[1] οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ κατόπιν ἐνιαυτῷ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν παραλαβόντες, Αὖλος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος καὶ Μάρκος Μηνύκιος, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς καὶ πρώτης ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Τισικράτης Κροτωνιάτης ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησιν Ἱππάρχου, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν οὔτε πολεμικὸν οὔτε πολιτικὸν ἱστορίας ἄξιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀρχῆς ἔπραξαν: αἵ τε γὰρ πρὸς Λατίνους ἀνοχαὶ πολλὴν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν πολέμων παρέσχον εἰρήνην ἥ τε τῆς ἀναπράξεως τῶν δανείων κώλυσις, ἣν ἐψηφίσατο ἡ βουλή, τέως ἂν ὁ προσδοκώμενος πόλεμος εἰς ἀσφαλὲς ἔλθῃ τέλος, ἔπαυσε τοὺς ἐντὸς τείχους νεωτερισμούς, οὓς ἐποιοῦντο οἱ πένητες ἀφεῖσθαι τῶν χρεῶν ἀξιοῦντες δημοσίᾳ:
[1.1] Aulus Sempronius Atratinus and Marcus Minucius, who assumed the consulship the following year, in the seventy-first Olympiad (the one in which Tisicrates of Croton won the foot-race), Hipparchus being archon at Athens, performed no action either of a military or administrative nature worthy of the notice of history during their term of office, since the truce with the Latins gave them ample respite from foreign wars, and the injunction decreed by the senate against the exaction of debts till the war that was expected should be safely terminated, quieted the disturbances raised in the city by the poor, who desired to be discharged of their debts by a public act;
[2] δόγμα δὲ βουλῆς ἐκύρωσαν ἐπιεικέστατον, Λατίνοις ἀνδράσιν εἴ τινες ἔτυχον [p. 260] ἐκ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἔθνους συνοικοῦσαι γυναῖκες ἢ Ῥωμαίοις Λατῖναι, ἑαυτῶν εἶναι κυρίας, ἐάν τε μένειν θέλωσι παρὰ τοῖς γεγαμηκόσιν ἐάν τε μή, εἰς τὰς πατρίδας ἀναστρέφειν: τῶν δ᾽ ἐκγόνων τὰ μὲν ἄρρενα παρὰ τοῖς πατράσι μένειν, τὰς δὲ θηλείας καὶ ἔτι ἀγάμους ταῖς μητράσιν ἕπεσθαι: ἐτύγχανον δὲ πολλαὶ πάνυ γυναῖκες εἰς τὰς ἀλλήλων πόλεις ἐκδεδομέναι καὶ διὰ τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ διὰ φιλίαν, οἳ τυχοῦσαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἀδείας ἐδήλωσαν ὅσην εἶχον ἐπιθυμίαν 1 τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαίτης.
[2] but they caused the senate to pass a most reasonable decree which provided that any women of Roman birth who were married to Romans should have full power to decide for themselves whether they preferred to stay with their husbands or to return to their own cities, and also provided that the male children should remain with their fathers and the female and unmarried should follow their mothers. For it happened that a great many women, by reason of the kinship and friendship existing between the two nations, had been given in marriage each into the other’s state. The women, having this liberty granted to them by the decree of the senate, showed how great was their desire to live at Rome;
[3] αἵ τε γὰρ ἐν ταῖς Λατίνων πόλεσι Ῥωμαῖαι μικροῦ δεῖν πᾶσαι καταλιποῦσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς τοὺς πατέρας ἀνέστρεψαν, αἵ τε Ῥωμαίοις ἐκδεδομέναι Λατίνων πλὴν δυεῖν, αἱ λοιπαὶ τῶν πατρίδων ὑπεριδοῦσαι παρὰ τοῖς γεγαμηκόσιν ἔμειναν: οἰωνὸς εὐτυχὴς τῆς μελλούσης πόλεως ἐπικρατήσειν τῷ πολέμῳ.
[3] for almost all the Roman women who lived in the Latin cities left their husbands and returned to their fathers, and all the Latin women who were married to Romans, except two, scorned their native countries and stayed with their husbands — a happy omen foretelling which of the two nations was to be victorious in the war.
[4] ἐπὶ τούτων φασὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν νεὼν καθιερωθῆναι τῷ Κρόνῳ κατὰ τὴν ἄνοδον τὴν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρουσαν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, καὶ δημοτελεῖς ἀναδειχθῆναι τῷ θεῷ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἑορτάς τε καὶ θυσίας. τὰ δὲ πρὸ τούτων βωμὸν αὐτόθι καθιδρύσθαι λέγουσι τὸν ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους κατεσκευασμένον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς ἐμπύρους ἀπαρχὰς ἔθυον Ἑλληνικοῖς ἔθεσιν οἱ τὰ ἱερὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου παραλαβόντες: τὴν δ᾽ ἀρχὴν τῆς ἱδρύσεως τοῦ ναοῦ τινὲς μὲν ἱστοροῦσι λαβεῖν [p. 261] Τῖτον Λάρκιον τὸν ὑπατεύσαντα τῷ πρόσθεν ἐνιαυτῷ, οἱ δὲ καὶ βασιλέα Ταρκύνιον τὸν ἐκπεσόντα τῆς ἀρχῆς: τὴν δὲ καθιέρωσιν τοῦ ναοῦ λαβεῖν Πόστομον Κομίνιον κατὰ ψήφισμα βουλῆς. τούτοις μὲν δὴ τοῖς ὑπάτοις εἰρήνης ὥσπερ ἔφην βαθείας ἐξεγένετο ἀπολαῦσαι.
[4] Under these consuls, they say, the temple was dedicated to Saturn upon the ascent leading from the Forum to the Capitol, and annual festivals and sacrifices were appointed to be celebrated in honour of the god at the public expense. Before this, they say, an altar built by Hercules was established there, upon which the persons who had received the holy rites from him offered the first-fruits as burnt-offerings according to the customs of the Greeks. Some historians state that the credit for beginning this temple was given to Titus Larcius, the consul of the previous year, others, that it was even given to King Tarquinius — the one who was driven from the throne — and that the dedication fell to Postumus Cominius pursuant to a decree of the senate. These consuls, then, had the opportunity, as I said, of enjoying a profound peace.
[1] μετὰ δὲ τούτους παραλαμβάνουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν Αὖλος Ποστόμιος καὶ Τῖτος Οὐεργίνιος, ἐφ᾽ ὧν αἱ μὲν ἐνιαύσιοι ἀνοχαὶ πρὸς Λατίνους διελέλυντο, παρασκευαὶ δὲ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων ἐγίνοντο μεγάλαι. ἦν δὲ τὸ μὲν Ῥωμαίων πλῆθος ἅπαν ἑκούσιον καὶ σὺν πολλῇ προθυμίᾳ χωροῦν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα: τοῦ δὲ Λατίνων τὸ πλέον ἀπρόθυμον καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης κατειργόμενον, τῶν μὲν δυναστευόντων ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὀλίγου δεῖν πάντων δωρεαῖς τε καὶ ὑποσχέσεσιν ὑπὸ Ταρκυνίου τε καὶ Μαμιλίου διεφθαρμένων, τῶν δὲ δημοτικῶν, ὅσοις οὐκ ἦν βουλομένοις ὁ πόλεμος, ἀπελαυνομένων ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τῶν κοινῶν φροντίδος:
[2.1] They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius, under whom the year’s truce with the Latins expired; and great preparations for the war were made by both nations. On the Roman side the whole population entered upon the struggle voluntarily and with great enthusiasm; but the greater part of the Latins were lacking in enthusiasm and acted under compulsion, the powerful men in the cities having been almost all corrupted with bribes and promises by Tarquinius and Mamilius, while those among the common people who were not in favour of the war were excluded from a share in the public counsels; for permission to speak was no longer granted to all who desired it.
[2] οὐδὲ γὰρ λόγος ἔτι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπεδίδοτο. ἠναγκάζοντο δὴ χαλεπαίνοντες ἐπὶ τούτῳ συχνοὶ καταλιπεῖν τὰς πόλεις καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αὐτομολεῖν: κωλύειν γὰρ οὐκ ἠξίουν οἱ δι᾽ ἑαυτῶν πεποιημένοι τὰς πόλεις, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν τοῖς διαφόροις, τῆς ἑκουσίου φυγῆς χάριν ᾔδεσαν. ὑποδεχόμενοι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς μὲν ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀφικνουμένους εἰς τὰς ἐντὸς τείχους κατέταττον στρατιὰς τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἐγκαταμιγνύντες λόχοις, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀποστέλλοντες φρούρια καὶ ταῖς ἀποικίαις [p. 262] ἀπομερίζοντες, ἵνα μή τι νεωτερίσειαν, εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ.
[2] Indeed, many, resenting this treatment, were constrained to leave their cities and desert to the Romans; for the men who had got the cities in their power did not choose to stop them, but thought themselves much obliged to their adversaries for submitting to a voluntary banishment. These the Romans received, and such of them as came with their wives and children they employed in military services inside the walls, incorporating them in the centuries of citizens, and the rest they sent out to the fortresses near the city or distributed among their colonies, keeping them under guard, so that they should create no disturbance.
[3] ἁπάντων δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην λαβόντων, ὅτι μιᾶς δεῖ πάλιν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφειμένης ἅπαντα διοικεῖν κατὰ τὸν αὑτῆς λογισμὸν ἀνυπευθύνου ἀρχῆς, δικτάτωρ ἀποδείκνυται τῶν ὑπάτων ὁ νεώτερος Αὖλος Ποστόμιος ὑπὸ τοῦ συνάρχοντος Οὐεργινίου: ἱππάρχην δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ προσείλετο κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τῷ προτέρῳ δικτάτορι Τῖτον Αἰβούτιον Ἔλβαν: καὶ καταγράψας ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τοὺς ἐν ἥβῃ Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας καὶ διελὼν εἰς τέτταρα μέρη τὴν δύναμιν, μιᾶς μὲν αὐτὸς ἡγεῖτο μοίρας, ἑτέρας δὲ τὸν συνύπατον Οὐεργίνιον ἔταξεν ἄρχειν, τῆς δὲ τρίτης Αἰβούτιον τὸν ἱππάρχην, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τετάρτης κατέλιπεν ἔπαρχον Αὖλον Σεμπρώνιον, ᾧ τὴν πόλιν φυλάττειν ἐπέτρεψεν.
[3] And since all men had come to the same conclusion, that the situation once more called for a single magistrate free to deal with all matters according to his own judgment and subject to no accounting for his actions, Aulus Postumius, the younger of the consuls, was appointed dictator by his colleague Verginius, and following the example of the former dictator, chose his own Master of the Horse, naming Titus Aebutius Elva. And having in a short time enlisted all the Romans who were of military age, he divided his army into four parts, one of which he himself commanded, while he gave another to his colleague Verginius, the third to Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, and left the command of the fourth to Aulus Sempronius, whom he appointed to guard the city.
[1] παρεσκευασμένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντα τἀπιτήδεια πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἧκον ἀγγέλλοντες οἱ σκοποὶ πανστρατιᾷ Λατίνους ἐξεληλυθότας: καὶ αὖθις ἕτεροι δηλοῦντες ἐξ ἐφόδου τι καταληφθῆναι πρὸς αὐτῶν χωρίον ἐχυρὸν Κορβιῶνα καλούμενον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρά τις ἦν Ῥωμαίων ἐνοικουροῦσα ὀλίγη: ἣν ἅπασαν διαφθείραντες καὶ τὸ χωρίον αὐτὸ κατασχόντες ὁρμητήριον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου: ἀνδράποδα δὲ καὶ βοσκήματα οὐ κατελάμβανον ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς χωρὶς τῶν ἐν τῷ Κορβιῶνι ἐγκαταληφθέντων, προανεσκευασμένων πρὸ πολλοῦ [p. 263] τῶν γεωργῶν εἰς τὰ προσεχέστατα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, ὅσα δύναμις ἦν ἑκάστοις φέρειν τε καὶ ἄγειν: οἰκίας δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐνεπίμπρασαν ἐρήμους ἀφειμένας καὶ γῆν ἐδῄουν.
[3.1] After the dictator had prepared everything that was necessary for the war, his scouts brought him word that the Latins had taken the field with all their forces; and others in turn informed him that they had captured by storm a strong place called Corbio, in which there was stationed a small garrison of the Romans. The garrison they wiped out completely, and the place itself, now that they had gained possession of it, they were making a base for the war. They were not capturing any slaves or cattle in the country districts, except those taken at Corbio, since the husbandmen had long before removed into the nearest fortresses everything that they could drive or carry away; but they were setting fire to the houses that had been abandoned and laying waste the country.
[2] ἀφίκετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐξεστρατευμένοις ἤδη ἐξ Ἀντίου πόλεως ἐπιφανεστάτης τοῦ Οὐολούσκων ἔθνους στρατιά τε ἱκανὴ καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτος καὶ ὅσων ἄλλων εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐδέοντο. ἐφ᾽ οἷς πάνυ θαρρήσαντες ἐν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς ἦσαν, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Οὐολούσκων συναρουμένων σφίσι τοῦ πολέμου τῆς Ἀντιατῶν πόλεως ἀρξαμένης.
[2] After the Latins had already taken the field, an army of responsible size came to them from Antium, the most important city of the Volscian nation, with arms, grain, and everything else that was necessary for carrying on the war. Greatly heartened by this, they were in excellent hopes that the other Volscians would join them in the war, now that the city of Antium had set the example.
[3] ταῦτα μαθὼν ὁ Ποστόμιος ἐξεβοήθει διὰ ταχέων πρὶν ἢ συνελθεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἅπαντας: ἀγαγὼν δ᾽ ἐν νυκτὶ τὴν σὺν αὑτῷ στρατιὰν πορείᾳ συντόνῳ πλησίον γίνεται τῶν Λατίνων ἐστρατοπεδευκότων παρὰ λίμνῃ Ῥηγίλλῃ καλουμένῃ ἐν ἐχυρῷ χωρίῳ καὶ τίθεται τὸν χάρακα κατὰ κεφαλῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐν ὑψηλῷ λόφῳ καὶ δυσβάτῳ, ἔνθ᾽ ὑπομένων πολλὰ πλεονεκτήσειν ἔμελλεν.
[3] Postumius, being informed of all this, set out hastily to the rescue before all the enemy’s forces could assemble; and having led his army out by a forced march in the night, he arrived near the Latins, who lay encamped in a strong position near the lake called Regillus, and pitched his camp above them on a hill that was high and difficult of access, where, if he remained, he was sure to have many advantages over them.
[1] οἱ δὲ τῶν Λατίνων ἡγεμόνες, Ὀκταούιός τε ὁ Τυσκλανὸς ὁ Ταρκυνίου τοῦ βασιλέως γαμβρός, ὡς δέ τινες γράφουσιν, υἱὸς τοῦ γαμβροῦ, καὶ Σέξτος Ταρκύνιος: ἐτύγχανον γὰρ δὴ τηνικαῦτα χωρὶς ἀλλήλων ἐστρατοπεδευκότες: εἰς ἓν συνάγουσι τὰς δυνάμεις χωρίον καὶ παραλαβόντες τοὺς χιλιάρχους τε καὶ λοχαγοὺς ἐσκόπουν, ὅστις ἔσται τρόπος τοῦ πολέμου:
[4.1] The generals of the Latins, Octavius of Tusculum, the son-in-law or, as some state, the son of the son-in-law of King Tarquinius, and Sextus Tarquinius — for they happened at that time to be encamped separately — joined their forces, and assembling the tribunes and centurions, they considered with them in what manner they should carry on the war; and many opinions were expressed.
[2] καὶ [p. 264] πολλαὶ γνῶμαι ἐλέχθησαν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἐφόδου χωρεῖν ἠξίουν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἅμα τῷ δικτάτορι καταλαβομένους τὸ ὄρος, ἕως ἔτι ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φοβεροί, οὐκ ἀσφαλείας σημεῖον εἶναι νομίζοντες τὴν τῶν ἐχυρῶν κατάληψιν, ἀλλὰ δειλίας: οἱ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀποταφρεύσαντας ὀλίγῃ τινὶ κατείργειν φυλακῇ, τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην δύναμιν ἀναλαβόντας ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἄγειν ὡς ῥᾳδίαν ἁλῶναι τῆς κρατίστης νεότητος ἐξεληλυθυίας: οἱ δὲ τὰς Οὐολούσκων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων βοηθείας ἀναμένειν συνεβούλευον τὰ ἀσφαλέστερα πρὸ τῶν θρασυτέρων αἱρουμένους: Ῥωμαίους μὲν γὰρ οὐθὲν ἀπολαύσειν ἐκ τῆς τριβῆς τοῦ χρόνου, ἑαυτοῖς δὲ βραδυνόμενα κρείττω γενήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα.
[2] Some thought they ought to charge the troops under the dictator which had occupied the hill, while they could still inspire them with fear; for they regarded their occupation of the strong positions as a sign, not of assurance, but of cowardice. Others thought they ought to surround the camp of the Romans with a ditch, and keeping them hemmed in by means of a small guard, march with the rest of the army to Rome, which they believed might easily be captured now that the best of its youth had taken the field. Still others advised them to await the reinforcements from both the Volscians and their other allies, choosing safe measures in preference to bold; for the Romans, they say, would reap no benefit from the delay, whereas their own situation would be improved by it.
[3] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῶν βουλευομένων ἧκεν ἐκ Ῥώμης ὁ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Τῖτος Οὐεργίνιος ἔχων τὴν σὺν ἑαυτῷ δύναμιν αἰφνίδιος ἐν τῇ κατόπιν νυκτὶ τὴν ὁδὸν διανύσας καὶ στρατοπεδεύεται δίχα τοῦ δικτάτορος ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρας ῥάχεως ὀρεινῆς πάνυ καὶ ἐχυρᾶς: ὥστ᾽ ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι τοὺς Λατίνους τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν πολεμίαν ἐξόδων, τοῦ μὲν ὑπάτου τῶν ἀριστερῶν προκαθημένου μερῶν, τοῦ δὲ δικτάτορος τῶν δεξιῶν.
[3] While they were still debating, the other consul, Titus Verginius, suddenly arrived from Rome with his army, after making the march during the very next night, and encamped apart from the dictator upon another ridge that was exceeding craggy and strongly situated. Thus the Latins were cut off on both sides from the roads leading into the enemy’s country, the consul encamping on the left-hand side and the dictator on the right. This still further increased the confusion of their commanders, who had chosen safety in preference to every other consideration, and also their fear that by delaying they should be forced to use up their supplies of food, which were not plentiful.
[4] ἔτι δὲ πλείονος ταραχῆς κατασχούσης τοὺς οὐδὲν πλεῖον τῶν ἀσφαλῶν προελομένους ἡγεμόνας καὶ δέους, μὴ τὰ οἰκεῖα οὐ πολλὰ ὄντα δαπανᾶν ἀναγκάζωνται βραδύνοντες, μαθὼν ὁ Ποστόμιος, ὅσον ἦν ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸ ἄπειρον στρατηγίας, πέμπει τὸν ἱππάρχην [p. 265] Τῖτον Αἰβούτιον ἄγοντα τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους ἱππεῖς τε καὶ ψιλούς, καταλαβέσθαι κελεύσας ὄρος τι καλῶς ἐν παρόδῳ κείμενον ταῖς παρακομιζομέναις Λατίνοις ἀγοραῖς οἴκοθεν: καὶ φθάνει πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἡ σὺν τῷ ἱππάρχῃ πεμφθεῖσα δύναμις νύκτωρ παρενεχθεῖσα καὶ δι᾽ ὕλης ἀτριβοῦς διελθοῦσα καὶ γενομένη ἐγκρατὴς τοῦ λόφου.
[4] When Postumius observed the inexperience of these commanders, he sent the Master of the Horse, Titus Aebutius, with the flower both of the horse and light-armed troops with orders to occupy a hill which lay close beside the road by which provisions were brought to the Latins from home; and before the enemy was aware of it, the forces sent with the Master of the Horse passed by their camp in the night, and marching through a pathless wood, gained possession of the hill.
[1] μαθόντες δ᾽ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν πολεμίων καταλαμβανόμενα καὶ τὰ κατὰ νώτου σφῶν ἐρυμνὰ καὶ οὐδὲ περὶ τῆς οἴκοθεν ἀγορᾶς χρηστὰς ἔτι ἐλπίδας ἔχοντες ὡς ἀσφαλῶς σφίσι παρακομισθησομένης, ἀπαράξαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἔγνωσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου, πρὶν ἢ χάρακι καὶ τάφρῳ κρατύνασθαι.
[5.1] The generals of the enemy, finding that the strong places which lay in their rear were also being occupied, and no longer feeling any confident hopes that even their provisions from home would get through to them safely, resolved to drive the Romans from the hill before they could fortify it with a palisade and ditch.
[2] ἀναλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἵππον ἅτερος αὐτῶν Σέξτος ἤλαυνεν ἀνὰ κράτος αὐτήν, ὡς οὐ δεξομένης αὐτὸν τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἵππου. γενναίως δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππέων τοὺς ἐπιόντας ὑπομεινάντων μέχρι μέν τινος ἀντεῖχεν ὑποστρέφων τε καὶ αὖθις ἐπάγων: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἥ τε φύσις τοῦ χωρίου τοῖς μὲν ἤδη κρατοῦσι τῶν ἄκρων μεγάλα πλεονεκτήματα παρεῖχε, τοῖς δὲ κάτωθεν ἐπιοῦσιν οὐδὲν ὅ τι μὴ πολλὰς πάνυ πληγὰς καὶ πόνους ἀνηνύτους ἔφερε, καὶ αὖθις ἑτέρα παρῆν δύναμις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιλέκτων ἀνδρῶν ἐκ τῆς πεζικῆς φάλαγγος ἐπίκουρος, ἣν ὁ Ποστόμιος κατὰ πόδας ἀπέστειλεν, οὐδὲν ἔτι πράττειν δυνάμενος ἀπῆγε τὴν ἵππον ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα: καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι βεβαίως κρατοῦντες τὸ χωρίον προφανῶς κρατύνονται τὴν φυλακήν.
[2] And Sextus, one of the two generals, taking the horse with him, rode up to them full speed in the expectation that the Roman horse would not await his attack. But when these bravely withstood their charge, he maintained the fight for some time, alternately retiring and renewing the attack; and then, since the nature of the ground offered great advantages to those who were already in possession of the heights, while bringing to those who attacked from below nothing but many blows and ineffectual hardships, and since, moreover, a fresh force of chosen legionaries, sent by Postumius to follow close upon the heels of the first detachment, came to the assistance of the Romans, he found himself unable to accomplish anything further and led the horse back to the camp; and the Romans, now secure in the possession of the place, openly strengthened the garrison there.
[3] μετὰ τοῦτο τὸ [p. 266] ἔργον τοῖς περὶ Μαμίλιον καὶ Σέξτον ἐδόκει μὴ πολὺν διὰ μέσου ποιεῖν τὸν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὀξείᾳ κρῖναι τὰ πράγματα μάχῃ. τῷ δὲ δικτάτορι τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταρχὰς οὕτως ἔχοντι προαιρέσεως, ὡς ἀμαχητὶ καταλύσεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ παντὸς μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν ἀντιστρατήγων τοῦτο ποιήσειν ἐλπίσαντι, τότ᾽ ἐφάνη χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα. ἑάλωσαν γάρ τινες ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρούντων τὰς ὁδοὺς ἱππέων ἄγγελοι γράμματα φέροντες παρ᾽ Οὐολούσκων πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Λατίνων δηλοῦντα, ὅτι πολλαὶ δυνάμεις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν ἥξουσιν εἰς ἡμέραν τρίτην μάλιστα καὶ αὖθις ἕτεραι παρ᾽ Ἑρνίκων.
[3] After this action Mamilius and Sextus determined not to let much time intervene, but to decide the issue by an early battle. The Roman dictator, who at first had not been of this mind, but had hoped to end the war without a battle, founding his hopes of doing so chiefly on the inexperience of the opposing generals, now resolved to engage. For some couriers had been captured by the horse that patrolled the roads, bearing letters from the Volscians to the Latin generals to inform them that numerous forces would come to their assistance in about two days, and still other forces from the Hernicans.
[4] τὰ μὲν δὴ παρασχόντα τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν ταχεῖαν παρατάξεως ἀνάγκην τέως οὐ προαιρουμένοις ταῦτ᾽ ἦν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ σημεῖα ἤρθη παρ᾽ ἑκατέρων τῆς μάχης, προῄεσαν εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ χωρίον ἀμφότεροι καὶ ἐξέτασσον τὰς δυνάμεις κατὰ τάδε: Σέξτος μὲν Ταρκύνιος ἐπὶ τοῦ λαιοῦ τῶν Λατίνων ἐτάχθη κέρατος, Ὀκταούιος δὲ Μαμίλιος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ, τὴν δὲ κατὰ μέσον στάσιν εἶχεν ὁ ἕτερος τῶν Ταρκυνίου παίδων Τῖτος, ἔνθα καὶ Ῥωμαίων οἵ τε αὐτόμολοι καὶ οἱ φυγάδες ἐτάχθησαν. ἡ δ᾽ ἵππος ἅπασα τριχῇ διαιρεθεῖσα τοῖς κέρασιν ἀμφοτέροις προσενεμήθη καὶ τοῖς κατὰ μέσην τεταγμένοις
[4] These were the considerations that reduced their commanders to an immediate necessity of fighting, though until then they had not been of this mind. After the signals for battle had been raised on both sides, the two armies advanced into the space between their camps and drew up in the following manner: Sextus Tarquinius was posted on the left wing of the Latins and Octavius Mamilius on the right; Titus, the other son of Tarquinius, held the centre, where also the Roman deserters and exiles were posted. And, all their horse being divided into three bodies, two of these were placed on the wings and one in the centre of the battle-line.
[5] τὴν φάλαγγα. τῆς δὲ Ῥωμαίων στρατιᾶς τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν κέρας εἶχεν ὁ ἱππάρχης Τῖτος Αἰβούτιος ἐναντίος [p. 267] Ὀκταουΐῳ Μαμιλίῳ, τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν Τῖτος Οὐεργίνιος ὁ ὕπατος Σέξτῳ Ταρκυνίῳ στάσιν ἐναντίαν ἐπέχων: τὰ δὲ μέσα τῆς φάλαγγος αὐτὸς ὁ δικτάτωρ Ποστόμιος ἐξεπλήρου Τίτῳ Ταρκυνίῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν φυγάσι χωρήσων ὁμόσε: πλῆθος δὲ τῆς συνελθούσης δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν παράταξιν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρου στρατεύματος ἦν Ῥωμαίων μὲν ἐπὶ δισμυρίοις τε καὶ τετρακισχιλίοις πεζοὶ τριακοσίων δέοντες, χίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς: Λατίνων δὲ σὺν τοῖς συμμάχοις τετρακισμύριοι μάλιστα πεζοὶ καὶ τρισχίλιοι ἱππεῖς.
[5] The left of the Roman army was commanded by Titus Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, who stood opposite to Octavius Mamilius; the right by Titus Verginius, the consul, facing Sextus Tarquinius; the centre of the line was commanded by the dictator Postumius in person, who proposed to encounter Titus Tarquinius and the exiles with him. The number of the forces of each army which drew up for battle was: on the side of the Romans 23,700 foot and 1000 horse, and on that of the Latins and their allies about 40,000 foot and 3000 horse.
[1] ὡς δ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἥξειν ἔμελλον, οἵ τε τῶν Λατίνων στρατηγοὶ συγκαλέσαντες τοὺς σφετέρους πολλὰ εἰς τὸ ἀνδρεῖον ἐπαγωγὰ καὶ δεήσεις τῶν στρατιωτῶν μακρὰς διεξῆλθον, ὅ τε Ῥωμαῖος ὀρρωδοῦντας ὁρῶν τοὺς σφετέρους, ὅτι πλήθει συνοίσονται μακρῷ προὔχοντι τοῦ σφετέρου, ἐξελέσθαι τὸ δέος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς διανοίας βουλόμενος συνεκάλεσεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν: καὶ παραστησάμενος τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τῶν ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτικοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ τιμιωτάτους ἔλεξε τοιάδε:
[6.1] When they were on the point of engaging, the Latin generals called their men together and said many things calculated to incite them to valour, and addressed long appeals to the soldiers. And the Roman dictator, seeing his troops alarmed because they were going to encounter an army greatly superior in number to their own, and desiring to dispel that fear from their minds, called them to an assembly, and placing near him the oldest and most honoured members of the senate, addressed them as follows:
[2] θεοὶ μὲν ἡμῖν ὑπισχνοῦνται δι᾽ οἰωνῶν τε καὶ σφαγίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης μαντικῆς ἐλευθερίαν τῇ πόλει παρέξειν καὶ νίκην εὐτυχῆ, ἀμοιβάς τε ἡμῖν ἀποδιδόντες ἀγαθάς, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν αὐτοὺς σέβοντες καὶ τὰ δίκαια ἀσκοῦντες ἐν παντὶ τῷ βίῳ ἡμῶν διετελέσαμεν, καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἡμῶν νεμεσῶντες κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, ὅτι πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα πεπονθότες ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ συγγενεῖς τε [p. 268] ὄντες καὶ φίλοι καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ὀμωμοκότες ἕξειν ἐχθροὺς καὶ φίλους, ἁπάντων ὑπεριδόντες τούτων πόλεμον ἐπιφέρουσιν ἡμῖν ἄδικον, οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας, ὁποτέρους ἡμῶν μᾶλλον αὐτὴν ἔχειν προσῆκεν: ἧττον γὰρ ἂν ἦν δεινόν: ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς Ταρκυνίων τυραννίδος, ἵνα δούλην ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρας τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσι.
[2] “The gods by omens, sacrifices, and other auguries promise to grant to our commonwealth liberty and a happy victory, both by way of rewarding us for the piety we have shown toward them and the justice we have practised during the whole course of our lives, and also from resentment, we may reasonably suppose, against our enemies. For these, after having received many great benefits from us, being both our kinsmen and friends, and after having sworn to look upon all our enemies and friends as their own, have scorned all these obligations and are bringing an unjust war upon us, not for the sake of supremacy and dominion, to determine which of us ought more rightly to possess it, — that, indeed, would not be so terrible, — but in support of the tyranny of the Tarquinii, in order to make our commonwealth enslaved once more instead of free.
[3] χρὴ δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες λοχαγοί τε καὶ στρατιῶται, μαθόντας, ὅτι συμμάχους ἔχετε τοὺς θεούς, οἵπερ αἰεὶ τὴν πόλιν σώζουσιν, ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς γενέσθαι περὶ τόνδε τὸν ἀγῶνα: ἐπισταμένους, ὅτι τῆς παρὰ θεῶν βοηθείας ὑπάρχει τυγχάνειν τοῖς γενναίως ἀγωνιζομένοις καὶ πάντα τὰ παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν πρόθυμα παρεχομένοις, οὐ τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς βουλομένοις ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν ταλαιπωρεῖν. ὑπάρχει δ᾽ ἡμῖν πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πλεονεκτήματα πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης παρεσκευασμένα, τρία δὲ πάντων κάλλιστα καὶ φανερώτατα.
[3] But it is necessary that you too, both officers and men, knowing that you have for allies the gods, who have always preserved our city, should acquit yourselves as brave men in this battle, remembering that the assistance of the gods is given to those who fight nobly and eagerly contribute everything in their power toward victory, not to those who fly from dangers, but to those who are willing to undergo hardships in their own behalf. We have many other advantages conducive to victory prepared for us by Fortune, but three in particular, which are the greatest and the most obvious of all.
[1] πρῶτον μὲν τὸ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων πιστόν, οὗ μάλιστα δεῖ τοῖς μέλλουσι τῶν ἐχθρῶν κρατήσειν. οὐ γὰρ ἀρξαμένους ὑμᾶς τήμερον ἀλλήλοις εἶναι βεβαίους φίλους δεῖ καὶ πιστοὺς συμμάχους, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ πατρὶς ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦθ᾽ ἅπασι παρεσκεύακε τἀγαθόν. καὶ γὰρ [p. 269] ἐτράφητε ὁμοῦ καὶ παιδείας ἐτύχετε κοινῆς καὶ θεοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν βωμῶν ἐθύετε καὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἀγαθῶν ἀπολελαύκατε, πολλῶν δὲ κακῶν πεπείρασθε κοινῇ, ἐξ ὧν ἰσχυραὶ καὶ ἀδιάλυτοι πεφύκασι συγκεράννυσθαι πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις φιλίαι: ἔπειτα δ᾽ ὁ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων κοινὸς ἅπασιν ὑπάρχων ἀγών.
[7.1] “First, there is the confidence you have in one another, which is the thing most needed by men who are going to conquer their foes; for you do not need to begin to-day to be firm friends and faithful allies to one another, but your country has long since prepared this boon for you all. For you have been brought up together and have received the same education; you were wont to sacrifice to the gods upon the same altars; and you have both enjoyed many advantages and experienced many evils in common, by the sharing of which strong and indissoluble friendships are wont to be formed among all men.
[2] εἰ γὰρ ὑποχείριοι γενήσεσθε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, οὐχὶ τοῖς μὲν ὑμῶν ὑπάρξει μηδενὸς πειραθῆναι δεινοῦ, τοῖς δὲ τὰ ἔσχατα παθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἅπασιν ὁμοίως ἀπολωλεκέναι, καὶ μήτε γυναικῶν μήτε παίδων μήτ᾽ οὐσίας μήτ᾽ ἄλλου τινὸς ὧν ἔχετε ἀπολαύσειν ἀγαθῶν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἡγουμένοις τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦσι τὸν οἴκτιστον μόρον ἀποθανεῖν σὺν αἰκίαις καὶ βασάνοις.
[2] Secondly, the struggle, in which your highest interests are at stake, is common to you all alike. For if you fall into the enemy’s power it will not mean that some of you will meet with no severity while others suffer the worst of fates, but all of you alike will have lost your proud position, your sovereignty and your liberty, and will no longer have the enjoyment of your wives, your children, your property, or any other blessing you now have; and those who are at the head of the commonwealth and direct the public affairs will die the most miserable death accompanied by indignities and tortures.
[3] ὅπου γὰρ οὐδὲν πεπονθότες ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν κακὸν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτ᾽ ἔλαττον πολλὰ καὶ παντοδαπὰ ἐξύβρισαν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἅπαντας, τί χρὴ προσδοκᾶν ποιήσειν αὐτούς, ἂν νῦν κρατήσωσι τοῖς ὅπλοις, μνησικακοῦντας, ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀπεστήσατε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας ἀφείλεσθε καὶ οὐδ᾽
[3] For if your enemies, though they have received no injury, great or small, at your hands, have heaped many outrages of every sort upon all of you, what must you expect them to do if they now conquer you by arms, resentful as they are because you drove them from the city, deprived them of their property, and do not permit them even to set foot upon the land of their fathers?
[4] ἐπιβῆναι τῆς πατρῴας γῆς ἐᾶτε; τελευταῖον δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων οὐδενὸς ἑτέρου φήσαιτ᾽ ἂν εἶναι πλεονεκτημάτων ἔλασσον, ἐὰν ὀρθῶς σκοπῆτε, τὸ μὴ τοιαῦτα ἡμῖν ἀπηντῆσθαι παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων, οἷα ὑπελάβομεν, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ τῆς δόξης ἐνδεέστερα. ἔξω γὰρ τῆς Ἀντιατῶν [p. 270] ἐπικουρίας οὐδένας ἄλλους ὁρᾶτε κοινωνοὺς παρόντας αὐτοῖς τοῦ πολέμου: ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἅπαντας Οὐολούσκους ἥξειν αὐτοῖς ὑπελαμβάνομεν συμμάχους καὶ Σαβίνων τε καὶ Ἑρνίκων συχνοὺς καὶ μυρίους ἄλλους 2 διὰ κενῆς ἀνεπλάττομεν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς φόβους.
[4] And finally, of the advantages I have mentioned you cannot, if you consider the matter aright, call this one inferior to any other — that the forces of the enemy have not proved to be so formidable as we conceived them to be, but are far short of the opinion we entertained of them. For, with the exception of the support furnished by the Antiates, you see no other allies present to take part with them in the war; whereas we were expecting that all the Volscians and many of the Sabines and Hernicans would come to them as allies, and were conjuring up in our minds a thousand other vain fears.
[5] πάντα δ᾽ ἦν ἄρα ταῦτα Λατίνων ὀνείρατα, ὑποσχέσεις ἔχοντα κενὰς καὶ ἐλπίδας ἀτελεῖς. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐγκαταλελοίπασιν αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπικουρίαν καταφρονήσαντες τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπὶ τῆς στρατολογίας, οἱ δὲ μελλήσουσι μᾶλλον ἢ βοηθήσουσι τρίβοντες ἐν ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὸν χρόνον, οἱ δὲ νῦν ὄντες ἐν παρασκευαῖς ὑστερήσαντες τῆς μάχης οὐδὲν ἔτι αὐτοῖς χρήσιμοι γενήσονται.
[5] But all these things, it appears, were only dreams of the Latins, holding out empty promises and futile hopes. For some of their allies have failed to send the promised aid, out of contempt for the inexperience of their generals; others, instead of assisting them, will keep delaying, wearing away the time by merely fostering their hopes; and those who are now engaged in making their preparations will arrive too late for the battle and will be of no further use to them.
[1] εἰ δέ τινες ὑμῶν ταῦτα μὲν ὀρθῶς εἰρῆσθαι νομίζουσιν, ὀρρωδοῦσι δὲ τὸ τῶν ἀντιπολεμίων πλῆθος, βραχείᾳ διδαχῇ μαθέτωσαν τὰ μὴ δεινὰ δεδιότες, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἀναμνήσει: πρῶτον μὲν ἐνθυμηθέντες, ὅτι πλεῖόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸ ἠναγκασμένον τὰ ὅπλα καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀναλαβεῖν, ὡς ἐκ πολλῶν ἡμῖν ἔργων τε καὶ λόγων ἐδήλωσε, τὸ δ᾽ ἑκούσιόν τε καὶ ἐκ προθυμίας ὑπὲρ τῶν τυράννων ἀγωνιζόμενον πάνυ ὀλίγον, μᾶλλον δὲ πολλοστὸν μέρος τι τοῦ ἡμετέρου: ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι τοὺς πολέμους ἅπαντας οὐχ οἱ πλείους τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς κατορθοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ κρείττους ἀρετῇ.
[8.1] “But if any of you, though convinced of the reasonableness of what I have said, nevertheless fear the numbers of the enemy, let them learn by a few words of instruction, or rather from their own memory, that what they dread is not formidable. Let them consider, in the first place, that the greater part of our enemies have been forced to take up arms against us, as they have often shown us by both actions and words, and that the number of those who willingly and eagerly fight for the tyrants is very small, in fact only an insignificant fraction of ours; and secondly, that all wars are won, not by the forces which are larger in numbers, but by those which are superior in valour.
[2] πολὺ ἂν ἔργον εἴη παραδείγματα φέρειν, ὅσα βαρβάρων τε καὶ Ἑλλήνων στρατεύματα ὑπερβαλόντα πλήθει μικραὶ [p. 271] πάνυ κατηγωνίσαντο δυνάμεις, οὕτως ὥστε μηδὲ πιστοὺς εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς τοὺς περὶ αὐτῶν λόγους. ἐῶ τἆλλα: ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ πόσους κατωρθώκατε πολέμους μετ᾽ ἐλάττονος ἢ ὅσης νῦν ἔχετε δυνάμεως μείζοσιν ἢ τοσαύταις παρασκευαῖς πολεμίων ἀντιταχθέντες; φέρε, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις φοβεροὶ διατελεῖτε ὄντες ὧν ἐκρατεῖτε μαχόμενοι, Λατίνοις δ᾽ ἄρα τούτοις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις αὐτῶν Οὐολούσκοις εὐκαταφρόνητοι, διὰ τὸ μὴ πειραθῆναί ποτε αὐτοὺς τῆς ὑμετέρας μάχης; ἀλλὰ πάντες ἴστε, ὅτι ταῦτ᾽ ἀμφότερα τὰ ἔθνη πολλαῖς ἐνίκων μάχαις οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν.
[2] It would tedious to cite as examples all the armies of the Greeks as well as barbarians which, though superior in numbers, were overcome by forces so very small that the reports about the numbers engaged are not even credible to most people. But, to omit other instances, how many wars have you yourselves won, with a smaller force than you now have, when arrayed against enemies more numerous than all these the enemy have now got together? Well, then, can it be that, though you indeed continue to be formidable to those whom you have repeatedly overcome in battle, you are nevertheless contemptible in the eyes of these Latins and their allies, the Volscians, because they have never experienced your prowess in battle? But you all knew that our fathers conquered both of these nations in many battles.
[3] ἆρ᾽ οὖν λόγον ἔχει τὰ μὲν τῶν κρατηθέντων πράγματα ἐπὶ ταῖς τοιαύταις συμφοραῖς κρείττονα εἶναι, τὰ δὲ τῶν κεκρατηκότων ἐπὶ ταῖς τηλικαύταις εὐπραγίαις χείρονα; καὶ τίς ἂν τοῦτο φήσειε νοῦν ἔχων; θαυμάσαιμι δ᾽ ἄν, εἴ τις ὑμῶν τὸ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων πλῆθος, ἐν ᾧ βραχὺ τὸ γενναῖόν ἐστιν, ὀρρωδεῖ, τῆς δ᾽ οἰκείας δυνάμεως οὕτω πολλῆς καὶ ἀγαθῆς οὔσης καταφρονεῖ, ἧς οὔτ᾽ ἀρετῇ κρείττων οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμῷ πλείων συνηνέχθη ποτὲ ἡμῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τῶν πρὸ τούτου πολέμων δύναμις.
[3] Is it reasonable, then, to suppose that the condition of the conquered has been improved after so many disasters and that of the conquerors impaired after so many successes? What man in his senses would say so? I should indeed be surprised if any of you feared the numbers of the enemy, in which there are few brave men, or scorned your own army, which is so numerous and so brave that none exceeding it either in courage or in numbers was ever assembled in any of our former wars.
[1] καὶ τόδε, ὦ πολῖται, τοῦ μήτ᾽ ὀρρωδεῖν μήτ᾽ ἐκτρέπεσθαι τὰ δεινὰ μέγιστον παρακέλευσμα, ὅτι πάντες οἱ πρωτεύοντες τοῦ βουλευτικοῦ συνεδρίου πάρεισιν, ὥσπερ ὁρᾶτε, κοινὰς ὑμῖν ποιησόμενοι τὰς τοῦ πολέμου τύχας, οἷς ἀφεῖσθαι στρατείας ὅ τε χρόνος [p. 272]
[9.1] “There is also this very great encouragement to you, citizens, neither to dread nor to shirk what is formidable, that the principal members of the senate are all present as you see, ready to share the fortunes of the war in common with you, though they are permitted by both their age and the law to be exempt from military service.
[2] ὁ τῆς ἡλικίας ἀποδέδωκε καὶ ὁ νόμος. οὐκοῦν αἰσχρὸν μὲν ὑμᾶς τοὺς ἐν ἀκμῇ φεύγειν τὰ δεινά, τούτους δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἡλικίαν διώκειν, καὶ τὸ μὲν τῶν γερόντων πρόθυμον, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἀποκτεῖναί τινα δύναται τῶν πολεμίων, ἀποθνήσκειν γε ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἐθέλειν, τὸ δ᾽ ὑμέτερον ἀκμάζον, οἷς ἔξεστιν εὐτυχήσασι μὲν ἀμφότερα σῶσαι καὶ νικᾶν ἀσφαλῶς, εἰ δὲ καὶ μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δρᾶσαί τι γενναῖον καὶ παθεῖν, μήτε τῆς τύχης πεῖραν λαβεῖν, μήτε τὴν τῆς ἀρετῆς δόξαν 3 καταλιπεῖν;
[2] Would it not, then, be shameful if you who are in the vigour of life should flee from what is formidable, while these who are past the military age, pursue it, and if the zeal of the old men, since it lacks the strength to slay any of the enemy, should at least be willing to die for the fatherland, while the vigour of you young men, who have it in your power, if successful, to save both yourselves and them to be victorious, or, in case of failure, to suffer nobly while acting nobly, should neither make trial of Fortune nor leave behind you the renown that valour wins.
[3] οὐ πρὸς ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ὑπάρχειν καὶ θαυμαστὰ ἔργα παρ᾽ ἑτέροις, οὓς οὐδεὶς ὑμνήσει λόγος ἀξίως; πολλὰς δὲ καὶ περιβοήτους πράξεις οἰκείας τὸ ἐξ ὑμῶν καρπώσεται γένος, ἢν τοῦτον ἔτι κατορθώσητε τὸν πόλεμον. ἵνα δὲ καὶ τοῖς τὰ κράτιστα ὑμῶν ἐγνωκόσι τὸ γενναῖον μὴ ἀκερδὲς γένηται καὶ τοῖς πέρα τοῦ δέοντος τὰ δεινὰ πεφοβημένοις μὴ ἀζήμιον ᾖ, πρὶν εἰς ταῦτα ἐλθεῖν, οἵων ἑκατέροις συμβήσεται τυχεῖν, ἀκούσατέ μου.
[3] Is it not an incentive to you, Romans, that just as you have before your eyes the record of the many wonderful deeds performed by your fathers, whom no words can adequately praise, so your posterity while reap the fruits of many illustrious feats of your own, if you achieve success in this war also? To the end, therefore, that neither the bravery of those among you who have chosen the best course may go unrewarded, nor the fears of such as dread what is formidable more than is fitting go unpunished, learn from me, before we enter this engagement, what it will be the fate of each of them to receive.
[4] ᾧ μὲν [p. 273] ἄν τι καλὸν ἢ γενναῖον ἐν τῇ μάχῃ διαπραξαμένῳ μαρτυρήσωσιν οἱ τὰ ἔργα συνειδότες τάς τ᾽ ἄλλας ἀποδώσω παραχρῆμα τιμάς, ἃς ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἑκάστοις ἐθισμῶν ὑπάρχει φέρεσθαι, καὶ γῆς ἔτι προσθήσω κλῆρον, ἐξ ἧς κέκτηται τὸ δημόσιον, ἱκανὸν ποιῆσαι ὡς μηδενὸς τῶν ἀναγκαίων δεηθῆναι: ᾧ δ᾽ ἂν ἡ κακὴ καὶ θεοβλαβὴς διάνοια φυγῆς ἀσχήμονος ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβάλῃ, τούτῳ τὸν φευγόμενον ἀγχοῦ παραστήσω θάνατον: κρείττων γὰρ ἂν ἑαυτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις γένοιτο ὁ τοιοῦτος πολίτης ἀποθανών: καὶ περιέσται τοῖς οὕτως ἀποθανοῦσι μήτε ταφῆς μήτε τῶν ἄλλων νομίμων μεταλαβεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀζήλοις ἀκλαύστοις ὑπ᾽ οἰωνῶν τε καὶ θηρίων διαφορηθῆναι.
[4] To anyone who performs any great or brave deed in this battle, as proved by the testimony of those acquainted with his actions, I will not only give at once all the usual honours which it is in the power of every man to win in accordance with our ancestral customs, but will also add a portion of the land owned by the state, sufficient to secure him from any lack of the necessities of life. But if a cowardly and infatuate mind shall suggest to anyone an inclination to shameful flight, to him I will bring home the very death he endeavoured to avoid; for such a citizen were better dead, both for his own sake and for that of others. And it will be the fate of those put to death in such a manner to be honoured neither with burial nor with any of the other customary rites, but unenvied and unlamented, to be torn to pieces by birds and beasts of prey.
[5] ταῦτα δὴ προεγνωκότες ἴτε προθύμως ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, λαβόντες καλὰς ἐλπίδας ἔργων καλῶν ἡγεμόνας, ὡς ἐν ἑνὶ τῷδε κινδύνῳ τὸ κράτιστον καὶ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν ἅπασι τέλος λαβόντι τὰ μέγιστα ἕξοντες ἀγαθά, φόβου τυράννων ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐλευθερώσοντες, πόλει τῇ γειναμένῃ τροφείων δικαίας ἀπαιτούσῃ χάριτας ἀποδώσοντες, παῖδας, ὅσοις εἰσὶν ὑμῶν ἔτι νήπιοι, καὶ γαμετὰς γυναῖκας οὐ περιοψόμενοι παθεῖν πρὸς ἐχθρῶν ἀνήκεστα, γηραιούς τε πατέρας τὸν ὀλίγον ἔτι χρόνον ἥδιστον βιῶναι παρασκευάσοντες.
[5] Knowing these things beforehand, then, do you all cheerfully enter the engagement, taking fair hopes as your guides to fair deeds, assured that by the hazard of this one battle, if it be attended by the best outcome and the one we all wish for, you will obtain the greatest of all advantages: you will free yourselves from the fear of tyrants, will repay to your country that gave you birth the gratitude she justly requires of you for your rearing, will save your children who are still infants and your wedded wives from suffering irreparable outrages at the hands of the enemy, and will render the short time your aged fathers have yet to live most agreeable to them.
[6] ὦ μακάριοι μέν, οἷς ἂν ἐκγένηται τὸν ἐκ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου θρίαμβον καταγαγεῖν, ὑποδεχομένων ὑμᾶς τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ πατέρων: εὐκλεεῖς δὲ καὶ ζηλωτοὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς οἱ τὰ σώματα [p. 274] χαριούμενοι τῇ πατρίδι. ἀποθανεῖν μὲν γὰρ ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ὀφείλεται, κακοῖς τε καὶ ἀγαθοῖς: καλῶς δὲ καὶ ἐνδόξως μόνοις τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς.
[6] Oh, happy those among you to whom it shall be given to celebrate the triumph for this war, while your children, your wives and your parents welcome you back! But glorious and envied for their bravery will those be who shall sacrifice their lives for their country. Death, indeed, is decreed to all men, both the cowardly and the brave; but an honourable and a glorious death comes to the brave alone.”
[1] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος τὰ εἰς τὸ γενναῖον ἐπαγωγὰ θάρσος τι δαιμόνιον ἐμπίπτει τῇ στρατιᾷ, καὶ ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς ψυχῆς ἅπαντες ἀνεβόησαν ἅμα: θάρσει τε καὶ ἄγε. καὶ ὁ Ποστόμιος ἐπαινέσας τὸ πρόθυμον αὐτῶν καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς εὐξάμενος, ἐὰν εὐτυχὲς καὶ καλὸν τέλος ἀκολουθήσῃ τῇ μάχῃ, θυσίας τε μεγάλας ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐπιτελέσειν χρημάτων καὶ ἀγῶνας καταστήσεσθαι πολυτελεῖς, οὓς ἄξει ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ἀνὰ
[10.1] While he was still speaking these words to spur them to valour, a kind of confidence inspired by Heaven seized the army and they all, as if with a single soul, cried out together, “Be of good courage and lead us on.” Postumius commended their alacrity and made a vow to the gods that if the battle were attended with a happy and glorious outcome, he would offer great and expensive sacrifices and institute costly games to be celebrated annually by the Roman people; after which he dismissed his men to their ranks.
[2] πᾶν ἔτος, ἀπέλυσεν ἐπὶ τὰς τάξεις. ὡς δὲ τὸ σύνθημα τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων παρέλαβον καὶ τὰ παρακλητικὰ τῆς μάχης αἱ σάλπιγγες ἐνεκελεύσαντο, ἐχώρουν ἀλαλάξαντες ὁμόσε, πρῶτον μὲν οἱ ψιλοί τε καὶ ἱππεῖς ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων, ἔπειθ᾽ αἱ πεζαὶ φάλαγγες ὁπλισμούς τε καὶ τάξεις ὁμοίας ἔχουσαι: καὶ γίνεται πάντων ἀναμὶξ μαχομένων καρτερὸς ἀγὼν καὶ ἐν χερσὶ πᾶσα ἡ μάχη.
[2] And when they had received the watchword from their commanders and the trumpets had sounded the charge, they gave a shout and fell to, first, the light-armed men and the horse on each side, then the solid ranks of foot, who were armed and drawn up alike; and all mingling, a severe battle ensued in which every man fought hand to hand.
[3] ὡς δὲ πολὺ τὸ παράλογον ἀμφοτέροις τῆς δόξης ἦν: οὐδέτεροι γὰρ ἐλπίσαντες μάχης δεήσειν σφίσιν, ἀλλὰ τῇ πρώτῃ ἐφόδῳ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπολαβόντες φοβήσειν, Λατῖνοι μὲν τῷ πλήθει τῆς σφετέρας ἵππου πιστεύσαντες, ἧς οὐδὲ τὸ ῥόθιον ᾤοντο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἱππεῖς ἀνέξεσθαι, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῷ τολμηρῶς: καὶ ἀπερισκέπτως ἐπὶ τὰ δεινὰ χωροῦντες καταπλήξεσθαι [p. 275] τοὺς πολεμίους: ταῦτα ὑπὲρ ἀλλήλων καταδοξάσαντες ἐν ἀρχαῖς τἀναντία ἑώρων γινόμενα. οὐκέτι δὲ τὸ τῶν ἀντιπολεμίων δέος, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἴδιον θάρσος ἑκάτεροι τοῦ τε σωθήσεσθαι καὶ τοῦ νικήσειν αἴτιον σφίσι νομίσαντες ἀγαθοὶ μαχηταὶ καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἐφάνησαν. ἐγίνοντο δὲ ποικίλαι καὶ ἀγχίστροφοι περὶ αὐτοὺς αἱ τοῦ ἀγῶνος τύχαι.
[3] However, both sides were extremely deceived in the opinion they had entertained of each other, for neither of them thought a battle would be necessary, but expected to put the enemy to flight at the first onset. The Latins, trusting in the superiority of their horse, concluded that the Roman horse would not be able even to sustain their onset; and the Romans were confident that by rushing into the midst of danger in a daring and reckless manner they should terrify their enemies. Having formed these opinions of one another in the beginning, they now saw everything turning out just the opposite. Each side, therefore, no longer founding their hopes of safety and of victory on the fear of the enemy, but on their own courage, showed themselves brave soldiers even beyond their strength. And various and sudden shifting fortunes marked their struggle.
[1] πρῶτον μὲν οὖν οἱ κατὰ μέσην τὴν φάλαγγα τεταγμένοι Ῥωμαίων, ἔνθα ὁ δικτάτωρ Ποστούμιος ἦν λογάδας ἔχων περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν πρώτοις μαχόμενος, τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐξωθοῦσι μέρος, τρωθέντος ὑσσῷ τὸν δεξιὸν ὦμον θατέρου τῶν Ταρκυνίου παίδων Τίτου καὶ μηκέτι δυναμένου τῇ χειρὶ
[11.1] First, the Romans posted in the centre of the line, where the dictator stood with a chosen body of horse about him, he himself fighting among the foremost, forced back that part of the enemy that stood opposite to them, after Titus, one of the sons of Tarquinius, had been wounded in the right shoulder with a javelin and was no longer able to use his arm.
[2] χρῆσθαι. Λικίννιος μὲν γὰρ καὶ οἱ περὶ Γέλλιον οὐδὲν ἐξητακότες οὔτε τῶν εἰκότων οὔτε τῶν δυνατῶν αὐτὸν εἰσάγουσι τὸν βασιλέα Ταρκύνιον ἀγωνιζόμενον ἀφ᾽ ἵππου καὶ τιτρωσκόμενον, ἄνδρα ἐνενήκοντα ἔτεσι προσάγοντα. πεσόντος δὲ Τίτου μικρὸν ἀγωνισάμενοι χρόνον οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἔμψυχον ἀράμενοι γενναῖον οὐδὲν ἔτι ἔπραξαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεχώρουν ἐπιοῦσι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπὶ πόδα: ἔπειτ᾽ αὖθις ἔστησάν τε καὶ εἰς ἀντίπαλα ἐχώρουν, θατέρου τῶν Ταρκυνίου παίδων Σέξτου μετὰ τῶν ἐκ Ῥώμης φυγάδων τε καὶ τῶν [p. 276]
[2] Licinius and Gellius, indeed, without inquiring into the probabilities or possibilities of the matter, introduce King Tarquinius himself, a man approaching ninety years of age, fighting on horseback and wounded. When Titus had fallen, those about him, after fighting a little while and taking him up while he was yet alive, showed no bravery after that, but retired by degrees as the Romans advanced. Afterwards they again stood their ground and advanced against the enemy when Sextus, the other son of Tarquinius, came to their relief with the Roman exiles and the flower of the horse.
[3] ἄλλων ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων ἐπιβοηθήσαντος αὐτοῖς. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν πάλιν ἀναλαβόντες: αὑτοὺς ἐμάχοντο, οἱ δὲ τῆς φάλαγγος ἡγεμόνες ἑκατέρας Τῖτος Αἰβούτιος καὶ Μαμίλιος Ὀκταούιος λαμπρότατα πάντων ἀγωνιζόμενοι, καὶ τρέποντες μὲν τοὺς ὑφισταμένους καθ᾽ ὃ χωρήσειαν μέρος, ἀντικαθιστάντες δὲ τῶν σφετέρων τοὺς θορυβηθέντας, χωροῦσιν ἐκ προκλήσεως ὁμόσε, καὶ συρράξαντες πληγὰς κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων φέρουσιν ἰσχυράς, οὐ μὴν καιρίους, ὁ μὲν ἱππάρχης εἰς τὰ στέρνα τοῦ Μαμιλίου διὰ θώρακος ἐλάσας τὴν αἰχμἠν, ὁ δὲ Μαμίλιος μέσον περονήσας τὸν δεξιὸν ἐκείνου βραχίονα: καὶ πίπτουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων.
[3] These, therefore, recovering themselves, fought again. In the meantime Titus Aebutius and Mamilius Octavius, the commanders of the foot on either side, fought the most brilliantly of all, driving their opponents before them wherever they charged and rallying those of their own men who had become disordered; and, then, challenging each other, they came to blows and in the encounter gave one another grievous wounds, though not mortal, the Master of the Horse driving his spear through the corslet of Mamilius into his breast, and Mamilius running the other through the middle of his right arm; and both fell from their horses.
[1] ἀποκομισθέντων δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἐκ τῆς μάχης ὁ τεταγμένος αὖθις πρεσβευτὴς Μάρκος Οὐαλέριος τὴν τοῦ ἱππάρχου παρειληφὼς ἡγεμονίαν, ἐπιστὰς σὺν τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱππεῦσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ μικρὸν ἀντισχὼν χρόνον ἐξωθεῖται ταχέως τῆς τάξεως ἐπὶ πολύ: ἧκον δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἐκ τῶν φυγάδων τῶν ἐκ Ῥώμης ἱππέων τε καὶ ψιλῶν βοήθειαι, καὶ ὁ Μαμίλιος ἀνειληφὼς ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἑαυτὸν ἤδη παρῆν αὖθις ἄγων πλῆθος ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν καρτερόν: ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἀγῶνι ὅ τε πρεσβευτὴς Μάρκος Οὐαλέριος, ὁ τὸν κατὰ Σαβίνων πρῶτος καταγαγὼν θρίαμβον καὶ τὸ φρόνημα τῆς πόλεως τεταπεινωμένον ἐκ [p. 277] τοῦ Τυρρηνικοῦ πταίσματος ἀναστήσας, δόρατι πληγεὶς πίπτει, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλοι Ῥωμαίων πολλοὶ καὶ
[12.1] Both of these leaders having been carried off the field, Marcus Valerius, who had again been appointed legate, took over the command of the Master of the Horse and with his followers attacked those of the enemy who confronted him; and after a brief resistance on their part he speedily drove them far out of the line. But to this body of the enemy also came reinforcements from the Roman exiles, both horse and light-armed men; and Mamilius, having by this time recovered from his wound, appeared on the field again at the head of a strong body both of horse and foot. In this action not only Marcus Valerius, the legate, fell, wounded with a spear (he was the man who had first triumphed over the Sabines and raised the spirit of the commonwealth when dejected by the defeat it had received at the hands of the Tyrrhenians), but also many other brave Romans at his side.
[2] ἀγαθοί. περὶ δὲ τῷ πτώματι αὐτοῦ γίνεται καρτερὸς ἀγὼν Ποπλίου καὶ Μάρκου τῶν Ποπλικόλα παίδων τὸν θεῖον ὑπερασπισάντων. ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὖν ἀσκύλευτόν τε: καὶ μικρὸν ἔτι ἐμπνέοντα τοῖς ὑπασπισταῖς ἀναθέντες ἀπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ εἰς μέσους τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπὸ λήματός τε καὶ προθυμίας ὠσάμενοι καὶ πολλὰ τραύματα λαβόντες, ἀθρόων περιχυθέντων σφίσι τῶν φυγάδων, ἀποθνήσκουσιν ἅμα.
[2] A sharp conflict took place over his body, as Publius and Marcus, the sons of publicola, protected their uncle with their shields; but they delivered him to their shield-bearers undespoiled and still breathing a little, and sent him back to the camp. For their own part, such was their courage and ardour, they thrust themselves into the midst of the enemy, and receiving many wounds, as the Roman exiles pressed closely round them, they perished together.
[3] ἐξωθεῖται δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος ἡ Ῥωμαίων φάλαγξ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ μέχρι τῶν μέσων παρερρήγνυτο. ἔπειτα μαθὼν ὁ δικτάτωρ τὴν τροπὴν τῶν σφετέρων, ἐβοήθει κατὰ τάχος ἄγων τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς. κελεύσας δὲ τὸν ἕτερον πρεσβευτήν, Τῖτον Ἑρμήνιον, ἴλην ἱππέων ἄγοντα κατὰ νώτου χωρεῖν τῆς σφετέρας φάλαγγος καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐπιστρέφειν, εἰ δὲ μὴ πείθοιντο ἀποκτεῖναι, αὐτὸς ἅμα τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπὶ τὸ στῖφος ὠθεῖται, κἀπειδὴ πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων ἐγένετο πρῶτος εἰσελαύνει τὸν ἵππον ἀφειμένων τῶν χαλινῶν.
[3] After this misfortune the line of the Romans was forced to give way on the left for a long distance and was being broken even to the centre. When the dictator learned of the rout of his men, he hastened to their assistance with the horse he had about him. And ordering the other legate, Titus Herminius, to take a top of horse, and passing behind their own lines, to force the men who fled to face about, and if they refused obedience to kill them, he himself with the best of his men pushed on towards the thick of the conflict; and when he came near the enemy, he spurred on ahead of the rest with a loose rein.
[4] ἀθρόας δὲ γενομένης καὶ καταπληκτικῆς τῆς ἐλάσεως οὐ δεξάμενοι τὸ μανικὸν αὐτῶν καὶ τεθηριωμένον οἱ πολέμιοι τρέπονται καὶ πίπτουσι συχνοί. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ὁ πρεσβευτὴς [p. 278] Ἑρμήνιος ἀνειληφὼς τοὺς φοβηθέντας ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς τῶν σφετέρων ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μαμίλιον συνεστῶτας: καὶ συμπεσὼν αὐτῷ μεγίστῳ τε ὄντι καὶ ῥώμην ἀρίστῳ τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν τότε ἀνθρώπων ἐκεῖνόν τ᾽ ἀποκτείνει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ σκυλεύειν τὸν νεκρὸν πληγεὶς ὑπό τινος ξίφει διὰ τῆς λαγόνος ἀποθνήσκει.
[4] And as they all charged in a body in this terrifying manner, the enemy, unable to sustain their frenzied and savage onset, fled and many of them fell. In the meantime the legate Herminius also, having rallied from their route those of his men who had been put to flight, brought them up and attacked the troops arrayed under Mamilius; and encountering this general, who both for stature and strength was the best man of his time, he not only killed him, but was slain himself while he was despoiling the body, someone having pierced his flank with a sword.
[5] Σέξτος δὲ Ταρκύνιος τοῦ λαιοῦ τῶν Λατίνων κέρατος ἡγούμενος ἀντεῖχεν ἔτι τοῖς δεινοῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κέρατος ἐξεώθει τῆς στάσεως: ὡς δὲ τὸν Ποστόμιον ἐθεάσατο σὺν τοῖς ἐπιλέκτοις ἱππεῦσιν ἐπιφερόμενον ἀπογνοὺς ἁπάσης: ἐλπίδος εἰς μέσους αὐτοὺς ἵεται: ἔνθα δὴ κυκλωθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν καὶ βαλλόμενος πανταχόθεν ὥσπερ θηρίον, οὐκ ἄνευ τοῦ πολλοὺς ἀποκτεῖναι τῶν ὁμόσε χωρησάντων ἀποθνήσκει. πεσόντων δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ἀθρόα γίνεται πάντων αὐτίκα τῶν Λατίνων φυγὴ καὶ τοῦ χάρακος αὐτῶν ἐρήμου καταλειφθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν φυλάκων ἅλωσις, ὅθεν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πολλὰς καὶ καλὰς ἔλαβον ὠφελείας.
[5] Sextus Tarquinius, who commanded the left wing of the Latins, still held out against all the dangers that beset him, and was forcing the right wing of the Romans to give way. But when he saw Postumius suddenly appear with the flower of the horse, he gave over all hope and rushed into the midst of the enemy’s ranks, where, being surrounded by the Romans, both horse and foot, and assaulted on all sides with missiles, like a wild beast, he perished, but not before he had killed many of those who came to close quarters with him. Their leaders having fallen, the Latins at once fled en masse, and their camp, abandoned by the men who had been left to guard it, was captured; from this camp the Romans took much valuable booty.
[6] συμφορά τε αὕτη μεγίστη Λατίνοις ἐγένετο, δι᾽ ἣν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκακώθησαν, καὶ φθόρος σωμάτων, ὅσος οὔπω πρότερον: ἀπὸ γὰρ τετρακισμυρίων πεζῶν καὶ τρισχιλίων ἱππέων, ὥσπερ ἔφην, οἱ λειφθέντες ἐλάττους μυρίων ἐσώθησαν ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα.
[6] Not only was this a very great defeat for the Latins, from the disastrous effects of which they suffered a very long time, but their losses were greater than ever before. For out of 40,000 foot and 3000 horse, as I have said, less than 10,000 survivors returned to their homes in safety.
[1] ἐν ταύτῃ λέγονται τῇ μάχῃ Ποστομίῳ τε [p. 279] τῷ δικτάτορι καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν τεταγμένοις ἱππεῖς δύο φανῆναι, κάλλει τε καὶ μεγέθει μακρῷ κρείττους, ὧν ἡ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς φύσις ἐκφέρει, ἐναρχόμενοι γενειᾶν, ἡγούμενοί τε τῆς Ῥωμαικῆς ἵππου καὶ τοὺς ὁμόσε χωροῦντας τῶν Λατίνων παίοντες τοῖς δόρασι καὶ προτροπάδην ἐλαύνοντες. καὶ μετὰ τὴν τροπὴν τῶν Λατίνων καὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν τοῦ χάρακος αὐτῶν περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν τὸ τέλος λαβούσης τῆς μάχης, ἐν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀγορᾷ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὀφθῆναι δύο νεανίσκοι λέγονται, πολεμικὰς ἐνδεδυκότες στολὰς μήκιστοί τε καὶ κάλλιστοι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡλικίαν ἔχοντες, αὐτοί τε φυλάττοντες ἐπὶ τῶν προσώπων ὡς ἐκ μάχης ἡκόντων τὸ ἐναγώνιον σχῆμα, καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι διαβρόχους ἐπαγόμενοι.
[13.1] It is said that in this battle two men on horseback, far excelling in both beauty and stature those our human stock produces, and just growing their first beard, appeared to Postumius, the dictator, and to those arrayed about him, and charged at the head of the Roman horse, striking with their spears all the Latins they encountered and driving them headlong before them. And after the flight of the Latins and the capture of their camp, the battle having come to an end in the late afternoon, two youths are said to have appeared in the same manner in the Roman Forum attired in military garb, very tall and beautiful and of the same age, themselves retaining on their countenances as having come from a battle, the look of combatants, and the horses they led being all in a sweat.
[2] ἄρσαντες δὲ τῶν ἵππων ἑκάτερον καὶ ἀπονίψαντες ἀπὸ τῆς λιβάδος, ἣ παρὰ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἑστίας ἀναδίδωσι λίμνην ποιοῦσα ἐμβύθιον ὀλίγην, πολλῶν αὐτοὺς περιστάντων καὶ εἴ τι φέρουσιν ἐπὶ κοινὸν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου μαθεῖν ἀξιούντων, τήν τε μάχην αὐτοῖς φράζουσιν, ὡς ἐγένετο καὶ ὅτι νικῶσιν: οὓς μεταχωρήσαντας ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἔτι λέγουσιν ὀφθῆναι, πολλὴν ζήτησιν αὐτῶν ποιουμένου [p. 280]
[2] And when they had each of them watered their horses and washed them at the fountain which rises near the temple of Vesta and forms a small but deep pool, and many people stood about them and inquired if they brought any news from the camp, they related how the battle had gone and that the Romans were the victors. And it is said that after they left the Forum they were not seen again by anyone, though great search was made for them by the man who had been left in command of the city.
[3] τοῦ καταλειφθέντος τῆς πόλεως ἡγεμόνος. ὡς δὲ τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ τὰς παρὰ τοῦ δικτάτορος ἐπιστολὰς ἔλαβον οἱ τῶν κοινῶν προεστῶτες, καὶ σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι τοῖς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γενομένοις καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἐπιφανείας τῶν δαιμόνων ἔμαθον, νομίσαντες τῶν αὐτῶν θεῶν εἶναι ἄμφω τὰ φάσματα ὥσπερ εἰκὸς Διοσκούρων ἐπείσθησαν εἶναι τὰ εἴδωλα.
[3] The next day, when those at the head of affairs received the letters from the dictator, and besides the other particulars of the battle, learned also of the appearance of the divinities, they concluded, as we may reasonably infer, that it was the same gods who had appeared in both places, and were convinced that the apparitions had been those of Castor and Pollux.
[4] ταύτης ἐστὶ τῆς παραδόξου καὶ θαυμαστῆς τῶν δαιμόνων ἐπιφανείας ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολλὰ σημεῖα, ὅ τε νεὼς ὁ τῶν Διοσκούρων, ὃν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς κατεσκεύασεν ἡ πόλις, ἔνθα ὤφθη τὰ εἴδωλα, καὶ ἡ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ κρήνη καλουμένη τε τῶν θεῶν τούτων καὶ ἱερὰ εἰς τόδε χρόνου νομιζομένη, θυσίαι τε πολυτελεῖς, ἃς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ὁ δῆμος ἐπιτελεῖ διὰ τῶν μεγίστων ἱερέων ἐν μηνὶ Κυιντιλίῳ λεγομένῳ ταῖς καλουμέναις εἰδοῖς, ἐν ᾗ κατώρθωσαν ἡμέρᾳ τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον: ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα δὲ ταῦτα ἡ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐπιτελουμένη πομπὴ τῶν ἐχόντων τὸν δημόσιον ἵππον, οἳ κατὰ φυλάς τε καὶ λόχους κεκοσμημένοι στοιχηδὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀχούμενοι πορεύονται πάντες, ὡς ἐκ μάχης ἥκοντες ἐστεφανωμένοι θαλλοῖς ἐλαίας, καὶ πορφυρᾶς φοινικοπαρύφους ἀμπεχόμενοι τηβέννας τὰς καλουμένας τραβέας, ἀρξάμενοι μὲν ἀφ᾽ ἱεροῦ τινος Ἄρεος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἱδρυμένου, διεξιόντες δὲ τήν τ᾽ ἄλλην πόλιν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς παρὰ τὸ τῶν Διοσκούρων ἱερὸν παρερχόμενοι, ἄνδρες ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι [p. 281] φέροντες, ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἀριστεῖα ἔλαβον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, καλὴ καὶ ἀξία τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὄψις. ταῦτα μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς γενομένης ἐπιφανείας τῶν Διοσκούρων λεγόμενά τε καὶ πραττόμενα ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔμαθον:
[4] Of this extraordinary and wonderful appearance of these gods there are many monuments at Rome, not only the temple of Castor and Pollux which the city erected in the Forum at the place where their apparitions had been seen, and the adjacent fountain, which bears the names of these gods and is to this day regarded as holy, but also the costly sacrifices which the people perform each year through their chief priests in the month called Quintilis, on the day known as the Ides, the day on which they gained this victory. But above all these things there is the procession performed after the sacrifice by those who have a public horse and who, being arrayed by tribes and centuries, ride in regular ranks on horseback, as if they came from battle, crowned with olive branches and attired in the purple robes with stripes of scarlet which they call trabeae. They begin their procession from a certain temple of Mars built outside the walls, and going through several parts of the city and the Forum, they pass by the temple of Castor and Pollux, sometimes to the number even of five thousand, wearing whatever rewards for valour in battle they have received from their commanders, a fine sight and worthy of the greatness of the Roman dominion.
[5] ἐξ ὧν τεκμήραιτ᾽ ἄν τις, ὡς θεοφιλεῖς ἦσαν οἱ τότε ἄνθρωποι, σὺν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις.
[5] These are the things I have found both related and performed by the Romans in commemoration of the appearance of Castor and Pollux; and from these, as well as from many other important instances, one may judge how dear to the gods were the men of those times.
[1] ὁ δὲ Ποστόμιος ἐκείνην μὲν τὴν νύκτα κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ στεφανώσας τοὺς ἀριστεύσαντας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φυλάττεσθαι διαδοὺς ἔθυε τὰ νικητήρια τοῖς θεοῖς. ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν στέφανον ἐπικειμένῳ καὶ τὰς ὑπερπύρους ἀπαρχὰς τοῖς βωμοῖς ἐπιτιθέντι σκοποί τινες ἀπὸ τῶν μετεώρων καταδραμόντες ἀγγέλλουσι πολέμιον ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἐλαύνειν στρατόν. ἦν δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ Οὐολούσκων ἔθνους ἐπίλεκτος ἀκμὴ σύμμαχος ἀπεσταλμένη Λατίνοις, πρὶν ἢ τὴν μάχην αὐτῶν ἐπιτελεσθῆναι.
[14.1] Postumius encamped that night on the field and the next day he crowned those who had distinguished themselves in the battle; and having appointed guards to take care of the prisoners, he proceeded to offer to the gods the sacrifices in honour of the victory. While he still wore the garland on his head and was laying the first burnt offerings on the altars, some scouts, running down from the heights, brought him word that a hostile army was marching against them. It consisted of chosen youth of the Volscian nation who had been sent out, before the battle was ended, to assist the Latins.
[2] ὡς δὲ δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἔγνω, χωρεῖν ἅπαντας ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ μένειν ἐν τῷ χάρακι παρὰ ταῖς ἰδίαις ἕκαστον σημαίαις σιγὴν καὶ κόσμον φυλάττοντας, ἕως ἂν αὐτὸς ἃ χρὴ πράττειν παραγγείλῃ. οἱ δὲ τῶν Οὐολούσκων ἡγεμόνες ἐξ ἀπόπτου τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρεμβαλόντες ὡς εἶδον μεστὸν μὲν τὸ πεδίον νεκρῶν, ὀρθοὺς δὲ τοὺς χάρακας ἀμφοτέρους, προιόντα δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐρυμάτων οὔτε πολέμιον οὔτε φίλον οὐδένα, τέως μὲν ἐθαύμαζον καὶ τίς ἦν ἡ κατειληφυῖα τύχη τὰ [p. 282] πράγματα ἀπόρως εἶχον συμβάλλειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ τῶν ἀνασωζομένων ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ἅπαντα τὰ περὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἔμαθον, ἐσκόπουν μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμόνων,
[2] Upon hearing of this he ordered all his men and to stay in the camp, each under his own standards, maintaining silence and keeping their ranks till he himself should give the word what to do. On the other side, the generals of the Volscians, encamping out of sight of the Romans, when they saw the field covered with dead bodies and both camps intact, and no one, either enemy or friend, stirring out of the entrenchments, were for some time amazed and at a loss to guess what turn of fortune had produced this state of affairs. But when they had learned all about the battle from those who were making their escape from the rout, they consulted with the other leaders what was to be done.
[3] τί χρὴ πράττειν. τοῖς μὲν οὖν θρασυτάτοις αὐτῶν ἐδόκει κράτιστον εἶναι χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐξ ἐφόδου, τέως πολλοὶ μὲν ἔκαμον ὑπὸ τραυμάτων, ἀπειρήκεσάν θ᾽ ἅπαντες ὑπὸ κόπου ὅπλα τε ἄχρηστα τοῖς πλείστοις ἦν, τὰ μὲν ἀπεστομωμένα τὰς ἀκμάς, τὰ δὲ κατεαγότα καὶ βοήθεια παρὰ τῶν οἴκοθεν ἀκραιφνὴς οὔπω παρῆν οὐδεμία αὐτοῖς, ἡ δὲ σφῶν αὐτῶν δύναμις πολλή τε οὖσα καὶ ἀγαθὴ καὶ ὡπλισμένη καλῶς ἐμπειροπόλεμός τε καὶ οὐ προσδεχομένοις ἐξαπιναίως παροῦσα, φοβερὰ καὶ τοῖς εὐτολμοτάτοις φανήσεσθαι ἔμελλε.
[3] The boldest of them thought it best to attempt to take the camp of the Romans by assault, while many of the foe were still disabled from their wounds and all were exhausted by toil, and the arms of most of them were useless, some having their edges blunted and others being broken, and no fresh forces from home were yet at hand to relieve them, whereas their own army was large and valiant, splendidly armed and experienced in war, and by coming suddenly upon men who were not expecting it was sure to appear formidable even to the boldest.
[1] τοῖς δὲ σωφρονεστάτοις οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς τὸ κινδύνευμα εἶναι ἐφαίνετο, ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς τὰ πολέμιά τε καὶ νεωστὶ τὴν Λατίνων τοσαύτην δύναμιν ἀραμένοις ἄνευ συμμάχων ὁμόσε χωρεῖν μέλλοντας τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων κίνδυνον ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ ποιεῖσθαι γῇ, ἔνθα εἴ τι συμβαίη πταῖμα οὐδεμίαν ἕξουσι καταφυγὴν ἀσφαλῆ: τῆς δ᾽ οἴκαδε σωτηρίας προνοεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἠξίουν οὗτοι διὰ ταχέων καὶ μέγα κέρδος ὑπολαμβάνειν, εἰ μηδὲν ἀπολαύσουσιν ἐκ τῆς στρατείας κακόν.
[15.1] But to the most prudent among them it did not seem a safe risk to attack without allies men who were valiant warriors and had just destroyed so great an army of the Latins, as they would be putting everything to the hazard in a foreign country where, if any misfortune happened, they would have no place of refuge. These advised, therefore, to provide rather for a safe retreat to their own country as soon as possible and to look upon it as a great gain if they sustained no loss from this expedition.
[2] ἑτέροις δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐδέτερον ἐδόκει χρῆναι ποιεῖν, νεανικὸν μὲν ἀποφαίνουσι τὸ πρόχειρον τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ὁρμῆς, αἰσχρὸν δὲ τὸ παράλογον τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα φυγῆς, ὡς κατ᾽ εὐχὴν ληψομένων τῶν πολεμίων, ὁπότερον ἂν αὐτῶν ποιήσωσι. γνώμη δὲ [p. 283] τούτων ἦν ἐν μὲν τῷ παρόντι κρατύνασθαι τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα εὐτρεπίζεσθαι, πέμποντας δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους Οὐολούσκους δυεῖν θάτερον ἀξιοῦν ἢ δύναμιν ἑτέραν πέμπειν ἀξιόχρεων ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους,
[2] But still others disapproved of both these courses, declaring that readiness to rush into battle was mere youthful bravado, while unreasoning flight back to their own country was shameful; for, whichever of these courses they took, the enemy would regard it as being just what they desired. The opinion of these, therefore, was that at present they ought to fortify their camp and get everything in readiness for a battle, and that, dispatching messengers to the rest of the Volscians, they should ask them to do one of the two things, either to send another army that would be a match for that of the Romans or to recall the army they had already sent out.
[3] ἢ καὶ τὴν ἀπεσταλμένην μετακαλεῖν. ἡ δὲ πιθανωτάτη τοῖς πλείστοις φανεῖσα καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τέλει κυρωθεῖσα γνώμη ταῦτα παρῄνει, πέμψαι τινὰς εἰς τὸν χάρακα τῶν Ῥωμαίων: κατασκόπους ὀνόματι πρεσβευτῶν ἕξοντας τὸ ἀσφαλές, οἳ δεξιώσονται τὸν ἡγεμόνα καὶ φράσουσιν, ὅτι σύμμαχοι Ῥωμαίων ἥκοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Οὐολούσκων ἄχθονται μὲν ὑστερήσαντες τῆς μάχης, ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἢ μικράν τινα τῆς προθυμίας χάριν οἰσόμενοι, τῇ δ᾽ ἐξ ἐκείνων τύχῃ μέγαν ἀγῶνα δίχα συμμάχων κατωρθωκότων συνήδονται: ἐξαπατήσαντες δ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τῶν λόγων καὶ πιστεύειν ὡς φίλοις σφίσι κατασκευάσαντες, ἅπαντα κατασκέψονται καὶ δηλώσουσιν ἀφικόμενοι πλῆθός τ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπλισμοὺς καὶ παρασκευὰς καὶ εἴ τι κατὰ νοῦν ἔχουσι πράττειν. ὅταν δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκριβῶς σφίσι γένηται φανερά, τότε προθεῖναι βουλήν, εἴτ᾽ ἐπιχειρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἄμεινον εἴη προσμεταπεμψαμένοις δύναμιν ἑτέραν, εἴτε καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀπάγειν.
[3] But the opinion that prevailed with the majority and received the sanction of those in authority was to send spies to the Roman camp, assured of safety under the title of ambassadors, who should greet the general and say that, as allies of the Romans sent by the Volscian nation, they were sorry they had come too late for the battle, since they would now received little or no thanks for their zeal; but anyway they congratulated the Romans upon their good fortune in having won a great battle without the assistance of allies; then, after the ambassadors had tricked the Romans by the friendliness of their words and had got them to confide in the Volscians as their friends, they were to spy out everything and bring back word concerning the Romans’ strength, their arms, their preparations, and anything they were planning to do. And when the Volscians should be thoroughly acquainted with these matters, they should then take counsel whether it was better to send for another army and attack the Romans or to return home with their present force.
[1] ὡς δὲ ταύτῃ προσέθεντο τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ οἱ προχειρισθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πρέσβεις ἀφικόμενοι πρὸς τὸν δικτάτορα καὶ παραχθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν διεξῆλθον [p. 284] τοὺς ἐξαπατήσοντας λόγους, ὀλίγον ἐπισχὼν ὁ Ποστόμιος χρόνον πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἶπε: πονηρὰ βουλεύματα, ὦ Οὐολοῦσκοι, χρηστοῖς λόγοις ἀμφιέσαντες ἥκετε: καὶ πολεμίων ἔργα πράττοντες φίλων ἐξενέγκασθαι 4 βούλεσθε δόξαν.
[16.1] After they had adopted this proposal, the ambassadors they had chosen came to the dictator, and being brought before the assembly, delivered their messages that were intended to deceive the Romans. And Postumius, after a short pause, said to them: “You have brought with you, Volscians, evil designs clothed in good words, and while you perform hostile acts, you want us to regard you as friends.
[2] ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἀπέσταλθε ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ Λατίνοις συμμαχήσοντες καθ᾽ ἡμῶν, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὕστεροι τῆς μάχης ἥκετε καὶ κρατουμένους αὐτοὺς ὁρᾶτε, παρακρούσασθαι βούλεσθε ἡμᾶς τἀναντία, ὧν ἐμέλλετε πράττειν, λέγοντες. καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἡ φιλανθρωπία τῶν λόγων, ἣν πλάττεσθε πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν οὐδὲ τὸ προσποίημα ὑμῶν τῆς δεῦρο ἀφίξεως ὑγιές ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ μεστὸν δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης. οὐ γὰρ συνησθησόμενοι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐξαπέσταλθε, ἀλλὰ κατασκεψόμενοι, πῶς ἡμῖν ἀσθενείας ἢ δυνάμεως τὰ πράγματα ἔχει: καί ἐστε πρεσβευταὶ μὲν λόγῳ, κατάσκοποι δ᾽ ἔργῳ.
[2] For you were sent by your nation to assist the Latins against us, but arriving after the battle and seeing them overcome, you wish to deceive us by saying the very opposite of what you intended to do. And neither the friendliness of your words, simulated for the present occasion, nor the pretence under which you are come hither, is sincere, but is full of fraud and deceit. For you were sent, not to congratulate us upon our good fortune, but to spy out the weakness or the strength of our condition; and while you are ambassadors in name, you are spies in reality.”
[3] ἀρνουμένων δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντα τῶν ἀνδρῶν οὐ διὰ μακροῦ τὴν πίστιν ἔφησεν αὐτοῖς παρέξεσθαι: καὶ αὐτίκα τὰς ἐπιστολὰς αὐτῶν, ἃς ἔλαβε πρὸ τῆς μάχης τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῶν Λατίνων φερομένας, ἐν αἷς ὑπισχνοῦντο αὐτοῖς πέμψειν ἐπικουρίαν, προήνεγκε, καὶ τοὺς φέροντας αὐτὰς προήγαγεν. ἀναγνωσθέντων δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων καὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἃς ἔλαβον ἐντολὰς διηγησαμένων, τὸ μὲν πλῆθος λίθοις ὥρμησε βαλεῖν τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ὡς ἑαλωκότας ἐπ᾽ [p. 285] αὐτοφώρῳ κατασκόπους, ὁ δὲ Ποστόμιος οὐκ ᾤετο δεῖν ὁμοίους γενέσθαι τοῖς κακοῖς τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς κρεῖττον εἶναι λέγων καὶ μεγαλοψυχότερον εἰς τοὺς ἀποστείλαντας φυλάττειν τὴν ὀργὴν ἢ εἰς τοὺς ἀποσταλέντας, καὶ διὰ τὸ φανερὸν ὄνομα τῆς πρεσβείας ἀφεῖναι τοὺς ἄνδρας μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὸ ἀφανὲς τῆς κατασκοπῆς ἔργον ἀπολέσαι: ἵνα μήτε Οὐολούσκοις ἀφορμὴν παράσχωσιν εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ πολέμου πρεσβευτῶν ἀνῃρῆσθαι σώματα σκηπτομένοις παρὰ τὸν ἁπάντων νόμον, μήτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔχθρας πρόφασιν αἰτίας εἶναι εἰ καὶ ψευδοῦς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀλόγου γε οὐδὲ ἀπίστου.
[3] When the men denied everything, he said he would soon offer them the proof; and straightway he produced their letters which he had intercepted before the battle as they were being carried to the commanders of the Latins, in which they promised to send them reinforcements, and produced the persons who carried the letters. After these were read out and the prisoners had given an account of the orders they had received, the soldiers were eager to stone the Volscians as spies caught in the act; but Postumius thought that good men ought not to imitate the wicked, saying it would be better and more magnanimous to reserve their anger against the senders rather than against the sent, and to let the men go in consideration of their ostensible title of ambassadors rather than to put them to death because of their disguised task of spying, lest they should give either a specious ground for war to the Volscians, who would allege that their ambassadors had been put to death contrary to the law of nations, or an excuse to their other enemies for bringing a charge which, though false, would appear neither ill-grounded nor incredible.
[1] ἐπισχὼν δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἀπιέναι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκέλευσεν ἀμεταστρεπτὶ φυλακῇ παραδοὺς ἱππέων, οἳ προύπεμψαν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Οὐολούσκων χάρακα. ἐκβαλὼν δὲ τοὺς κατασκόπους εὐτρεπίζεσθαι τὰ εἰς μάχην παρήγγειλε τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς ἐν τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ παραταξόμενος. ἐδέησε δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ μάχης: οἱ γὰρ ἡγεμόνες τῶν Οὐολούσκων πολλῆς ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης ἀναστήσαντες τὴν στρατιὰν ᾤχοντο ἐπὶ
[17.1] Having thus checked the rash impulse of the soldiers, he commanded the men to depart without looking back, and put them in charge of a guard of horse, who conducted them to the camp of the Volscians. After he had expelled the spies, he commanded the soldiers to get everything ready for battle, as if he were going to engage the next day. But he had no need of a battle, for the leaders of the Volscians broke camp before dawn and returned home.
[2] τὰ σφέτερα. ἁπάντων δὲ χωρησάντων αὐτῷ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν θάψας τοὺς οἰκείους νεκροὺς καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν καθήρας [p. 286] ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐκπρεπεῖ θριάμβῳ κοσμούμενος ὅπλων τε σωρὸν ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξαις πολλαῖς κομίζων καὶ χρημάτων στρατιωτικῶν παρασκευὰς ἀφθόνους εἰσφέρων, καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεντακοσίων ἀποδέοντας ἑξακισχιλίους ἐπαγόμενος. ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν λαφύρων ἐξελόμενος τὰς δεκάτας ἀγῶνάς τε καὶ θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς ἀπὸ τετταράκοντα ταλάντων ἐποίει καὶ ναῶν κατασκευὰς ἐξεμίσθωσε Δήμητρι καὶ Διονύσῳ καὶ Κόρῃ
[2] All things having now gone according to his wish, he buried his own dead, and having purified his army, returned to the city with the pomp of a magnificent triumph, together with huge quantities of military stores, followed by 5,500 prisoners taken in the battle. And having set apart the tithes of the spoils, he spent forty talents in performing games and sacrifices to the gods, and let contracts for the building of temples to Ceres, Liber and Libera, in fulfilment of a vow he had made.
[3] κατ᾽ εὐχήν. ἐσπάνισαν γὰρ αἱ τροφαὶ τοῦ πολέμου κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς καὶ πολὺν αὐτοῖς παρέσχον φόβον ὡς ἐπιλείψουσαι, τῆς τε γῆς ἀκάρπου γενομένης καὶ τῆς ἔξωθεν ἀγορᾶς οὐκέτι παρακομιζομένης διὰ τὸν πόλεμον. διὰ τοῦτο τὸ δέος ἀνασκέψασθαι τὰ Σιβύλλεια τοὺς φύλακας αὐτῶν κελεύσας ὡς ἔμαθεν, ὅτι τούτους ἐξιλάσασθαι τοὺς θεοὺς οἱ χρησμοὶ κελεύουσιν, εὐχὰς αὐτοῖς ἐποιήσατο μέλλων ἐξάγειν τὸν στρατόν, ἐὰν εὐετηρία γένηται κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς, οἵα πρότερον ἦν, ναούς τ᾽ αὐτοῖς καθιδρύσεσθαι καὶ
[3] It seems that provisions for the army had been scarce in the beginning, and had caused the Romans great fear that they would fail entirely, as the land had borne no crops and food from outside was no longer being imported because of the war. Because of this fear he had ordered the guardians of the Sibylline books to consult them, and finding that the oracles commanded that these gods should be propitiated, he made vows to them, when he was on the point of leading out his army, that if there should be the same abundance in the city during the time of his magistracy as before, he would build temples to them and also appoint sacrifices to be performed every year.
[4] θυσίας καταστήσεσθαι καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπακούσαντες τήν τε γῆν παρεσκεύασαν ἀνεῖναι πλουσίους καρπούς, οὐ μόνον τὴν σπόριμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δενδροφόρον, καὶ τὰς ἐπεισάκτους ἀγορὰς ἁπάσας ἐπικλύσαι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον: ἅπερ ὁρῶν αὐτὸς ὁ Ποστόμιος ἐψηφίσατο τὰς τῶν ναῶν τούτων κατασκευάς. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν δὴ τὸν τυραννικὸν ἀπωσάμενοι πόλεμον εὐνοίᾳ θεῶν ἐν ἑορταῖς τε καὶ θυσίαις ἦσαν. [p. 287]
[4] These gods, hearing his prayer, caused the land to produce rich crops, not only of grain but also of fruits, and all imported provisions to be more plentiful than before; and when Postumius saw this, he himself caused a vote to be passed for the building of these temples. The Romans, therefore, having through the favour of the gods repelled the war brought upon them by the tyrant, were engaged in feasts and sacrifices.
[1] ὀλίγαις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡμέραις πρέσβεις ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Λατίνων ἧκον ὡς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἁπασῶν τῶν πόλεων ἐπιλεχθέντες οἱ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔχοντες περὶ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμην, ἱκετηρίας καὶ στέμματα προεχόμενοι. οὗτοι παραχθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλήν, τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν τοῦ πολέμου τοὺς δυναστεύοντας ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀπέφαινον αἰτίους: τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἓν μόνον τοῦτο ἁμαρτεῖν ἔλεγον, ὅτι πονηροῖς ἐπείσθη δημαγωγοῖς ἴδια κέρδη παρεσκευασμένοις.
[18] A few days later there came to them, as ambassadors from the Latin league, chosen out of all their cities. Those who had been opposed to the war, holding out the olive branches and the fillets of suppliants. These men, upon being introduced into the senate, declared that the powerful men in every city had been responsible for beginning the war, and said that the people had been guilty of this one fault only, that they had listened to corrupt demagogues who had schemed for private gain.
[2] ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀπάτης, ἐν ᾗ τὸ πλεῖον ἀνάγκης μέρος ἦν, οὐ μεμπτὰς τετικέναι δίκας ἑκάστην πόλιν ἔλεγον τῆς κρατίστης νεότητος ἀναιρεθείσης, ὥστε μὴ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι πένθους καθαρὰν εὑρεῖν οἰκίαν, ἠξίουν τ᾽ αὐτοὺς παραλαβεῖν σφᾶς ἥκοντας οὔτε περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτι διαφερομένους οὔτε περὶ τῶν ἴσων φιλονεικοῦντας συμμάχους τε καὶ ὑπηκόους ἅπαντα τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐσομένους, καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ὁ δαίμων ἀφείλετο τοῦ Λατίνων ἀξιώματος,
[2] And for this delusion, in which necessity had had the greatest share, they said every city had already paid a penalty not to be despised, in the loss of its young men, so that it was not easy to find a single household free from mourning. They asked the Romans to receive them now that they willingly submitted and neither disputed any longer about the supremacy nor strove for equality, but were ready to be for all future time subjects as well as allies and to add the good fortune of the Romans all the prestige which Fortune had taken from the Latins.
[3] τοῦτο τῇ Ῥωμαίων προσθήσοντας εὐποτμίᾳ. τελευτῶντες δὲ τοῦ λόγου συγγένειαν ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ συμμαχιῶν ἀπροφασίστων ποτὲ γενομένων ἀνεμίμνησκον καὶ συμφορὰς ἀνέκλαιον τὰς καταληψομένας τοὺς μηδὲν ἡμαρτηκότας, οἳ μακρῷ πλείους ἦσαν τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων, ὀδυρόμενοι παρ᾽ ἕκαστα καὶ τῶν γονάτων ἁπτόμενοι πάσης τῆς γερουσίας καὶ τὰς ἱκετηρίας παρὰ τοῖς ποσὶ τοῦ Ποστομίου τιθέντες: ὥστε παθεῖν τι πρὸς τὰ δάκρυα καὶ τὰς δεήσεις αὐτῶν τὸ συνέδριον ἅπαν. [p. 288]
[3] At the end of their speech they made an appeal to kinship, reminded them of their unhesitating services as allies in the past, and bewailed the misfortunes that would fall on the innocent, who were far more numerous than the guilty, accompanying everything they said with lamentations, embracing the knees of all the senators, and laying the olive branches at the feet of Postumius, so that the whole senate was more or less moved by their tears and entreaties.
[1] ὡς δὲ μετέστησαν ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ λόγος ἀπεδόθη τοῖς εἰωθόσιν ἀποφαίνεσθαι γνώμας, Τῖτος μὲν Λάρκιος ὁ πρῶτος ἀποδειχθεὶς δικτάτωρ ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ ταμιεύεσθαι τὴν τύχην αὐτοῖς συνεβούλευε μέγιστον εἶναι λέγων ἐγκώμιον ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς οὕτω καὶ πόλεως ὅλης, εἰ μὴ διαφθαρήσεται ταῖς εὐπραγίαις, ἀλλ᾽ εὐμενῶς καὶ μετρίως φέροι τἀγαθά.
[19] When the ambassadors had left the senate and permission to speak was given to the members who were wont to deliver their opinions first, Titus Larcius, who had been appointed the first dictator the year before, advised them to use their good fortune with moderation, saying that the greatest praise that could be given a whole state as well as to an individual was not to be corrupted by prosperity, but to bear good fortune with decorum and moderation;
[2] πάσας μὲν γὰρ τὰς εὐτυχίας φθονεῖσθαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅσαις πρόσεστιν εἰς τοὺς ταπεινωθέντας καὶ ὑπὸ χεῖρα γενομένους ὕβρις καὶ βαρύτης: τῇ τύχῃ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐῶν τι πιστεύειν πολλάκις αὐτῆς πεῖραν εἰληφότας ἐπ᾽ οἰκείοις κακοῖς τε καὶ ἀγαθοῖς, ὡς ἀβέβαιός ἐστι καὶ ἀγχίστροφος: οὐδ᾽ ἀνάγκην προσάγειν τοῖς διαφόροις τὴν περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνων, δἰ ἣν καὶ παρὰ γνώμην τολμηταὶ γίνονταί
[2] for all prosperity is envied, particularly that which is attended with arrogance and rigour toward those who had been humbled and subdued. And he advised them not to put any reliance on Fortune, since they had learned from their own experience in both adversity and prosperity how inconstant and quick to change she is. Nor ought they to reduce their adversaries to the necessity of running the supreme hazard, since such necessity renders some men daring beyond all expectation and warlike beyond their strength.
[3] τινες καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μαχηταί: δέος δὲ σφίσιν εἶναι λέγων, μὴ κοινὸν μῖσος ἐπισπάσωνται παρὰ πάντων ὅσων ἀξιοῦσιν ἄρχειν, ἐὰν πικρὰς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτους ἀπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτόντων ἀναπράττωνται δίκας, ὡς ἐκβεβηκότες ἐκ τῶν συνήθων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν προῆλθον ἐπιλαθόμενοι, καὶ πεποιηκότες τυραννίδα τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ἡγεμονίαν ὡς πρότερον ἦν καὶ προστασίαν: τά τε ἁμαρτήματα μέτρια καὶ οὐ [p. 289] νεμεσητὰ εἶναι λέγων, εἴ τινες ἐλευθερίας περιεχόμεναι πόλεις καὶ ἄρχειν ποτὲ μαθοῦσαι τῆς παλαιᾶς ἀξιώσεως οὐ μεθίενται. εἰ δ᾽ ἀνιάτως οἱ τῶν κρατίστων ὀρεχθέντες, ἐὰν διαμάρτωσι τῆς ἐλπίδος, ζημιώσονται, οὐδὲν ἔσεσθαι τὸ κωλῦον ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀπολωλέναι: πᾶσι γὰρ εἶναι τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας πόθον ἔμφυτον.
[3] He said they had reason to be afraid of drawing upon themselves the common hatred of all those they proposed to rule, if they should exact harsh and relentless penalties from such as had erred; for they would seem to have abandoned their traditional principles, forgetting to what they owed their present splendour, and to have made their dominion a tyranny rather than a leadership and protectorship, as it had been aforetime. He said that the error is a moderate and venial one when states that cling to liberty and have once learned to rule are unwilling to give up their ancient prestige; and if men who aim at the noblest ends are to be punished beyond possibility of recovery when they fail of their hope, there will be nothing to prevent the whole race of mankind from being destroyed by one another, since all men have an innate craving for liberty.
[4] πολλῷ τε κρείττονα καὶ βεβαιοτέραν ἀποφαίνων ἀρχήν, ἥτις εὐεργεσίαις, ἀλλὰ μὴ τιμωρίαις κρατεῖν βούλεται τῶν ὑπηκόων: τῇ μὲν γὰρ εὔνοιαν ἀκολουθεῖν, τῇ δὲ φόβον, ἀνάγκην δ᾽ εἶναι φύσεως πάντα μάλιστα μισεῖσθαι τὰ φοβερά: τελευτῶν δὲ τοῦ λόγου παραδείγμασιν αὐτοὺς ἠξίου χρῆσθαι τοῖς κρατίστοις τῶν προγόνων ἔργοις, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐπαίνων ἐτύγχανον ἐκεῖνοι, ἐπιλεγόμενος ὅσας ἁλούσας κατὰ κράτος πόλεις οὐ κατασκάπτοντες οὐδὲ ἡβηδὸν ἀναιροῦντες οὐδ᾽ ἐξανδραποδιζόμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποικίας τῆς Ῥώμης ποιοῦντες, καὶ τοῖς βουλομένοις τῶν κρατηθέντων παρὰ σφίσι κατοικεῖν πολιτείας μεταδιδόντες, μεγάλην ἐκ μικρᾶς ἐποιοῦντο τὴν πόλιν. κεφάλαιον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς γνώμης ἦν ἀνανεώσεσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Λατίνων, ἃς ἦσαν πεποιημένοι πρότερον, καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων μηδεμιᾷ πόλει μνησικακεῖν.
[4] He declared that a government is far better and more firmly established which seeks to rule its subjects by its benefits rather than by punishments; for the former course leads to goodwill and the latter to terror, and it is a fixed law of Nature that everything that causes terror should be particularly detested. And finally he asked them to take as examples the best actions of their ancestors for which they had won praise, recounting the many instances in which, after capturing cities by storm, they had not razed them nor put all the male population to the sword or enslaved them, but by making them Roman colonies and by giving citizenship to such of the conquered as desired to live at Rome, they had made their city great from a small beginning. The sum and substance of his opinion was this: to renew the treaty they had previously made with the Latin league and to retain no resentment against any of the cities for the errors they had been guilty of.
[1] Σερουίλιος δὲ Σουλπίκιος περὶ μὲν τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς ἀνανεώσεως τῶν σπονδῶν οὐδὲν ἀντέλεγεν: [p. 290] ἐπειδὴ δὲ πρότεροι τὰς σπονδὰς ἔλυσαν Λατῖνοι, καὶ οὐχὶ τότε πρῶτον, ὥστε συγγνώμης τινὸς αὐτοῖς δεῖν ἀνάγκην καὶ ἀπάτην προβαλλομένοις, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἤδη καὶ πρότερον, ὥστε καὶ διορθώσεως σφίσι δεῖν, τὴν μὲν ἄδειαν ἅπασι συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διὰ τὸ συγγενές, τῆς δὲ γῆς τὴν ἡμίσειαν αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεθῆναι καὶ κληρούχους ἀποσταλῆναι Ῥωμαίων εἰς αὐτήν, οἵ τινες ἐκείνην καρπώσονται καὶ
[20.1] Servius Sulpicius opposed nothing the other had said concerning peace and the renewal of the treaty; but, since the Latins had been the first to violate the treaty, and not now for the first time either — in which case they might deserve some forgiveness when they put forward necessity and their own deception as excuses — but often in the past too, so that they needed correction, he proposed that impunity and their liberty should be granted to all of them because of their kinship, but that they should be deprived of one half of their land and that Roman colonists should be sent thither to enjoy its produce and see to it that the Latins created no further disturbances.
[2] τοὺς ἄνδρας μηδὲν ἔτι νεωτερίσαι σπουδάσουσι. Σπόριος δὲ Κάσσιος ἀνελεῖν τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν συνεβούλευε θαυμάζειν λέγων ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐηθείαις τῶν παραινούντων ἀφεῖναι τὰς ἁμαρτίας αὐτοῖς ἀζημίους, εἰ μηδὲ δύνανται καταμαθεῖν, ὅτι διὰ τὸν φθόνον τὸν ἔμφυτόν τε καὶ ἀναφαίρετον, ὃν ἔχουσι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν αὐξομένην, ἄλλους ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις ἐπιτεχνῶνται πολέμους καὶ οὐδέποτε παύσονται τῆς ἐπιβούλου προαιρέσεως ἑκόντες, ἕως αὐτῶν τοῦτ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς τὸ δύστηνον ἐνοικεῖ πάθος: οἵ γε τελευτῶντες ὑπὸ τυράννῳ ποιήσασθαι, θηρίων ἁπάντων ἀγριωτάτῳ, συγγενῆ σφῶν πόλιν ἐπεχείρησαν ἁπάσας ἀνατρέψαντες τὰς ἐπὶ θεῶν ὁμολογίας, οὐκ ἄλλαις τισὶν ἐλπίσιν ἐπαρθέντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἂν μὴ αὐτοῖς κατὰ γνώμην χωρήσῃ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου δίκην οὐδεμίαν ὑφέξουσιν ἤ
[2] Spurius Cassius advised them to raze the Latin cities, saying he wondered at the simple-mindedness of those who urged letting their offences go unpunished, why they could not understand that, because of the inborn and ineradicable envy which the Latins felt towards the rising power of Rome, they were constantly fomenting one war after another against them and would never willingly give over their treacherous intent so long as this unfortunate passion dwelt in their hearts; indeed, they had finally endeavoured to bring a kindred people under the power of a tyrant more savage than any wild beast, thereby overturning all the covenants they had sworn by the gods to observe, induced by no other hopes than that, if the war did not succeed according to their expectation, they should incur either no punishment at all or a very slight one.
[3] τινα μικρὰν κομιδῇ. παραδείγμασί τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου χρῆσθαι τοῖς τῶν προγόνων ἔργοις, οἳ τὴν Ἀλβανῶν πόλιν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτοί τ᾽ ἀπῳκίσθησαν καὶ Λατίνων ἅπασαι πόλεις, ἐπειδὴ φθονοῦσαν ἔγνωσαν τοῖς αὑτῶν [p. 291] ἀγαθοῖς καὶ τὴν ἄδειαν, ἣν ἐπὶ τοῖς πρώτοις ἁμαρτήμασιν εὕρετο, μείζονος ἐπιβουλῆς ἀφορμὴν ποιησαμένην, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ καθελεῖν ἔγνωσαν μιᾷ: ἐν ἴσῳ δόξαντες εἶναι τῷ μηδένα οἰκτείρειν τῶν τὰ μέτρια ἁμαρτανόντων τὸ μηδένα τιμωρεῖσθαι τῶν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ
[3] He too asked them to take as examples the actions of their ancestors, who, when they knew that the city of Alba, of which both they themselves and all the other Latin cities were colonies, was envious of their prosperity and had made use of the impunity it had obtained for its first transgressions as an opportunity for greater treachery, resolved to destroy it in a single day, believing that to punish none of those who had committed the greatest and the most irremediable crimes was no better than to show compassion to none of those who were guilty of moderate errors.
[4] ἀδιόρθωτα ἀδικούντων. μωρίας δὲ πολλῆς εἶναι καὶ ἀναλγησίας ἔργον: οὐ γὰρ δὴ φιλανθρωπίας οὐδὲ μετριότητος: τὸν τῶν ἀποικισάντων σφᾶς φθόνον, ἐπεὶ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος ἔδοξεν εἶναι βαρὺς καὶ ἀφόρητος, οὐκ ἀνασχομένους τὸν τῶν ὁμογενῶν ὑπομένειν τούς τ᾽ ἐν ἐλάττοσι πείραις ἐλεγχθέντας πολεμίους ἀφαιρέσει πόλεως ζημιώσαντας, παρὰ τῶν πολλάκις τὸ μῖσος ἀδιάλλακτον ἀποδειξαμένων μηδεμίαν εἰσπράξασθαι δίκην.
[4] It would be an act of great folly and stupidity, surely not one of humanity and moderation, for those who would not endure the envy of their mother-city, when it appeared beyond measure grievous and intolerable, to submit now to that of their mere kinsman, and for those who had punished enemies convicted in milder attempts of being such, by depriving them of their city, to exact no punishment now from such as had often shown their hatred of them to be irreconcilable.
[5] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ τὰς ἀποστάσεις τῶν Λατίνων ἁπάσας ἐξαριθμησάμενος τῶν τ᾽ ἀπολομένων ἐν τοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πολέμοις Ῥωμαίων τὸ πλῆθος ὅσον ἦν ἀναμνήσας, ἠξίου τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον χρήσεσθαι καὶ τούτοις, ὃν ἐχρήσαντο Ἀλβανοῖς πρότερον: τὰς μὲν οὖν πόλεις αὐτῶν ἀνελεῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν τῇ Ῥωμαίων προσθεῖναι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων τοὺς μὲν εὔνοιάν τινα: πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀποδειξαμένους ἔχοντας τὰ σφέτερα πολίτας ποιήσεσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽ αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως, ὑφ᾽ ὧν αἱ σπονδαὶ διελύθησαν, ὡς προδότας [p. 292] ἀποκτεῖναι: ὅσον δὲ τοῦ δήμου πτωχὸν καὶ ἀργὸν καὶ ἄχρηστον ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιήσεσθαι λόγῳ.
[5] After he had spoken thus and had enumerated all the rebellions of the Latins and reminded the senators of the vast number of Romans who had lost their lives in the wars against them, he advised them to treat these also in the same manner as they had formerly treated the Albans, namely, to raze their cities and add their territory to that of the Romans; and as for the inhabitants, to make citizens of such as had shown any goodwill towards them, permitting them to retain their possessions, but to put to death as traitors the authors of the revolt by whom the treaty had been broken, and to make slaves of the poor, the lazy and the useless among the populace.
[1] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τὰ λεχθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν προεστηκότων τῆς βουλῆς, τοῦ δὲ δικτάτορος τὴν Λαρκίου γνώμην προελομένου καὶ οὐδενὸς ἔτι λέξαντος τἀναντία παρῆσαν εἰσκληθέντες εἰς τὸ συνέδριον οἱ πρέσβεις τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ληψόμενοι: καὶ ὁ Ποστόμιος ὀνειδίσας αὐτοῖς τὴν οὐδέποτε σωφρονισθῆναι δυναμένην κακίαν: δίκαιον μὲν ἦν, ἔφη, τὰ ἔσχατα παθεῖν, ἅτε δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ πράττειν ἐμέλλετε, εἰ κατωρθώσατε ἃς πολλάκις ἤλθετε ἐπ᾽ % αὐτοὺς ὁδούς: οὐ μέντοι Ῥωμαίους τὰ δίκαια πρὸ τῶν ἐπιεικῶν προελέσθαι λογιζομένους, ὅτι συγγενεῖς εἰσι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἔλεον τῶν ἀδικουμένων καταπεφεύγασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτας τὰς ἁμαρτίας αὐτοῖς ἀζημίους ἀφιέναι θεῶν τε ὁμογνίων ἕνεκα καὶ τύχης ἀτεκμάρτου, παρ᾽ ἧς τὸ κράτος ἔσχον.
[21.1] These were the opinions expressed by the leading men of the senate, but the dictator gave the preference to that of Larcius; and, no further opposition being made to it, the ambassadors were called in to the senate to receive their answer. Postumius, after reproaching them with an evil disposition never to be reformed, said: “It would be right that you should suffer the utmost severity, which is just the way you yourselves were intending to treat us, if you had succeeded in the many attempts you made against us.” Nevertheless, he said, the Romans had not chosen mere rights in preference to clemency, bearing in mind that the Latins were their kinsmen and had had recourse to the mercy of those whom they had injured; but they were allowing these offences of theirs also to go unpunished, from a regard both to the gods of their race and to the uncertainty of Fortune, to whom they owed their victory.
[2] νῦν μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, παντὸς ἠλευθερωμένοι δέους πορεύεσθε, ἐὰν δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀπολύσητε καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους παραδῶτε ἡμῖν καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας ἐξελάσητε, τότε τοὺς περὶ φιλίας τε καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους πρέσβεις πέμπετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὡς οὐδενὸς ἀτυχήσοντες τῶν μετρίων. ἀπῄεσαν οἱ πρέσβεις ταύτας [p. 293] τὰς ἀποκρίσεις λαβόντες καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἧκον τούς τ᾽ αἰχμαλώτους ἀφεικότες καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας τῶν αὐτομόλων δεσμίους ἄγοντες καὶ τοὺς ἅμα Ταρκυνίῳ φυγάδας ἐξεληλακότες ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν εὕροντο παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς τὴν ἀρχαίαν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς ὑπὲρ τούτων ποτὲ γενομένους διὰ τῶν εἰρηνοδικῶν ἀνενεώσαντο. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους συστὰς πόλεμος τετρακαιδεκαέτης ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκπτώσεως αὐτῶν γενόμενος τοιαύτης ἔτυχε τελευτῆς.
[2] “For the present, therefore, go your way,” he said, “relieved of all fear; and after you have released to us the prisoners, delivering the deserters, and expelled the exile, then send ambassadors to us to treat of friendship and of an alliance, in the assurance that they shall fail of naught that is reasonable.” The ambassadors, having received this answer, departed, and a few days later returned, having released the prisoners and expelled the exiles with Tarquinius from their cities, and bringing with them in chains all the deserters they had taken. In return for this they obtained of the senate their old treaty of friendship and alliance and renewed through the fetiales the oaths they had previously taken concerning it. Thus ended the war against the tyrants, after it had lasted fourteen years from their expulsion.
[3] Ταρκύνιος δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεύς, οὗτος γὰρ ἔτι λοιπὸς ἐκ τοῦ γένους ἦν, ὁμοῦ τι γεγονὼς ἐνενηκονταέτης κατὰ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον, ἀπολωλεκὼς τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὸν τῶν κηδεστῶν οἶκον καὶ γῆρας ἐλεεινὸν καὶ παρ᾽ ἐχθροῖς διαντλῶν, οὔτε Λατίνων ὑποδεχομένων αὐτὸν ἔτι ταῖς πόλεσιν, οὔτε Τυρρηνῶν οὔτε Σαβίνων οὔτ᾽ ἄλλης πλησιοχώρου πόλεως ἐλευθέρας οὐδεμιᾶς, εἰς τὴν Καμπανίδα Κύμην ᾤχετο πρὸς Ἀριστόδημον τὸν ἐπικληθέντα Μαλακὸν τυραννοῦντα τότε Κυμαίων: παρ᾽ ᾧ βραχύν τινα ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἐπιβιοὺς ἀποθνήσκει καὶ θάπτεται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. τῶν δὲ σὺν ἐκείνῳ φυγάδων οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ Κύμῃ κατέμειναν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς ἄλλας τινὰς πόλεις σκεδασθέντες ἐπὶ ξένης τὸν βίον κατέστρεψαν.
[3] King Tarquinius — for he still survived of his family — being now about ninety years of age and having lost his children and the household of his relations by marriage, dragged out a miserable old age, and that too among his enemies. For when neither the Latins, the Tyrrhenians, the Sabines, nor any other free people near by would longer permit him to reside in their cities, he retired to Cumae in Campania and was received by Aristodemus, nicknamed the Effeminate, who was at that time tyrant of the Cumaeans; and after living a few days there, he died and was buried by him. Some of the exiles who had been with him remained at Cumae; and the rest, dispersing themselves to various other cities, ended their days on foreign soil.
[1] Ῥωμαίοις δὲ καταλυσαμένοις τοὺς ὑπαίθρους πολέμους ἡ πολιτικὴ στάσις αὖθις ἐπανίστατο τῆς μὲν βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης καθίζειν τὰ δικαστήρια καὶ τὰς [p. 294] ἀμφισβητήσεις, ἃς διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἀνεβάλλοντο, κρίνεσθαι κατὰ τοὺς νόμους: τῶν δὲ περὶ τὰς συναλλαγὰς ἀμφισβητημάτων εἰς μεγάλους κλύδωνας καὶ δεινὰς προβεβηκότων ἀτοπίας τε καὶ: ἀναισχυντίας, τῶν μὲν δημοτικῶν ἀδυνάτως ἔχειν σκηπτομένων διαλύειν τὰ χρέα, χώρας τ᾽ αὐτοῖς κεκομμένης ἐν τῷ πολυετεῖ πολέμῳ καὶ βοσκημάτων διεφθαρμένων καὶ ἀνδραπόδων αὐτομολίαις καὶ καταδρομαῖς σπανισθέντων τῆς τε κατὰ πόλιν κτήσεως ἐξανηλωμένης ταῖς εἰς τὴν στρατείαν δαπάναις: τῶν δὲ δανειστῶν ταύτας μὲν τὰς συμφορὰς ὁμοίας ἅπασι γεγονέναι λεγόντων καὶ οὐ μόνοις τοῖς χρεωφειλέταις, οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν δ᾽ ἡγουμένων σφίσι μὴ μόνον, ἃ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἀφῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἃ δεομένοις τισὶ τῶν 5 πολιτῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ συνήλλαξαν, ἀπολωλέναι.
[22.1] After the Romans had put an end to the foreign wars, the civil strife sprang up again. For the senate ordered the courts of justice to sit and that all suits which they had postponed on account of the war should be decided according to the laws. The controversies arising over contracts resulted in great storms and terrible instances of outrageous and shameless behaviour, the plebeians, on the one hand, pretending they were unable to pay their debts, since their land had been laid waste during the long war, their cattle destroyed, the number of their slaves reduced by desertion and raids, and their fortunes in the city exhausted by their expenditures for the campaign, and the money-lenders, on the other hand, alleging that these misfortunes had been common to all and not confined to the debtors only, and regarding it as intolerable that they should lose, not only what they had been stripped of by the enemy in the war, but also what they had lent in time of peace to some of the citizens who asked for their assistance.
[2] ἀξιούντων δ᾽ οὔτε τῶν δανειστῶν οὐδὲν μέτριον ὑπομένειν οὔτε τῶν χρεωφειλετῶν ποιεῖν οὐδὲν δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν οὐδὲ τοὺς τόκους ἀφιέναι, τῶν δὲ μηδὲ αὐτὰ τὰ συναλλάγματα διαλύειν: ἐξ ὧν σύνοδοι μὲν ἤδη κατὰ συστροφὰς τῶν ἐν ταῖς ὁμοίαις ὄντων τύχαις ἐγένοντο καὶ ἀντιπαρατάξεις κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ χειρῶν ἁψιμαχίαι, καὶ συνετετάρακτο πᾶς ὁ πολιτικὸς
[2] And as neither the money-lenders were willing to accept anything that was reasonable nor the debtors to do anything that was just, but the former refused to abate even the interest, and the latter to pay even the principal itself, those who were in the same plight were already gathering in knots and opposing parties faced one another in the Forum and sometimes actually came to blows, and the whole established order of the state was thrown into confusion.
[3] κόσμος: ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶν ὁ Ποστόμιος, ἕως ἔτι τὸ τιμώμενον εἶχε παρὰ πάντων ὅμοιον πολέμῳ βαρεῖ καλὸν [p. 295] ὑπεκδῦναι τοὺς πολιτικοὺς χειμῶνας ἔγνω: καὶ πρὶν ἐκπληρῶσαι τὸν ἔσχατον τῆς αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς χρόνον, τήν τε δικτατορίαν ἐξωμόσατο καὶ προθεὶς ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ἡμέραν μετὰ τοῦ συνυπάτου τὰς πατρίους κατέστησεν ἀρχάς.
[3] Postumius, observing this, while he still retained the respect of all alike for having brought a severe war to an honourable conclusion, resolved to avoid the civil storms, and before he had completed the whole term of his sovereign magistracy he abdicated the dictatorship, and having fixed a day for the election, he, together with his fellow-consul, restored the traditional magistrates.
[1] παραλαμβάνουσι δὴ ὕπατοι πάλιν τὴν ἐνιαύσιόν τε καὶ νόμιμον ἀρχὴν Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος Σαβῖνος καὶ Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Πρίσκος: οἳ τὸ μὲν ἀνωτάτω συμφέρον εἶδον ὀρθῶς, ὅτι δεῖ περισπᾶν τὸν ἐντὸς τείχους θόρυβον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔξω πολέμους: καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο κατὰ τοῦ Οὐολούσκων ἔθνους τὸν ἕτερον σφῶν ἐξάγειν στρατιάν, τιμωρήσασθαί τ᾽ αὐτοὺς προαιρούμενοι τῆς ἀποσταλείσης κατὰ Ῥωμαίων Λατίνοις συμμαχίας καὶ προκαταλαβεῖν τὰς παρασκευὰς αὐτῶν ἔτι συνεσταλμένας. ἠγγέλλοντο γὰρ κἀκεῖνοι δυνάμεις ἤδη καταγράφειν ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ καὶ εἰς τὰ πλησίον ἔθνη πρεσβεύεσθαι παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν, πυθόμενοι τοὺς δημοτικοὺς ἀφεστηκέναι τῶν πατρικίων καὶ νομίσαντες οὐ χαλεπὸν εἶναι πόλιν οἰκείῳ πολέμῳ νοσοῦσαν ἄρασθαι.
[23.1] The consuls who next took over the annual and legal magistracy were Appius Claudius Sabinus and Publius Servilius Priscus. They saw, rightly, that to render the highest service to the state they must divert the uproar in the city to foreign wars; and they were arranging that one of them should lead an expedition against the Volscian nation, with the purpose both of taking revenge on them for the aid they had sent to the Latins against the Romans and of forestalling their preparations, which as yet were not far advanced. For they too were reported to be enrolling an army with the greatest diligence and sending ambassadors to the neighbouring nations to invite them to enter into alliance with them, since they had learned that the plebeians were standing aloof from the patricians and thought that it would not be difficult to captured a city suffering from civil war.