειν, τίσιν ὀφείλουσι καὶ πόσον ἕκαστος, ἐπειδὴ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς ἔλαβε, τραπέζας θεὶς ἐν ἀγορᾷ πάντων ὁρώντων ἀπηρίθμει τοῖς δανεισταῖς τὰ χρέα.
[2] The assembly having been dismissed, during the following days he ordered lists to be made of all the debtors who were unable to keep their pledges, with the amount each owed and the names of the creditors; and when this list had been delivered to him, he commanded tables to be placed in the Forum and in the presence of all the citizens counted out to the lenders the amount of the debts.
[3] ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἐξέθηκεν ἐν φανερῷ διάταγμα βασιλικόν, ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς δημοσίας γῆς τοὺς καρπουμένους τε καὶ ἰδίᾳ κατέχοντας αὐτὴν ἐν ὡρισμένῳ τινὶ χρόνῳ, καὶ τοὺς οὐδένα κλῆρον ἔχοντας τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀπογράφεσθαι: νόμους τε συνέγραφεν οὓς μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων καὶ παρημελημένων ἀνανεούμενος, οὓς Ῥωμύλος τ᾽ εἰσηγήσατο καὶ Νόμας Πομπίλιος, οὓς δ᾽
[3] Having finished with this, he published a royal edict commanding that all those who were enjoying the use of the public lands and holding them for their own should quit possession within a certain specified time, and that those citizens who had no allotments of land should give in their names to him. He also drew up laws, in some cases renewing old laws that had been introduced by Romulus and Numa Pompilius and had fallen into abeyance, and establishing others himself.
[4] αὐτὸς καθιστάμενος. ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολιτευομένου χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οἱ πατρίκιοι καταλυομένην τὴν δυναστείαν τῆς βουλῆς ὁρῶντες καὶ λογισμοὺς οὐκέτι τοὺς αὐτούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντίους τοῖς προτέροις ἐλάμβανον.
[4] While he was pursuing these measures, the patricians were growing indignant as they saw the power of the senate being overthrown, and they proceeded to a plan of action which was no longer the same as before, but the opposite.
[5] ἐν ἀρχαῖς μὲν γὰρ ὥρμησαν ἀφελέσθαι τὴν παράνομον αὐτοῦ δυναστείαν ἀποδείξαντες μεσοβασιλεῖς καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνων ἑλέσθαι τὸν κατὰ νόμους ἕξοντα τὴν ἀρχήν: τότε δὲ στέργειν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ᾤοντο δεῖν καὶ μηδὲν πολυπραγμονεῖν. εἰσῄει γὰρ αὐτοῖς λογισμός, ὅτι τῆς μὲν βουλῆς, ὃν αὐτὴ προῃρεῖτο, παραγούσης ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα ὁ δῆμος ἐναντιώσεται τὴν ψῆφον ἀναλαβών: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ ποιήσωσι τὴν [p. 21] τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν, ἅπασαι τὸν Τύλλιον ψηφοφορήσουσιν αἱ φρᾶτραι, καὶ περιέσται τῷ ἀνδρὶ τὸ δοκεῖν κατὰ νόμους ἄρχειν. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἄμεινον εἶναι κλέπτοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ παρακρουόμενον τοὺς πολίτας μᾶλλον ἢ πείσαντα καὶ φανερῶς λαβόντα κατέχειν.
[5] For whereas at first they had determined to deprive him of his illegal power, to appoint interreges, and through them to choose one who should hold the office legally, they now thought they ought to acquiesce in the existing state of affairs and not to interfere at all. For it occurred to them that, if the senate attempted to place a man of its own choosing at the head of affairs, the people, when they came to give their votes, would oppose him; whereas, if they should leave the choice of the king to the people, all the curiae would elect Tullius and the result would be that he would seem to hold the office legally. They thought it better, therefore, to permit him to continue in the possession of the sovereignty by stealth and by deceiving the citizens rather than after persuading them and receiving it openly.
[6] ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο προὔργου τῶν λελογισμένων: οὕτω κατεστρατήγησεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Τύλλιος καὶ κατέσχε τὴν βασιλείαν ἀκόντων ἐκείνων. κατασκευάσας γὰρ ἐκ πολλοῦ φήμας λέγεσθαι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν. ὡς ἐπιβουλευόντων αὐτῷ τῶν πατρικίων προῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐσθῆτα πιναρὰν περιβεβλημένος καὶ κατηφὴς συνούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς μητρὸς Ὀκρισίας καὶ τῆς Ταρκυνίου γυναικὸς Τανακυλίδος καὶ τῆς συγγενείας τῆς βασιλικῆς ὅλης. ὄχλου δὲ συνδραμόντος πολλοῦ πρὸς τὸ παράδοξον τῆς ὄψεως ἐκκλησίαν συγκαλέσας προῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ διεξῆλθε τοιοῦτόν τινα λόγον.
[6] But none of their calculations availed them aught, so artfully did Tullius outmanoeuvre them and get possession of the royal power against their will. For having long before caused a report to be spread through the city that the patricians were plotting against him, he came into the Forum meanly dressed and with a dejected countenance, accompanied by his mother Ocrisia, Tanaquil, the wife of Tarquinius, and all the royal family. And when great crowds flocked together at so unexpected a sight, he called an assembly, and ascending the tribunal, addressed them much as follows:
[1] οὐκέτι μοι περὶ τῶν Ταρκυνίου παίδων μόνον ὁ κίνδυνός ἐστιν, ἵνα μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν δεινὸν πάθωσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς δέος εἰσέρχεται, μὴ πικρὰς ἀμοιβὰς τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἀπολάβω. ἐπιβουλεύομαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν πατρικίων, καὶ μεμήνυνταί μοι τινὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποκτεῖναί με συνομνύμενοι ἀδίκημα μὲν οὐδὲν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτ᾽ ἔλαττον ἔχοντες ἐγκαλεῖν, ὧν δὲ τὸν δῆμον εὖ πεποίηκα καὶ [p. 22] παρεσκεύασμαι ποιεῖν ἀχθόμενοί τε καὶ ἀναξιοπαθοῦντες:
[11.1] “It is no longer the children of Tarquinius alone whom I see in danger of suffering some injury at the hands of their enemies, but I am already coming to fear for my own life, lest I receive a bitter requital for my justice. For the patricians are plotting against me and I have received information that some of them are conspiring to kill me, not because they can charge me with any crime, great or trivial, but because they resent the benefits I have conferred and am prepared to confer upon the people and feel that they are being treated unjustly.
[2] οἱ δανεισταὶ μὲν ὅτι τοὺς πένητας ὑμῶν οὐκ εἴασα τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφαιρεθῆναι πρὸς τὰ χρέα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀχθέντας: οἱ δὲ κατανοσφιζόμενοι τὰ δημόσια καὶ κατέχοντες, ἣν ὑμεῖς δι᾽ αἵματος ἐκτήσασθε γῆν ἐκλιπεῖν ἀναγκαζόμενοι, ὥσπερ τὰ πατρῷα ἀποστερούμενοι καὶ οὐ τἀλλότρια ἀποδιδόντες: οἱ δ᾽ ἀνειμένοι τῶν εἰσφορῶν τῶν εἰς τοὺς πολέμους, εἰ τιμήσασθαι τοὺς βίους ἀναγκασθήσονται καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τιμημάτων τὰς εἰσφορὰς συνεισφέρειν: κοινῇ δὲ σύμπαντες, ὅτι κατὰ νόμους γεγραμμένους ἐθισθήσονται ζῆν τὰ δίκαια ἐξ ἴσου διδόντες ὑμῖν καὶ λαμβάνοντες, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἀργυρωνήτοις παραχρήσονται τοῖς πένησιν, ὃ ποιοῦσι νῦν.
[2] The money-lenders, for their part, feel aggrieved because I did not permit the poor among you to be haled to prison by them because of their debts and to be deprived of their liberty. And those who misappropriate and hold what belongs to the state, finding themselves obliged to give up the land which you acquired with your blood, are as angry as if they were being deprived of their inheritances instead of merely restoring what belongs to others. Those, again, who have been exempt from war taxes resent being compelled to give in a valuation of their property and to pay taxes in property to those valuations. But the general complaint of them all is that they will have to accustom themselves to live according to written laws and impartially dispense justice to you and receive it from you, instead of abusing the poor, as they now do, as if they were so many purchased slaves.
[3] καὶ ταῦτα δὴ τὰ ἐγκλήματα συνενέγκαντες εἰς τὸ κοινὸν βεβούλευνταί τε καὶ συνομωμόκασι κατάγειν τοὺς φυγάδας καὶ τοῖς Μαρκίου παισὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποδιδόναι, οὓς ὑμεῖς Ταρκύνιον ἀποκτείναντας τὸν βασιλέα ὑμῶν ἄνδρα χρηστὸν καὶ φιλόπολιν καὶ τηλικοῦτο διαπραξαμένους ἄγος τάς τε δίκας ἐρήμους ἐκλιπόντας καὶ φυγῆς ἑαυτοῖς τιμησαμένους πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος εἴργειν ἐψηφίσασθε: ἔμελλόν τ᾽, εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἐμοὶ περὶ τούτων ἐγένετο μήνυσις, ξενικὴν δύναμιν ἐπαγόμενοι νυκτὸς ἔτι πολλὴν κατάγειν εἰς τὴν πόλιν [p. 23]
[3] And making common cause of these complaints, they have taken counsel and sworn to recall the exiles and to restore the kingdom to Marcius’ sons, against whom you passed a vote forbidding them the use of fire and water for having assassinated Tarquinius, your king, a worthy man and a lover of his country, and, after they had committed such an act of pollution, for having failed to appear for their trial and thus condemned themselves to exile. And if I had not received early information of these designs, they would, with the assistance of a foreign force, have brought back the exiles into the city in the dead of night.
[4] τοὺς φυγάδας. τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα πάντες ἴστε δήπου, κἂν ἐγὼ μὴ λέγω, ὅτι Μάρκιοι συλλαμβανόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν πατρικίων κατασχόντες τὰ πράγματα δίχα πόνου, πρῶτον μὲν ἐμὲ τὸν φύλακα τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιτελεσάμενον δίκας ἔμελλον ἀναρπάσεσθαι, ἔπειτα ταυτὶ τὰ παιδία καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς τε καὶ φίλους Ταρκυνίου πάντας ἀρεῖσθαι: γυναῖκας δ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ μητέρας καὶ θυγατέρας καὶ πᾶν τὸ θῆλυ γένος ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιήσασθαι λόγῳ, πολὺ
[4] You all know, of course, what would have been the consequence of this, even without my mentioning it — that the Marcii, with the support of the patricians, after getting control of affairs without any trouble, would first have seized me, as the guardian of the royal family and as the person who had pronounced sentence against them, and after that would have destroyed these children and all the other kinsmen and friends of Tarquinius; and, as they have much of the savage and the tyrant in their nature, they would have treated our wives, mothers and daughters and all the female sex like slaves.
[5] τὸ θηριῶδες ἔχοντες ἐν τῇ φύσει καὶ τυραννικόν. εἰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ὑμῖν ταῦτα βουλομένοις ἐστίν, ὦ δημόται, τοὺς μὲν ἀνδροφόνους κατάγειν καὶ βασιλεῖς ἀποδεικνύναι, τοὺς δὲ τῶν εὐεργετῶν παῖδας ἐξελαύνειν καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάππου καταλειφθεῖσαν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι, στέρξομεν τὴν τύχην. ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἁπάντων θεῶν τε καὶ δαιμόνων, ὅσοι τὸν ἀνθρώπινον ἐποπτεύουσι βίον, ἱκέται πάντες ὑμῶν γινόμενοι σὺν γυναιξί τε καὶ τέκνοις ἀντὶ πολλῶν μέν, ὧν Ταρκύνιος ὁ τῶν παιδίων πάππος εὖ ποιῶν ὑμᾶς διετέλεσεν, ἀντὶ πολλῶν δέ, ὧν αὐτὸς ἐγὼ κατὰ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ δύναμιν ἐγενόμην ὑμῖν χρήσιμος, ἀξιοῦμεν ὑμᾶς μίαν ἡμῖν δοῦναι ταύτην δωρεάν, φανερὰν ποιῆσαι τὴν ὑμῶν αὐτῶν γνώμην.
[5] If, therefore, it is your pleasure also, citizens, to recall the assassins and make them kings, to banish the sons of your benefactors and to deprive them of the kingdom their grandfather left them, we shall submit to our fate. But we all, together with our wives and children, make supplication to you by all the gods and lesser divinities who watch over the lives of men that, in return for the many benefits Tarquinius, the grandfather of these children, never ceased to confer upon you, and in return for the many services I myself, as far as I have been able, have done you, you will grant us this single boon — to declare your own sentiments.
[6] εἰ γὰρ ἑτέρους τινὰς ἀξιονικοτέρους ἡμῶν ὑπειλήφατε εἶναι ταύτης τῆς τιμῆς τυγχάνειν, [p. 24] τὰ μὲν παιδία οἰχήσεται τὴν πόλιν ὑμῖν καταλιπόντα καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Ταρκυνίου συγγένεια: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἕτερόν τι βουλεύσομαι γενναιότερον ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ: βεβίωται γὰρ ἤδη μοι καὶ πρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ἀποχρώντως καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἀξιώσαιμι τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν εὐνοίας ψευσθείς, ἣν ἀντὶ παντὸς εἱλόμην ἀγαθοῦ, ζῆν αἰσχρῶς ἐν ἄλλοις τισί. παραλάβετε δὴ τὰς ῥάβδους καὶ δότε, εἰ βούλεσθε, τοῖς πατρικίοις: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑμῖν οὐκ ἐνοχλήσω παρών.
[6] For if you have come to believe that any others are more worthy than we of this honour, the children, with all the other relations of Tarquinius, shall withdraw, leaving the city to you. As for me, I shall take a more generous resolution in my own case For I have already lived long enough both for virtue and for glory, and if I am disappointed of your goodwill, which I have preferred to every other good thing, I could never bring myself to live in disgrace among any other people. Take the rods, then, and give them to the patricians, if you wish; I shall not trouble you with my presence.”
[1] ταῦτα λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ παραχωρεῖν οἵου τε ὄντος ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος κραυγή τε παρὰ πάντων ἐξαίσιος ἐγίνετο καὶ δεήσεις μεμιγμέναι δάκρυσιν, ἵνα μένῃ τε καὶ διακατέχῃ τὰ πράγματα μηδένα δεδοικώς. ἔπειτ᾽ ἐγκέλευστοί τινες διειληφότες τὴν ἀγορὰν βασιλέα ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἐβόων καὶ συγκαλεῖν τὰς φράτρας ἠξίουν καὶ ψῆφον ᾔτουν. ἀρξαμένων δὲ τούτων εὐθὺς ὁ δῆμος ἅπας ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς προαιρέσεως ἐγεγόνει.
[12.1] While he was speaking these words and seemed about to leave the tribunal, they all raised a tremendous clamour, and mingling tears with their entreaties, besought him to remain and to retain control of affairs, fearing no one. Thereupon some of his partisans, who had stationed themselves in different parts of the Forum, following his instructions, cried out, “Make him king,” and demanded that the curiae should be called together and a vote taken; and after these had set the example, the whole populace was promptly of the same opinion.
[2] τοῦτο καταμαθὼν ὁ Τύλλιος οὐκέτι παρῆκε τὸν καιρόν, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς αὐτοῖς εἰδέναι φήσας χάριτας, ὅτι μέμνηνται τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, καὶ ἔτι πλείονα ὑποσχόμενος ἀγαθὰ ποιήσειν, ἐὰν αὐτὸν ἀποδείξωσι βασιλέα, προεῖπεν ἡμέραν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν, εἰς ἣν ἐκέλευσε καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἅπαντας παρεῖναι.
[2] Tullius, seeing this, no longer let the occasion slip, but told them that he felt very grateful to them for remembering his services; and after promising to confer even more benefits if they should make him king, he appointed a day for the election, at which he ordered everybody to be present including those from the country.
[3] συνελθόντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου καλῶν τὰς φράτρας κατὰ μίαν ἀνεδίδου τὰς ψήφους. ἁπάσαις δὲ ταῖς φράτραις κριθεὶς τῆς βασιλείας [p. 25] ἄξιος παραλαμβάνει τότε τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τοῦ δημοτικοῦ πλήθους πολλὰ χαίρειν τῇ βουλῇ φράσας, ἣν οὐκ ἠξίωσεν ἐπικυρῶσαι τὰ τοῦ δήμου κρίματα, ὥσπερ αὐτῇ ποιεῖν ἔθος ἦν. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν παρελθὼν πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων πολιτευμάτων εἰσηγητὴς ἐγένετο, μέγαν δὲ καὶ λόγου ἄξιον ἐπολέμησε πρὸς Τυρρηνοὺς πόλεμον. ποιήσομαι δὲ περὶ τῶν πολιτευμάτων αὐτοῦ πρῶτον τοὺς λόγους.
[3] When the people had assembled he called the curiae and took the vote of each curia separately. And upon being judged worthy of the kingship by all the curiae, he then accepted it from the populace, telling the senate to go hang; for he did not ask that body to ratify the decision of the people, as it was accustomed to do. After coming to the sovereignty in this manner, he introduced many reforms in the civil administration and also carried on a great and memorable war against the Tyrrhenians. But I shall first give an account of his administrative reforms.
[1] εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν διένειμε τὴν δημοσίαν χώραν τοῖς θητεύουσι Ῥωμαίων: ἔπειτα τοὺς νόμους τούς τε συναλλακτικοὺς καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν ἀδικημάτων ἐπεκύρωσε ταῖς φράτραις: ἦσαν δὲ πεντήκοντά που μάλιστα τὸν ἀριθμόν, ὧν οὐδὲν δέομαι μεμνῆσθαι κατὰ τὸ παρόν.
[13.1] Immediately upon receiving the sovereignty he divided the public lands among those of the Romans who served others for hire. Next he caused both the laws relating to private contracts and those concerning torts to be ratified by the curiae; these laws were about fifty in number, of which I need not make any mention at present.
[2] τῇ τε πόλει προσέθηκε δύο λόφους, τόν τε Οὐιμινάλιον καλούμενον καὶ τὸ Ἰσκυλῖνον, ὧν ἑκάτερος ἀξιολόγου πόλεως ἔχει μέγεθος, καὶ διένειμεν αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἀνεστίοις Ῥωμαίων οἰκίας κατασκευάσασθαι: ἔνθα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐποιήσατο τὴν οἴκησιν ἐν τῷ κρατίστῳ τῆς Ἰσκυλίας τόπῳ.
[2] He also added two hills to the city, those called the Viminal and the Esquiline, each of which has the size of a fairly large city. These he divided among such of the Romans as had no homes of their own, so that they might build houses there; and he himself fixed his habitation there, in the best part of the Esquiline Hill.
[3] οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς τελευταῖος ηὔξησε τὸν περίβολον τῆς πόλεως τοὺς δύο τοῖς πέντε προσθεὶς λόφοις, ὀρνιθευσάμενός τε ὡς νόμος ἦν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πρὸς θεοὺς ὅσια διαπραξάμενος. προσωτέρω δ᾽ οὐκέτι προῆλθεν ἡ κατασκευὴ τῆς πόλεως οὐκ ἐῶντος, ὥς φασι, τοῦ δαιμονίου, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἅπαντα τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν οἰκούμενα χωρία, πολλὰ ὄντα καὶ μεγάλα, γυμνὰ καὶ ἀτείχιστα [p. 26]
[3] This king was the last who enlarged the circuit of the city, by adding these two hills to the other five, after he had first consulted the auspices, as the law directed, and performed the other religious rites. Farther than this the building of the city has not yet progressed, since the gods, they say, have not permitted it; but all the inhabited places round it, which are many and large, are unprotected and without walls, and very easy to be taken by any enemies who may come.
[4] καὶ ῥᾷστα πολεμίοις ἐλθοῦσιν ὑποχείρια γενέσθαι: καὶ εἰ μὲν εἰς ταῦτά τις ὁρῶν τὸ μέγεθος ἐξετάζειν βουλήσεται τῆς Ῥώμης, πλανᾶσθαί τ᾽ ἀναγκασθήσεται καὶ οὐχ ἕξει βέβαιον σημεῖον οὐδέν, ᾧ διαγνώσεται, μέχρι ποῦ προβαίνουσα ἔτι πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ πόθεν ἄρχεται μηκέτ᾽ εἶναι πόλις, οὕτω συνύφανται τὸ ἄστυ τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ εἰς ἄπειρον ἐκμηκυνομένης πόλεως ὑπόληψιν τοῖς θεωμένοις παρέχεται.
[4] If anyone wishes to estimate the size of Rome by looking at these suburbs he will necessarily be misled for want of a definite clue by which to determine up to what point it is still the city and where it ceases to be the city; so closely is the city connected with the country, giving the beholder the impression of a city stretching out indefinitely.
[5] εἰ δὲ τῷ τείχει τῷ δυσευρέτῳ μὲν ὄντι διὰ τὰς περιλαμβανούσας αὐτὸ πολλαχόθεν οἰκήσεις, ἴχνη δέ τινα φυλάττοντι κατὰ πολλοὺς τόπους τῆς ἀρχαίας κατασκευῆς, βουληθείη μετρεῖν αὐτὴν κατὰ τὸν κύκλον τὸν περιέχοντα Ἀθηναίων τὸ ἄστυ, οὐ πολλῷ τινι μείζων ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἂν αὐτῷ φανείη κύκλος. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ μεγέθους τε καὶ κάλλους τῆς πόλεως, ὡς κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν εἶχεν ἡλικίαν, ἕτερος ἔσται τῇ διηγήσει καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότερος.
[5] But if one should wish to measure Rome by the wall, which, though hard to be discovered by reason of the buildings that surround it in many places, yet preserves in several parts of it some traces of its ancient structure, and to compare it with the circuit of the city of Athens, the circuit of Rome would not seem to him very much larger than the other. But for an account of the extent and beauty of the city of Rome, as it existed in my day, another occasion will be more suitable.
[1] ὁ δὲ Τύλλιος, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ἑπτὰ λόφους ἑνὶ τείχει περιέλαβεν, εἰς τέτταρας μοίρας διελὼν τὴν πόλιν καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν λόφων ταῖς μοίραις τὰς ἐπικλήσεις, τῇ μὲν Παλατίνην, τῇ δὲ Σουβουράνην, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ Κολλίνην, τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν μοιρῶν Ἰσκυλίνην, τετράφυλον ἐποίησε τὴν πόλιν εἶναι, τρίφυλον οὖσαν τέως:
[14.1] After Tullius had surrounded the seven hills with one wall, he divided the city into four regions, which he named after the hills, calling the first the Palatine, the second the Suburan, the third the Colline, and the fourth the Esquiline region; and by this means he made the city contain four tribes, whereas it previously had consisted of but three.
[2] καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἔταξε τοὺς ἐν ἑκάστῃ μοίρᾳ τῶν τεττάρων οἰκοῦντας, ὥσπερ κωμήτας, μήτε μεταλαμβάνειν [p. 27] ἑτέραν οἴκησιν μήτ᾽ ἄλλοθι που συντελεῖν, τάς τε καταγραφὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τὰς εἰσπράξεις τῶν χρημάτων τὰς γινομένας εἰς τὰ στρατιωτικὰ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας χρείας, ἃς ἕκαστον ἔδει τῷ κοινῷ παρέχειν, οὐκέτι κατὰ τὰς τρεῖς φυλὰς τὰς γενικὰς ὡς πρότερον, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς τέτταρας τὰς τοπικὰς τὰς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ διαταχθείσας ἐποιεῖτο, ἡγεμόνας ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἀποδείξας συμμορίας, ὥσπερ φυλάρχους ἢ κωμάρχας, οἷς προσέταξεν εἰδέναι, ποίαν οἰκίαν ἕκαστος οἰκεῖ.
[2] And he ordered that the citizens inhabiting each of the four regions should, like persons living in villages, neither take up another abode nor be enrolled elsewhere; and the levies of troops, the collection of taxes for military purposes, and the other services which every citizen was bound to offer to the commonwealth, he no longer based upon the three national tribes, as aforetime, but upon the four local tribes established by himself. And over each region he appointed commanders, like heads of tribes or villages, whom he ordered to know what house each man lived in.
[3] ἔπειτα κατὰ πάντας ἐκέλευσε τοὺς στενωποὺς ἱερὰ ἐγκατασκευασθῆναι καλιάδας ὑπὸ τῶν γειτόνων ἥρωσι προνωπίοις καὶ θυσίας αὐτοῖς ἐνομοθέτησεν ἐπιτελεῖσθαι καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν πελάνους εἰσφερούσης ἑκάστης οἰκίας: τοῖς δὲ τὰ περὶ τῶν γεινόνων ἱερὰ συντελοῦσιν ἐν τοῖς προνωπίοις οὐ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς δούλους ἔταξε παρεῖναί τε καὶ συνιερουργεῖν, ὡς κεχαρισμένης τοῖς ἥρωσι τῆς τῶν θεραπόντων ὑπηρεσίας:
[3] After this he commanded that there should be erected in every street by the inhabitants of the neighbourhood chapels to heroes whose statues stood in front of the houses, and he made a law that sacrifices should be performed to them every year, each family contributing a honey-cake. He directed also that the persons attending and assisting those who performed the sacrifices at these shrines on behalf of the neighbourhood should not be free men, but slaves, the ministry of servants being looked upon as pleasing to the heroes.
[4] ἣν ἔτι καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἑορτὴν ἄγοντες Ῥωμαῖοι διετέλουν ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἡμέραις τῶν Κρονίων, σεμνὴν ἐν τοῖς πάνυ καὶ πολυτελῆ, Κομπιτάλια προσαγορεύοντες αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τῶν στενωπῶν: κομπίτους γὰρ τοὺς στενωποὺς καλοῦσι: καὶ φυλάττουσι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐθισμὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν, διὰ τῶν θεραπόντων τοὺς ἥρωας ἱλασκόμενοι καὶ ἅπαν τὸ δοῦλον ἀφαιροῦντες αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις, ἵνα τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ταύτῃ [p. 28] τιθασσευόμενοι μέγα τι καὶ σεμνὸν ἐχούσῃ χαριέστεροι γίνωνται περὶ τοὺς δεσπότας καὶ τὰ λυπηρὰ τῆς τύχης ἧττον βαρύνωνται.
[4] This festival the Romans still continued to celebrate even in my day in the most solemn and sumptuous manner a few days after the Saturnalia, calling it the Compitalia, after the streets; for compiti, is their name for streets. And they still observe the ancient custom in connexion with those sacrifices, propitiating the heroes by the ministry of their servants, and during these days removing every badge of their servitude, in order that the slaves, being softened by this instance of humanity, which has something great and solemn about it, may make themselves more agreeable to their masters and be less sensible of the severity of their condition.
[1] διεῖλε δὲ καὶ τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν, ὡς μὲν Φάβιός φησιν, εἰς μοίρας ἕξ τε καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἃς καὶ αὐτὰς καλεῖ φυλὰς καὶ τὰς ἀστικὰς προστιθεὶς αὐταῖς τέτταρας: ὡς δὲ Οὐεννώνιος ἱστόρηκεν, εἰς μίαν τε καὶ τριάκοντα, ὥστε σὺν ταῖς κατὰ πόλιν οὔσαις ἐκπεπληρῶσθαι τὰς ἔτι καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς ὑπαρχούσας τριάκοντα καὶ πέντε φυλάς: Κάτων μέντοι τούτων ἀμφοτέρων ἀξιοπιστότερος ὢν τριάκοντα φυλὰς ἐπὶ Τυλλίου τὰς πάσας γενέσθαι λέγει καὶ οὐ χωρίζει τῶν μοιρῶν τὸν ἀριθμόν.
[15.1] Tullius also divided the country as a whole into twenty-six parts, according to Fabius, who calls these divisions tribes also and, adding the four city tribes to them, says that there were thirty tribes in all under Tullius. But according to Vennonius he divided the country into thirty-one parts, so that with the four city tribes the number was rounded out to the thirty-five tribes that exist down to our day. However, Cato, who is more worthy of credence than either of these authors, does not specify the number of the parts into which the country was divided.
[2] διελὼν δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Τύλλιος εἰς ὁπόσας δήποτε μοίρας τὴν γῆν κατὰ τοὺς ὀρεινοὺς καὶ πολὺ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τοῖς γεωργοῖς παρέχειν δυνησομένοῦς ὄχθους κρησφύγετα κατεσκεύασεν, Ἑλληνικοῖς ὀνόμασιν αὐτὰ καλῶν Πάγους, ἔνθα συνέφευγον ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἅπαντες, ὁπότε γένοιτο πολεμίων ἔφοδος, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ
[2] After Tullius, therefore, had divided the country into a certain number of parts, whatever that number was, he built places of refuge upon such lofty eminences as could afford ample security for the husbandmen, and called them by a Greek name, pagi or “hills.” Thither all the inhabitants fled from the fields whenever a raid was made by enemies, and generally passed the night there.
[3] διενυκτέρευον ἐνταῦθα. ἄρχοντες δὲ καὶ τούτων ἦσαν, οἷς ἐπιμελὲς ἐγίνετο τά τ᾽ ὀνόματα τῶν γεωργῶν εἰδέναι τῶν συντελούντων εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν πάγον, καὶ [p. 29] τὰς κτήσεις, ἐν αἷς ὁ βίος αὐτῶν ἦν: καὶ ὁπότε χρεία γένοιτο ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς χωρίτας καλεῖν ἢ χρημάτων εἰσφορὰς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα ἐκλέγειν, οὗτοι τά τε σώματα συνῆγον καὶ τὰ χρήματα εἰσέπραττον. ἵνα δὲ καὶ τούτων ἡ πληθὺς μὴ δυσεύρετος, ἀλλ᾽ εὐλόγιστος ᾖ καὶ φανερά, βωμοὺς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς ἱδρύσασθαι θεῶν ἐπισκόπων τε καὶ φυλάκων τοῦ πάγου, οὓς ἔταξε θυσίαις κοιναῖς γεραίρειν καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἅμα συνερχομένους, ἑορτήν τινα καὶ ταύτην ἐν τοῖς πάνυ τιμίαν καταστησάμενος, τὰ καλούμενα Παγανάλια: καὶ νόμους ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν τούτων, οὓς ἔτι διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχουσι Ῥωμαῖοι, συνέγραψεν.
[3] These places also had their governors, whose duty it was to know not only the names of all the husbandmen who belonged to the same district but also the lands which afforded them their livelihood. And whenever there was occasion to summon the countrymen to take arms or to collect the taxes that were assessed against each of them, these governors assembled the men together and collected the money. And in order that the number of these husbandmen might not be hard to ascertain, but might be easy to compute and be known at once, he ordered them to erect altars to the gods who presided over and were guardians of the district, and directed them to assemble every year and honour these gods with public sacrifices. This occasion also he made one of the most solemn festivals, calling it the Paganalia; and he drew up laws concerning these sacrifices, which the Romans still observe.
[4] εἰς δὲ τὴν θυσίαν ταύτην καὶ τὴν σύνοδον ἅπαντας ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ὁμοπάγους κατὰ κεφαλὴν ὡρισμένον νόμισμά τι συνεισφέρειν, ἕτερον μέν τι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἕτερον δέ τι τὰς γυναῖκας, ἄλλο δέ τι τοὺς ἀνήβους. ἐξ οὗ συναριθμηθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων τοῖς ἱεροῖς φανερὸς ὁ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀριθμὸς ἐγίνετο κατὰ γένη τε καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλίκίας.
[4] Towards the expense of this sacrifice and of this assemblage he ordered all those of the same district to contribute each of them a certain piece of money, the men paying one kind, the women another and the children a third kind. When these pieces of money were counted by those who presided over the sacrifices, the number of people, distinguished by their sex and age, became known.
[5] ὡς δὲ Πείσων Λεύκιος ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἐνιαυσίων ἀναγραφῶν ἱστορεῖ, βουλόμενος καὶ τῶν ἐν ἄστει διατριβόντων τὸ πλῆθος εἰδέναι, τῶν τε γεννωμένων καὶ τῶν ἀπογινομένων καὶ τῶν εἰς ἄνδρας ἐγγραφομένων, ἔταξεν ὅσον ἔδει νόμισμα καταφέρειν ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τοὺς προσήκοντας, εἰς μὲν τὸν τῆς Εἰλειθυίας θησαυρόν, ἣν Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν Ἥραν φωσφόρον, ὑπὲρ τῶν γεννωμένων: εἰς δὲ τὸν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τῆς ἐν ἄλσει καθιδρυμένης, ἣν προσαγορεύουσι Λιβιτίνην, [p. 30] ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀπογινομένων: εἰς δὲ τὸν τῆς Νεότητος, ὑπὲρ τῶν εἰς ἄνδρας ἀρχομένων συντελεῖν: ἐξ ὧν ἤμελλε διαγνώσεσθαι καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, ὅσοι τε οἱ σύμπαντες ἦσαν καὶ τίνες ἐξ αὐτῶν τὴν στρατεύσιμον 2 ἡλικίαν εἶχον.
[5] And wishing also, as Lucius Piso writes in the first book of his Annals, to know the number of the inhabitants of the city, and of all who were born and died and arrived at the age of manhood, he prescribed the piece of money which their relations were to pay for each — into the treasury of Ilithiya (called by the Romans Juno Lucina) for those who were born, into that of the Venus of the Grove (called by them Libitina) for those who died, and into the treasury of Juventas for those who were arriving at manhood. By means of these pieces of money he would know every year both the number of all the inhabitants and which of them were of military age.
[6] ταῦτα καταστησάμενος ἐκέλευσεν ἅπαντας Ῥωμαίους ἀπογράφεσθαί τε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι τὰς οὐσίας πρὸς ἀργύριον ὀμόσαντας τὸν νόμιμον ὅρκον, ἦ μὲν τἀληθῆ καὶ ἀπὸ παντὸς τοῦ βελτίστου τετιμῆσθαι, πατέρων τε ὧν εἰσι γράφοντας καὶ ἡλικίαν ἣν ἔχουσι δηλοῦντας γυναῖκάς τε καὶ παῖδας ὀνομάζοντας καὶ ἐν τίνι κατοικοῦσιν ἕκαστοι τῆς πόλεως φυλῇ ἢ πάγῳ τῆς χώρας προστιθέντας: τῷ δὲ μὴ τιμησαμένῳ τιμωρίαν ὥρισε τῆς τ᾽ οὐσίας στέρεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸν μαστιγωθέντα πραθῆναι: καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ διέμεινε παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις οὗτος ὁ νόμος.
[6] After he had made these regulations, he ordered all the Romans to register their names and give in a monetary valuation of their property, at the same time taking the oath required by law that they had given in a true valuation in good faith; they were also to set down the names of their fathers, with their own age and the names of their wives and children, and every man was to declare in what tribe of the city or in what district of the country he lived. If any failed to give in their valuation, the penalty he established was that their property should be forfeited and they themselves whipped and sold for slaves. This law continued in force among the Romans for a long time.
[1] τιμησαμένων δὲ πάντων ἀναλαβὼν τὰ γραμματεῖα καὶ διαγνοὺς τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν βίων σοφώτατον ἁπάντων πολιτευμάτων εἰσηγήσατο καὶ μεγίστων Ῥωμαίος ἀγαθῶν αἴτιον, ὡς 3 τὰ ἔργα ἐδήλωσε.
[16.1] After all had given in their valuations, Tullius took the registers and the size of their estates, introduced the wisest of all measures, and one which has been the source of the greatest advantages to the Romans, as the results have shown.
[2] τὸ δὲ πολίτευμα τοιόνδε ἦν: μίαν ἀφεῖλεν ἐξ ἁπάντων μοῖραν, ἧς τὸ μέγιστον ἦν τίμημα τῆς οὐσίας οὐκ ἔλαττον ἑκατὸν μνῶν. τούτους δὲ συντάξας εἰς ὀγδοήκοντα λόχους ὅπλα φέρειν ἐπέταξεν ἀσπίδας Ἀργολικὰς καὶ δόρατα καὶ κράνη χάλκεα καὶ θώρακας καὶ κνημῖδας καὶ ξίφη. διελὼν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς [p. 31] διχῇ, τετταράκοντα μὲν ἐποίησε νεωτέρων λόχους, οἷς τὰς ὑπαιθρίους ἀπέδωκε στρατείας, τετταράκοντα δὲ πρεσβυτέρων, οὓς ἔδει τῆς νεότητος εἰς πόλεμον ἐξιούσης ὑπομένοντας ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ ἐντὸς τείχους φυλάττειν.
[2] The measure was this: He selected from the whole number of the citizens one part, consisting of those whose property was rated the highest and amounted to no less than one hundred minae. Of these he formed eighty centuries, whom he ordered to be armed with Argolic bucklers, with spears, brazen helmets, corslets, greaves and swords. Dividing these centuries into two groups, he made forty centuries of younger men, whom he appointed to take the field in time of war, and forty of older men, whose duty it was, when the youth went forth to war, to remain in the city and guard everything inside the walls.
[3] αὕτη πρώτη σύνταξις ἦν: χώραν δὲ κατεῖχεν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις τὴν προαγωνιζομένην τῆς φάλαγγος ὅλης. ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ὑπολειπομένων ἑτέραν ἀφῄρει μοῖραν, οἷς ἦν ἐντὸς μὲν μυρίων δραχμῶν, οὐ μεῖον δὲ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα μνῶν τὸ τίμημα. συντάξας δὲ τούτους εἰς εἴκοσι λόχους τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φορεῖν ὅπλα προσέταξεν, ὅσα τοὺς προτέρους, τοὺς δὲ θώρακας αὐτῶν ἀφεῖλε, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν ἀσπίδων ἀνέδωκε θυρεούς. διελὼν δὲ καὶ τούτων τοὺς ὑπὲρ τετταράκοντα καὶ πέντε ἔτη γεγονότας ἀπὸ τῶν ἐχόντων τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν, δέκα μὲν ἐποίησε λόχους νεωτέρων, οὓς ἔδει προπολεμεῖν τῆς πόλεως, δέκα δὲ πρεσβυτέρων, οἷς ἀπέδωκε τειχοφυλακεῖν. αὕτη δευτέρα σύνταξις ἦν, ἐκοσμεῖτο δ᾽
[3] This was the first class; in wars it occupied a position in the forefront of the whole army. Next, from those who were left he took another part whose rating was under ten thousand drachmae but not less than seventy-five minae. Of these he formed twenty centuries and ordered them to wear the same armour as those of the first class, except that he took from them the corslets, and instead of the bucklers gave them shields. Here also he distinguished between those who were over forty-five years old and those who were of military age, constituting ten centuries of the younger men, whose duty it was to serve their country in the field, and ten of the older, to whom he committed the defence of the walls. This was the second class; in engagements they were drawn up behind those fighting in the front ranks.
[4] ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι μετὰ τοὺς προμάχους. τὴν δὲ τρίτην ἐποίει σύνταξιν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολειπομένων, ὅσοι τίμησιν εἶχον ἐλάττονα μὲν τῶν ἑπτακισχιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων δραχμῶν, οὐ μείονα δὲ μνῶν πεντήκοντα. τούτων δ᾽ ἐμείωσε τὸν ὁπλισμὸν οὐ μόνον τοῖς θώραξιν,
[4] The third class he constituted out of those who were left, taking such as had a rating of less than seven thousand five hundred drachmae but not less than fifty minae. The armour of these he diminished not only by taking away the corslets, as from the second class, but also the greaves.
[5] ὥσπερ τῶν δευτέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς περικνημῖσι. συνέταξε δὲ καὶ τούτους εἰς εἴκοσι λόχους καὶ διεῖλε τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τοῖς προτέροις καθ᾽ ἡλικίας, δέκα λόχους ἀποδοὺς τοῖς νεωτέροις καὶ δέκα τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις. [p. 32] χώρα δὲ καὶ στάσις ἦν τούτων τῶν λόχων ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἡ μετὰ τοὺς ἐφεστῶτας τοῖς προμάχοις.
[5] He formed likewise twenty centuries of these, dividing them, like the former, according to their age and assigning ten centuries to the younger men and ten to the older. In battles the post and station of these centuries was in the third line from the front.
[1] ἀφελὼν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τῶν ὑπολειπομένων τοὺς ἐλάττω πεντακισχιλίων δραχμῶν ἔχοντας οὐσίαν ἄχρι πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μνῶν, τετάρτην ἐποίησε μοῖραν. διέταξε δὲ καὶ τούτους εἰς εἴκοσι λόχους, καὶ δέκα μὲν ἐποίησε τῶν ἐν ἀκμῇ, δέκα δὲ τῶν ὑπερηλίκων κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖς προτέροις. ὅπλα δὲ φέρειν ἔταξεν αὐτοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ ξίφη καὶ δόρατα καὶ στάσιν ἔχειν 4 ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι τὴν ὑστάτην.
[17.1] Again taking from the remainder those whose property amounted to less than five thousand drachmae but was as much as twenty-five minae, he formed a fourth class. This he also divided into twenty centuries, ten of which he composed of such as were in the vigour of their age, and the other ten of those who were just past it, in the same manner as with the former classes. He ordered the arms of these to be shields, swords and spears, and their post in engagements to be in the last line.
[2] τὴν δὲ πέμπτην μοῖραν, οἷς ἐντὸς εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε μνῶν ἄχρι δώδεκα καὶ ἡμίσους μνῶν ὁ βίος ἦν, εἰς τριάκοντα συνέταξε λόχους. διῄρηντο δὲ καὶ οὗτοι καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν: πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῶν λόχοι τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους εἶχον, πεντεκαίδεκα δὲ τοὺς νεωτέρους. τούτους ἔταξε σαυνία καὶ
[2] The fifth class, consisting of those whose property was between twenty-five minae and twelve minae and a half, he divided into thirty centuries. These were also distinguished according to their age, fifteen of the centuries being composed of the older men and fifteen of the younger. These he armed with javelins and slings, and placed outside the line of battle.
[3] σφενδόνας ἔχοντας ἔξω τάξεως συστρατεύεσθαι. τέτταρας δὲ λόχους οὐδὲν ἔχοντας ὅπλον ἀκολουθεῖν ἐκέλευσε τοῖς ἐνόπλοις: ἦσαν δὲ τῶν τεττάρων τούτων δύο μὲν ὁπλοποιῶν τε καὶ τεκτόνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν κατασκευαζόντων τὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον εὔχρηστα: δύο δὲ σαλπιστῶν τε καὶ βυκανιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλοις τισὶν ὀργάνοις ἐπισημαινόντων τὰ παρακλητικὰ τοῦ πολέμου. προσέκειντο δ᾽ οἱ μὲν χειροτέχναι τοῖς τὸ δεύτερον ἔχουσι τίμημα διῃρημένοι καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν, ὁ μὲν τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις, ὁ δὲ τοῖς νεωτέροις ἀκολουθῶν
[3] He ordered four unarmed centuries to follow those that were armed, two of them consisting of armourers and carpenters and of those whose business it was to prepare everything that might be of use in time of war, and the other two of trumpeters and horn-blowers and such as sounded the various calls with any other instruments. The artisans were attached to the second class and divided according to their age, one of their centuries following the older centuries, and the other the younger centuries;
[4] λόχος. οἱ δὲ σαλπισταί τε καὶ οἱ βυκανισταὶ τῇ τετάρτῃ [p. 33] συνετάττοντο μοίρᾳ. ἦν δὲ καὶ τούτων εἷς μὲν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων λόχος, εἷς δὲ τῶν νεωτέρων: λοχαγοὶ δ᾽ ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐπιλεχθέντες οἱ γενναιότατοι τὰ πολέμια τοὺς ἰδίους ἕκαστοι λόχους εὐπειθεῖς τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις παρείχοντο.
[4] the trumpeters and horn-blowers were added to the fourth class, and one of their centuries also consisted of the older men and the other of the younger. Out of all the centuries the bravest men were chosen as centurions, and each of these commanders took care that his century should yield a ready obedience to orders.
[1] αὕτη μὲν ἡ διακόσμησις ἦν ἡ τὸ πεζικὸν ἐκπληροῦσα τῶν τε φαλαγγιτῶν καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν στράτευμα: τὸ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων πλῆθος ἐπέλεξεν ἐκ τῶν ἐχόντων τὸ μέγιστον τίμημα καὶ κατὰ γένος ἐπιφανῶν: συνέταξε δ᾽ εἰς ὀκτωκαίδεκα λόχους καὶ προσένειμεν αὐτοὺς τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα λόχοις: εἶχον δὲ καὶ οὗτοι τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους λοχαγούς.
[18.1] This was the arrangement he made of the entire infantry, consisting of both the heavy-armed and light-armed troops. As for the cavalry, he chose them out of such as had the highest rating and were of distinguished birth, forming eighteen centuries of them, and added them to the first eighty centuries of the heavy-armed infantry; these centuries of cavalry were also commanded by persons of the greatest distinction.
[2] τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς πολίτας, οἳ τίμησιν εἶχον ἐλάττονα δώδεκα καὶ ἡμίσους μνῶν, πλείους τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντας τῶν προτέρων, ἅπαντας εἰς ἕνα συντάξας λόχον στρατείας τ᾽ ἀπέλυσε καὶ πάσης εἰσφορᾶς ἐποίησεν ἀτελεῖς. ἐγένοντο δὴ συμμορίαι μὲν ἕξ, ἃς Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι κλάσσεις, κατὰ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς κλήσεις παρονομάσαντες: ὃ γὰρ ἡμεῖς ῥῆμα προστακτικῶς σχηματίσαντες ἐκφέρομεν, κάλει, τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι λέγουσι κάλα καὶ τὰς κλάσσεις τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐκάλουν καλέσεις:
[2] The rest of the citizens, who had a rating of less than twelve minae and a half but were more numerous than those already mentioned, he put into a single century and exempted them from service in the army and from every sort of tax. Thus there were six divisions which the Romans call classes, by a slight change of the Greek word klêseis (for the verb which we Greeks pronounce in the imperative mood kalei, the Romans call cala, and the classes they anciently called caleses),
[3] λόχοι δ᾽, οὓς αἱ συμμορίαι περιελάμβανον, ἑκατὸν καὶ ἐνενηκοντατρεῖς. ἐπεῖχον δὲ τὴν μὲν πρώτην συμμορίαν ὀκτὼ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα λόχοι σὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι: τὴν δὲ [p. 34] δευτέραν εἴκοσι καὶ δύο σὺν τοῖς χειροτέχναις: τὴν δὲ τρίτην εἴκοσι: τὴν δὲ τετάρτην πάλιν εἴκοσι καὶ δύο σὺν τοῖς σαλπισταῖς καὶ βυκανισταῖς: τὴν δὲ πέμπτην τριάκοντα: τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ πάσαις τεταγμένην εἷς λόχος ὁ τῶν ἀπόρων.
[3] and the centuries included in these divisions amounted to one hundred and ninety-three. The first class contained ninety-eight centuries, counting the cavalry; the second, twenty-two, counting the artificers; the third, twenty; the fourth, again, contained twenty-two, counting the trumpeters and horn-blowers; the fifth, thirty; and the last of all, one century, consisting of the poor citizens.
[1] ταύτῃ τῇ διακοσμήσει χρησάμενος τὰς μὲν τῶν στρατιωτῶν καταγραφὰς κατὰ τὴν διαίρεσιν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν τῶν λόχων, τὰς δὲ τῶν εἰσφορῶν ἐπιταγὰς κατὰ τὰ τιμήματα τῶν βίων. ὁπότε γὰρ αὐτῷ δεήσειε μυρίων ἢ δισμυρίων, εἰ τύχοι, στρατιωτῶν, καταδιαιρῶν τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τοὺς ἑκατὸν ἐνενηκοντατρεῖς λόχους τὸ ἐπιβάλλον ἑκάστῳ λόχῳ πλῆθος ἐκέλευε παρέχειν ἕκαστον λόχον: τὴν δὲ δαπάνην τὴν εἰς τὸν ἐπισιτισμὸν τῶν στρατευομένων καὶ εἰς τὰς ἄλλας χορηγίας τὰς πολεμικὰς ἐπιτελεσθησομένην συμμετρησάμενος, ὁπόση τις ἀρκοῦσα ἔσται, διαιρῶν τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον εἰς τοὺς ἑκατὸν ἐνενηκοντατρεῖς λόχους, τὸ ἐκ τῆς τιμήσεως ἐπιβάλλον ἑκάστῳ διάφορον ἅπαντας ἐκέλευεν εἰσφέρειν.
[19.1] In pursuance of this arrangement he levied troops according to the division of the centuries, and imposed taxes in proportion to the valuation of their possessions. For instance, whenever he had occasion to raise ten thousand men, or, if it should so happen, twenty thousand, he would divide that number among the hundred and ninety-three centuries and then order each century to furnish the number of men that fell to its share. As to the expenditures that would be needed for the provisioning of soldiers while on duty and for the various warlike supplies, he would first calculate how much money would be sufficient, and having in like manner divided that sum among the hundred and ninety-three centuries, he would order every man to pay his share towards it in proportion to his rating.
[2] συνέβαινεν οὖν τοῖς τὰς μεγίστας ἔχουσιν οὐσίας ἐλάττοσι μὲν οὖσιν, εἰς πλείονας δὲ λόχους μεμερισμένοις, στρατεύεσθαί τε πλείους στρατείας οὐδέποτε ἀναπαυομένους καὶ χρήματα πλείω τῶν ἄλλων εἰσφέρειν: τοῖς δὲ τὰ μέτρια καὶ μικρὰ κεκτημένοις πλείοσιν οὖσιν ἐν ἐλάττοσι λόχοις, στρατεύεσθαί τ᾽ ὀλιγάκις καὶ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ βραχείας συντελεῖν εἰσφοράς: [p. 35] τοῖς δ᾽ ἐλάττω τῶν ἱκανῶν κεκτημένοις ἀφεῖσθαι πάντων ὀχληρῶν.
[2] Thus it happened that those who had the largest possessions, being fewer in number but distributed into more centuries, were obliged to serve oftener and without any intermission, and to pay greater taxes than the rest; that those who had small and moderate possessions, being more numerous but distributed into fewer centuries, serve seldom and in rotation and paid small taxes, and that those whose possessions were not sufficient to maintain them were exempt from all burdens.
[3] ἐποίει δὲ τούτων ἕκαστον οὐκ ἄτερ αἰτίας, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένος, ὅτι πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἆθλα τῶν πολέμων ἐστὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ περὶ τῆς τούτων φυλακῆς ἅπαντες κακοπαθοῦσιν: ὀρθῶς οὖν ἔχειν ᾤετο τοὺς μὲν περὶ μειζόνων κινδυνεύοντας ἄθλων μείζονας ὑπομένειν κακοπαθείας τοῖς τε σώμασι καὶ τοῖς χρήμασι, τοὺς δὲ περὶ ἐλαττόνων ἧττον ἐνοχλεῖσθαι κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα, τοὺς δὲ περὶ μηδενὸς δεδοικότας μηδὲν κακοπαθεῖν, τῶν μὲν εἰσφορῶν ἀπολυομένους διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν, τῶν δὲ στρατειῶν διὰ τὴν ἀνεισφορίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου τότε Ῥωμαῖοι στρατιωτικοὺς μισθούς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἰδίοις τέλεσιν ἐστρατεύοντο.
[3] Tullius made none of these regulations without reason, but from the conviction that all men look upon their possessions as the prizes at stake in war and that it is for the sake of retaining these that they all endure its hardships; he thought it right, therefore, that those who had greater prizes at stake should suffer greater hardships, both with their persons and with their possessions, that those who had less at stake should be less burdened in respect to both, and that those who had no loss to fear should endure no hardships, but be exempt from taxes by reason of their poverty and from military service because they paid no tax. For at that time the Romans received no pay as soldiers from the public treasury but served at their own expense.
[4] οὔτε δὴ χρήματα συνεισφέρειν τοὺς οὐκ ἔχοντας, ὁπόθεν συνεισοίσουσιν, ἀλλὰ τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀναγκαίων ἀπορουμένους ᾤετο δεῖν, οὔτε μηδὲν συμβαλλομένους στρατεύεσθαί τινας ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ὀψωνιαζομένους χρημάτων, ὥσπερ τοὺς μισθοφόρους.
[4] Accordingly, he did not think it right either that those should pay taxes who were so far from having wherewithal to pay them that they were in want of the necessities of daily life, or that such as contributed nothing to the public taxes should, like mercenary troops, be maintained in the field at the expense of others.
[1] τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον ἅπαν ἐπιθεὶς τὸ βάρος τοῖς πλουσίοις τῶν τε κινδύνων καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων, ὡς εἶδεν ἀγανακτοῦντας αὐτούς, δι᾽ ἑτέρου τρόπου τήν τ᾽ ἀθυμίαν αὐτῶν παρεμυθήσατο καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐπράυνε πλεονέκτημα δωρησάμενος, ἐξ οὗ πάσης ἔμελλον τῆς πολιτείας ἔσεσθαι κύριοι, τοὺς πένητας ἀπελάσας ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν: καὶ τοῦτο διαπραξάμενος ἔλαθε [p. 36] τοὺς δημοτικούς. ἦν δὲ τὸ πλεονέκτημα περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας, ἐν αἷς τὰ μέγιστα ἐπεκυροῦτο ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου.
[20.1] Having by this means laid upon the rich the whole burden of both the dangers and expenses and observing that they hand discontented, he contrived by another method to relieve their uneasiness and mitigate their resentment by granting to them an advantage which would make them complete masters of the commonwealth, while he excluded the poor from any part in the government; and he effected this without the plebeians noticing it. This advantage that he gave to the rich related to the assemblies, where the matters of greatest moment were ratified by the people.
[2] εἴρηται δέ μοι καὶ πρότερον, ὅτι τριῶν πραγμάτων ὁ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν νόμων κύριος ἦν τῶν μεγίστων τε καὶ ἀναγκαιοτάτων, ἀρχὰς ἀποδεῖξαι τάς τε κατὰ πόλιν καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου, καὶ νόμους τοὺς μὲν ἐπικυρῶσαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀνελεῖν, καὶ περὶ πολέμου συνισταμένου τε καὶ καταλυομένου διαγνῶναι. τὴν δὲ περὶ τούτων διάσκεψιν καὶ κρίσιν ἐποιεῖτο κατὰ τὰς φράτρας ψηφοφορῶν: καὶ ἦσαν οἱ τἀλάχιστα κεκτημένοι τοῖς τὰς μεγίστας ἔχουσιν οὐσίας ἰσόψηφοι: ὀλίγων δ᾽ ὄντων, ὥσπερ εἰκός, τῶν πλουσίων, οἱ πένητες ἐν ταῖς ψηφοφορίαις ἐπεκράτουν μακρῷ πλείους ὄντες ἐκείνων.
[2] I have already said before that by the ancient laws the people had control over the three most important and vital matters: they elected the magistrates, both civil and military; they sanctioned and repealed laws; and they declared war and made peace. In discussing and deciding these matters they voted by curiae, and citizens of the smallest means had an equal vote with those of the greatest; but as the rich were few in number, as may well be supposed, and the poor much more numerous, the latter carried everything by a majority of votes.
[3] τοῦτο συνιδὼν ὁ Τύλλιος ἐπὶ τοὺς πλουσίους μετέθηκε τὸ τῶν ψήφων κράτος. ὁπότε γὰρ ἀρχὰς ἀποδεικνύειν ἢ περὶ νόμου διαγινώσκειν ἢ πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν δόξειεν αὐτῷ, τὴν λοχῖτιν ἀντὶ τῆς φρατρικῆς συνῆγεν ἐκκλησίαν. ἐκάλει δ᾽ εἰς ἀπόφασιν γνώμης πρώτους μὲν λόχους τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ μεγίστου τιμήματος καταγραφέντας, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν οἵ τε τῶν ἱππέων ὀκτωκαίδεκα καὶ οἱ τῶν πεζῶν ὀγδοήκοντα.
[3] Tullius, observing this, transferred this preponderance of votes from the poor to the rich. For whenever he thought proper to have magistrates elected, a law considered, or war to be declared, he assembled the people by centuries instead of by curiae. And the first centuries that he called to express their opinion were those with the highest rating, consisting of the eighteen centuries of cavalry and the eighty centuries of infantry.
[4] οὗτοι τρισὶ πλείους ὄντες τῶν ὑπολειπομένων εἰ ταὐτὸ φρονήσειαν, ἐκράτουν τῶν ἑτέρων καὶ τέλος εἶχεν ἡ γνώμη: εἰ δὲ μὴ γένοιντο ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς προαιρέσεως ἅπαντες οὗτοι, τότε τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ δευτέρου τιμήματος εἴκοσι καὶ δύο λόχους ἐκάλει. μερισθεισῶν δὲ καὶ [p. 37] τότε τῶν ψήφων τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τρίτου τιμήματος ἐκάλει: καὶ τετάρτους τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τετάρτου τιμήματος. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίει μέχρι τοῦ γενέσθαι λόχους ἑπτὰ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα ἰσοψήφους. εἰ δὲ μέχρι τῆς πέμπτης κλήσεως
[4] As these centuries amounted to three more than all the rest together, if they agreed they prevailed over the others and the matter was decided. But in case these were not all of the same mind, then he called the twenty-two centuries of the second class; and if the votes were still divided, he called the centuries of the third class, and, in the fourth place, those of the fourth class; and this he continued to do till ninety-seven centuries concurred in the same opinion.
[5] μὴ τύχοι τοῦτο γενόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἴσα μέρη σχισθεῖεν αἱ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐνενήκοντα δύο λόχων γνῶμαι, τότε τὸν ἔσχατον ἐκάλει λόχον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ τῶν ἀπόρων καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀφειμένων ἁπάσης στρατείας τε καὶ εἰσφορᾶς πολιτῶν πλῆθος ἦν: ὁποτέρᾳ δὲ προσθοῖτο τῶν μερίδων οὗτος ὁ λόχος, αὕτη τὸ κράτος ἐλάμβανε. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν σπάνιον καὶ οὐ μακρὰν ἀπέχον τἀδυνάτου. τὰ πολλὰ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης κλήσεως τέλος ἐλάμβανεν, ὀλίγα δὲ μέχρι τῆς τετάρτης προὔβαινεν: ἡ δὲ πέμπτη κλῆσις καὶ ἡ τελευταία παρείλκοντο.
[5] And if after the calling of the fifth class this had not yet happened but the opinions of the hundred and ninety-two centuries were equally divided, he then called the last century, consisting of the mass of the citizens who were poor and for that reason exempt from all military service and taxes; and whichever side this century joined, that side carried the day. But this seldom happened and was next to impossible. Generally the question was determined by calling the first class, and it rarely went as far as the fourth; so that the fifth and the last were superfluous.