[1] Τίτου δὲ Γεγανίου Μακερίνου καὶ Ποπλίου Μηνυκίου τὴν ὕπατον ἐξουσίαν παραλαβόντων σίτου σπάνις ἰσχυρὰ τὴν Ῥώμην κατέσχεν ἐκ τῆς ἀποστάσεως λαβοῦσα τὴν ἀρχήν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ δῆμος ἀπέστη τῶν πατρικίων μετὰ τὴν μετοπωρινὴν ἰσημερίαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν μάλιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ σπόρου: ἐξέλιπον δὲ τὴν χώραν οἱ γεωργοῦντες ἅμα τῇ κινήσει καὶ διέστησαν οἱ μὲν εὐχερέστεροι πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους, τὸ δὲ θητικὸν μέρος ὡς τοὺς δημοτικούς: καὶ διέμειναν ἐξ ἐκείνου χωρὶς ἀλλήλων ὄντες, ἕως οὗ κατέστη καὶ συνῆλθεν ἡ πόλις εἰς ἑαυτὴν οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον διαλλαγεῖσα τῆς [p. 2]
[1.1] After Titus Geganius Macerinus and Publius Minucius had entered upon their consulship, Rome suffered from a great scarcity of corn, which had its origin in the secession. For the populace seceded from the patricians after the autumnal equinox, just about the beginning of seed-time, and the husbandmen left their farms at the time of this uprising and divided, the more prosperous joining the patricians, while the labourers went over to the plebeians; and from that time the two classes remained aloof from each other till the commonwealth was composed and reunited, the reconciliation being effected not long before the winter solstice.
[2] χειμερινῆς τροπῆς. τὸν δὲ μεταξὺ χρόνον, ἐν ᾧ ὁ πᾶς ἐπιτελεῖται σπόρος ὡραῖος, ἔρημος ἡ χώρα τῶν ἐπιμελησομένων ἦν καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον διετέλεσεν, ὥστε μηδὲ κατελθοῦσι τοῖς γεωργοῖς ἀναλαβεῖν αὐτὴν ἔτι ῥᾴδιον εἶναι δούλων τ᾽ ἀποστάσει καὶ κτηνῶν ὀλέθρῳ, μεθ᾽ ὧν αὐτὴν ἔμελλον ἐργάζεσθαι κεκακωμένην, ἀφορμῆς τ᾽ οὐ πολλοῖς εἰς τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπαρχούσης οὔτε σπερμάτων οὔτε τροφῆς.
[2] During that interval, which is the season in which all pointing of corn is best done, the land was destitute of people to cultivate it, and remained so for a long time. So that even when the husbandmen returned, it was no longer easy for them to bring it back under cultivation, inasmuch as it had suffered both from the desertion of slaves and the loss of animals with which they were to cultivate it, and as few of the husbandmen had any store of grain on hand for the next year for either seed or food.
[3] ταῦθ᾽ ἡ βουλὴ μαθοῦσα πρέσβεις διεπέμπετο πρὸς Τυρρηνοὺς καὶ Καμπανοὺς καὶ τὸ καλούμενον Πωμεντῖνον πεδίον σῖτον ὅσον ἂν δύναιντο πλεῖστον ὠνησομένους: Πόπλιος δὲ Οὐαλέριος καὶ Λεύκιος Γεγάνιος εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπεστάλησαν, Οὐαλέριος μὲν υἱὸς ὢν Ποπλικόλα, Γεγάνιος δὲ θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἀδελφός.
[3] The senate, being informed of this, sent ambassadors to the Tyrrhenians and to the Campanians and also to the Pomptine plain, as it is called, to buy up all the corn they could, while Publius Valerius and Lucius Geganius were sent to Sicily; Valerius was a son of Publicola, and Geganius was brother to one of the consuls.
[4] τύραννοι δὲ τότε κατὰ πόλεις μὲν ἦσαν, ἐπιφανέστατος δὲ Γέλων ὁ Δεινομένους νεωστὶ τὴν Ἱπποκράτους τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τυραννίδα παρειληφώς, οὐχὶ Διονύσιος ὁ Συρακούσιος, ὡς Λικίννιος γέγραφε καὶ Γέλλιος καὶ ἄλλοι συχνοὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συγγραφέων οὐθὲν ἐξητακότες τῶν περὶ τοὺς χρόνους ἀκριβῶς, ὡς αὐτὸ δηλοῖ τοὖργον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰκῆ τὸ προστυχὸν ἀποφαινόμενοι.
[4] Tyrants ruled in the various cities at that time, and the most illustrious was Gelon, the son of Deinomenes, who had lately succeeded to the tyranny of Hippocrates, — not Dionysius of Syracuse, as Licinius and Gellius and many others of the Roman historians have stated, without having made any careful investigation of the dates involved, as the facts show of themselves, but rashly relating the first account that offered itself.
[5] ἡ μὲν γὰρ εἰς Σικελίαν ἀποδειχθεῖσα πρεσβεία κατὰ τὸν δεύτερον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς καὶ δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος ἐξέπλευσεν ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησιν Ὑβριλίδου, ἑπτακαίδεκα διελθόντων ἐτῶν μετὰ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τῶν βασιλέων, ὡς οὗτοί τε καὶ [p. 3] οἱ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν ἅπαντες συγγραφεῖς ὁμολογοῦσι: Διονύσιος δ᾽ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ὀγδοηκοστῷ καὶ πέμπτῳ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἔτει Συρακουσίοις ἐπαναστὰς κατέσχε τὴν τυραννίδα κατὰ τὸν τρίτον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς καὶ τρίτης ὀλυμπιάδος ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Καλλίου τοῦ μετ᾽
[5] For the embassy appointed to go to Sicily set sail in the second year of the seventy-second Olympiad, when Hybrilides was archon at Athens, seventeen years after the expulsion of the kings, as these and almost all the other historians agree; whereas Dionysius the Elder, having made an uprising against the Syracusans in the eighty-fifth year after this, possessed himself of the tyranny in the third year of the ninety-third Olympiad, Callias, the successor of Antigenes, being then archon at Athens.
[6] Ἀντιγένη. ὀλίγοις μὲν οὖν ἔτεσι διαμαρτεῖν τῶν χρόνων δοίη τις ἂν ἱστορικοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρχαίας καὶ πολυετεῖς συνταττομένοις πραγματείας, γενεαῖς δὲ δυσὶν ἢ τρισὶν ὅλαις ἀποπλανηθῆναι τῆς ἀληθείας οὐκ ἂν ἐπιτρέψειεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικεν ὁ πρῶτος ἐν ταῖς ὡρογραφίαις τοῦτο καταχωρίσας, ᾧ πάντες ἠκολούθησαν οἱ λοιποί, τοσοῦτο μόνον ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαίαις εὑρὼν ἀναγραφαῖς, ὅτι πρέσβεις ἀπεστάλησαν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν ὑπάτων εἰς Σικελίαν σῖτον ὠνησόμενοι καὶ παρῆσαν ἐκεῖθεν ἄγοντες ἣν ὁ τύραννος ἔδωκε δωρεάν, οὐκέτι μὴν παρὰ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐξετάσαι συγγραφέων, ὅστις ἦν τύραννος τότε Σικελίας, ἀβασανίστως δέ πως καὶ κατὰ τὸ προστυχὸν θεῖναι τὸν Διονύσιον.
[6] Now an error of a few years in their dates might be allowed to historians who are composing works dealing with ancient events extending over many years, but a deviation from the truth by two or three generations would not be permissible. But it is probable that the first writer to record this event in his annals — whom all the rest then followed — finding in the ancient records only this, that ambassadors were sent under these consuls to Sicily to buy corn and returned from thence with the present of corn which the tyrant had given them, did not proceed further to discover from the Greek historians who was tyrant of Sicily at that time, but without examination and at random set down Dionysius.
[1] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ Σικελίας πλέοντες πρέσβεις χειμῶνι χρησάμενοι κατὰ θάλατταν καὶ κύκλῳ τὴν νῆσον περιπλεῖν ἀναγκασθέντες χρόνιοί τε κατήχθησαν πρὸς τὸν τύραννον, καὶ τὴν χειμερινὴν ἐκεῖ διατρίψαντες ὥραν μετὰ θέρος ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ἰταλίαν πολλὰς κομίζοντες ἀγοράς.
[2.1] The ambassadors who were sailing to Sicily, having met with a storm at sea and being obliged to sail round the island, were a long time in reaching the tyrant; then, after spending the winter season there, they returned to Italy in the summer bringing with them a great quantity of provisions.
[2] οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ Πωμεντῖνον ἀποσταλέντες πεδίον ὀλίγου μὲν ἐδέησαν ὡς κατάσκοποι πρὸς τῶν Οὐολούσκων ἀναιρεθῆναι διαβληθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ [p. 4] Ῥώμης φυγάδων, χαλεπῶς δὲ πάνυ διὰ τὴν προθυμίαν τῶν ἰδιοξένων αὐτὰ διασῶσαι δυνηθέντες τὰ σώματα, δίχα τῶν χρημάτων ἀνέστρεψαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἄπρακτοι.
[2] But those who had been sent to the Pomptine plain came very near being put to death by the Volscians as spies, the Roman exiles having accused them of being such. And having with very great difficulty been able to escape with their lives, through the zealous efforts of their personal friends there, they returned to Rome without their funds and without having effected anything.
[3] ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις συνέβη παθεῖν καὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν Ἰταλιῶτιν ἀφικομένοις Κύμην. καὶ γὰρ αὐτόθι πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων διατρίβοντες, οἱ σὺν τῷ βασιλεῖ Ταρκυνίῳ διασωθέντες ἐκ τῆς τελευταίας μάχης φυγάδες, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξαιτεῖσθαι παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπεχείρησαν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, ἀποτυχόντες δὲ τούτου ῥύσια κατασχεῖν ταῦτα τὰ σώματα παρὰ τῆς ἀπεσταλκυίας πόλεως ἠξίουν, ἕως ἀπολάβωσι τὰς ἑαυτῶν οὐσίας, ἃς ἔφασαν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀδίκως δεδημεῦσθαι, καὶ ταύτης ᾤοντο δεῖν τῆς δίκης τὸν τύραννον αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι κριτήν.
[3] The same fate happened to those who went to Cumae. For many Roman exiles who had escaped with Tarquinius from the last battle, and were now residing in that city, at first endeavoured to prevail upon the tyrant to deliver up the ambassadors to them to be put to death; and when they failed to gain this request, they asked that they might detain their persons as pledges till they should receive from the city that had sent them their own fortunes, which they declared had been unjustly confiscated by the Romans; and they thought it proper that the tyrant should be the judge of their cause.
[4] ὁ δὲ τυραννῶν τότε τῆς Κύμης Ἀριστόδημος ἦν ὁ Ἀριστοκράτους, ἀνὴρ οὐ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων ἕνεκα γένους, ὃς ἐκαλεῖτο Μαλακὸς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστῶν καὶ σὺν χρόνῳ γνωριμωτέραν τοῦ ὀνόματος ἔσχε τὴν κλῆσιν, εἴθ᾽ ὅτι θηλυδρίας ἐγένετο παῖς ὢν καὶ τὰ γυναιξὶν ἁρμόττοντα ἔπασχεν, ὡς ἱστοροῦσί τινες, εἴθ᾽ ὅτι πρᾷος ἦν φύσει καὶ μαλακὸς εἰς ὀργήν, ὡς ἕτεροι γράφουσιν.
[4] The tyrant of Cumae at that time was Aristodemus, the son of Aristocrates, a man of no obscure birth, who was called by the citizens Malacus or “Effeminate” — a nickname which in time came to be better known than his own name — either because when a boy he was effeminate and allowed himself to be treated as a woman, as some relate, or because he was of a mild nature and slow to anger, as others state.
[5] ἀφορμαῖς δὲ τῆς τυραννίδος ὁποίαις ἐχρήσατο καὶ τίνας ἦλθεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὁδοὺς καὶ πῶς διῴκησε τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστροφῆς θ᾽ ὁποίας ἔτυχεν, οὐκ ἄκαιρον εἶναι δοκῶ μικρὸν ἐπιστήσας τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διήγησιν: κεφαλαιωδῶς διεξελθεῖν. [p. 5]
[5] It seems to me that it is not out of place to interrupt my account of Roman affairs at this point for a short time in order to relate briefly what opportunities he had to seek the tyranny, by what methods he attained to it, how he conducted the government, and to what end he came.
[1] ἐπὶ τῆς ἑξηκοστῆς καὶ τετάρτης ὀλυμπιάδος ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Μιλτιάδου Κύμην τὴν ἐν Ὀπικοῖς Ἑλληνίδα πόλιν, ἣν Ἐρετριεῖς τε καὶ Χαλκιδεῖς ἔκτισαν, Τυρρηνῶν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον κατοικοῦντες ἐκεῖθέν θ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐξελασθέντες σὺν χρόνῳ, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς Ὀμβρικοί τε καὶ Δαύνιοι καὶ συχνοὶ τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων ἐπεχείρησαν ἀνελεῖν οὐδεμίαν ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν πρόφασιν τοῦ μίσους δικαίαν ὅτι μὴ
[3.1] In the sixty-fourth Olympiad, when Miltiades was archon at Athens, the Tyrrhenians who had inhabited the country lying near the Ionian Gulf, but had been driven from thence in the course of time by the Gauls, joined themselves to the Umbrians, Daunians, and many other barbarians, and undertook to overthrow Cumae, the Greek city in the country of the Opicans founded by Eretrians and Chalcidians, though they could allege no other just ground for their animosity than the prosperity of the city.
[2] τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς πόλεως. ἦν γὰρ Κύμη κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους περιβόητος ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὅλην πλούτου τε καὶ δυνάμεως ἕνεκα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν γῆν τε κατέχουσα τῆς Καμπανῶν πεδιάδος τὴν πολυκαρποτάτην καὶ λιμένων κρατοῦσα τῶν περὶ Μισηνὸν ἐπικαιροτάτων. τούτοις ἐπιβουλεύσαντες τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς οἱ βάρβαροι στρατεύουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτήν, πεζοὶ μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους πεντήκοντα μυριάδων, ἱππεῖς δὲ δυεῖν χιλιάδων ἀποδέοντες εἶναι δισμύριοι. ἐστρατοπεδευκόσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως τέρας γίνεται θαυμαστόν, οἷον ἐν οὐδενὶ χρόνῳ μνημονεύεται γενόμενον οὔθ᾽ Ἑλλάδος οὔτε βαρβάρου γῆς οὐδαμόθι.
[2] For Cumae was at that time celebrated throughout all Italy for its riches, power, and all the other advantages, as it possessed the most fertile part of the Campanian plain and was mistress of the most convenient havens round about Misenum. The barbarians, accordingly, forming designs upon these advantages, marched against this city with an army consisting of no less than 500,000 foot and 18,000 horse. While they lay encamped not far from the city, a remarkable prodigy appeared to them, the like of which is not recorded as ever having happened anywhere in either the Greek or the barbarian world.
[3] οἱ γὰρ παρὰ τὰ στρατόπεδα ῥέοντες αὐτῶν ποταμοί, Οὐολτοῦρνος ὄνομα θατέρῳ, τῷ δ᾽ ἑτέρῳ Γλάνις, ἀφέντες τὰς κατὰ φύσιν ὁδοὺς ἀνέστρεψαν τὰ νάματα καὶ μέχρι [p. 6] πολλοῦ διετέλεσαν ἀπὸ τῶν στομάτων ἀναχωροῦντες ἐπὶ τὰς πηγάς.
[3] The rivers, namely, which ran near their camp, one of which is called the Volturnus and the other the Glanis, abandoning their natural course, turned their streams backwards and for a long time continued to run up from their mouths toward their sources.
[4] τοῦτο καταμαθόντες οἱ Κυμαῖοι τότ᾽ ἐθάρρησαν ὁμόσε τοῖς βαρβάροις χωρεῖν ὡς τοῦ δαιμονίου ταπεινὰ μὲν τἀκείνων μετέωρα θήσοντος, ὑψηλὰ δὲ τὰ δοκοῦντα εἶναι σφῶν ταπεινά. νείμαντες δὲ τὴν ἐν ἀκμῇ δύναμιν ἅπασαν τριχῇ, μιᾷ μὲν τὴν πόλιν ἐφρούρουν, τῇ δ᾽ ἑτέρᾳ τὰς ναῦς εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ταξάμενοι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἐδέχοντο. τούτων ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν ἑξακόσιοι, πεζοὶ δὲ τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ πεντἀκόσιοι: καὶ οὕτως ὄντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὀλίγοι τὰς τοσαύτας ὑπέστησαν μυριάδας.
[4] The Cumaeans, being informed of this prodigy, were then at last encouraged to engage with the barbarians, in the assurance that Heaven designed to bring low the lofty eminence of their foes and to raise their own fortunes, which seemed at low ebb. And having divided all their youth into three bodies, with one of these they defended the city, with another they guarded their ships, and the third they drew up before the walls to await the enemy’s attack. These consisted of 600 horse and of 4500 foot. And though so few in number, they sustained the attack of so many myriads.
[1] ὡς δὲ κατέμαθον αὐτοὺς οἱ βάρβαροι μάχεσθαι παρεσκευασμένους, ἀλαλάξαντες ἐχώρουν ὁμόσε τὸν βάρβαρον τρόπον ἄνευ κόσμου πεζοί τε καὶ ἱππεῖς ἀναμὶξ ὡς ἅπαντας ἀναρπασόμενοι. ἦν δὲ τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ συνέμισγον ἀλλήλοις, αὐλὼν στενὸς ὄρεσι καὶ λίμναις περικλειόμενος, τῇ μὲν ἀρετῇ τῶν Κυμαίων σύμμαχος, τῷ δὲ πλήθει τῶν βαρβάρων πολέμιος.
[4.1] When the barbarians learned that they were ready to fight, they uttered their war-cry and came to close quarters, in the barbarian fashion, without any order, the horse and the foot intermingled, in the expectation of utterly annihilating them. The place before the city where they engaged was a narrow defile surrounded by mountains and lakes, a terrain favourable to the valour of the Cumaeans and unfavourable to the multitude of the barbarians.
[2] ἀνατρεπόμενοι γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ συμπατούμενοι πολλαχῇ μὲν καὶ ἄλλῃ, μάλιστα δὲ περὶ τὰ τέλματα τῆς λίμνης, οὐδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες τῇ φάλαγγι τῶν Ἑλλήνων αὐτοὶ δι᾽ αὑτῶν οἱ πλείους διεφθάρησαν: καὶ ὁ μὲν πεζὸς αὐτῶν στρατὸς ὁ πολὺς περὶ ἑαυτῷ σφαλείς, ἔργον δὲ γενναῖον οὐδὲν ἀποδειξάμενος, ἄλλος ἄλλῃ διασκεδασθεὶς ἔφυγεν: οἱ δ᾽ ἱππεῖς συνῆλθον μὲν ὁμόσε καὶ πολὺν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὗτοι παρέσχον [p. 7] πόνον. ἀδύνατοι δ᾽ ὄντες κυκλώσασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους διὰ στενοχωρίαν, καί τι καὶ τοῦ δαιμονίου κεραυνοῖς καὶ ὕδασι καὶ βρονταῖς συναγωνισαμένου τοῖς Ἕλλησι, δείσαντες εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται.
[2] For they were knocked down and trampled upon by one another in many parts of the field, but particularly around that the marshy edges of the lake, so that the greater part of them were destroyed by their own forces without even engaging the battle-line of the Greeks. Thus their huge army of foot defeated itself, and without performing any brave action dispersed and fled in every direction. The horse, however, engaged and gave the Greeks great trouble; yet being unable to surround their enemies by reason of the narrow space, and Heaven also rendering the Greeks some assistance with lightning, rain and thunder, they were seized with fear and turned to flight.
[3] ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ πάντες μὲν οἱ τῶν Κυμαίων ἱππεῖς λαμπρῶς ἠγωνίσαντο, καὶ τῆς νίκης οὗτοι μάλιστα ὡμολογοῦντο αἴτιοι γενέσθαι, ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἀριστόδημος ὁ Μαλακὸς ἐπικαλούμενος: καὶ γὰρ τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν πολεμίων οὗτος ἀπέκτεινε μόνος ὑποστὰς καὶ ἄλλους πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς. λυθέντος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὰς χαριστηρίους θυσίας ἀποδόντες οἱ Κυμαῖοι τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ ταφὰς τῶν ἀποθανόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ λαμπρὰς ποιησάμενοι περὶ τῶν ἀριστείων, ὅτῳ χρὴ τὸν πρῶτον ἀποδοῦναι στέφανον, εἰς πολλὴν κατέστησαν ἔριν.
[3] In this action all the Cumaean horse fought brilliantly, and they were allowed to have been the chief cause of the victory; but Aristodemus, nicknamed Malacus, distinguished himself above all the rest, for he alone sustained the attack of the enemy and slew their general as well as many other brave men. When the war was at an end and the Cumaeans had offered sacrifices to the gods in thanksgiving for their victory and had given a splendid burial to those who had been slain in the battle, they fell into great strife concerning the prize for valour, disputing to whom they ought to award the first crown.
[4] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀκέραιοι κριταὶ τὸν Ἀριστόδημον ἐβούλοντο τιμῆσαι, καὶ ἦν ὁ δῆμος ἅπας μετ᾽ ἐκείνου: οἱ δὲ δυνατοὶ τὸν ἱππάρχην Ἱππομέδοντα, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ πᾶσα τούτῳ συνελάμβανεν: ἦν δ᾽ ἀριστοκρατικὴ τότε παρὰ τοῖς Κυμαίοις ἡ πολιτεία, καὶ ὁ δῆμος οὐ πολλῶν τινων κύριος. στάσεως δὲ διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἔριν ἀνισταμένης δείσαντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, μὴ πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ φόνους χωρήσῃ τὸ φιλότιμον, ἔπεισαν ἀμφοτέρας τὰς τάξεις συγχωρῆσαι τὰς ἴσας λαβεῖν τιμὰς ἑκάτερον τῶν ἀνδρῶν.
[4] For the impartial judges wished to bestow this honour upon Aristodemus, and the people were all on his side; but the men in power desired to confer it upon Hippomedon, the commander of the horse, and the whole senate championed his cause. The Cumaeans were at that time governed by an aristocracy, and the people were not in control of many matters. And when a sedition arose because of this strife, the older men, fearing that the rivalry might proceed to arms and bloodshed, prevailed on both parties to consent that each of the men should receive equal honours.
[5] ἀπὸ ταύτης γίνεται τῆς ἀρχῆς δήμου προστάτης ὁ Μαλακὸς Ἀριστόδημος καὶ λόγου πολιτικοῦ δύναμιν ἀσκήσας ἐξεδημαγώγει τὸ πλῆθος, πολιτεύμασί [p. 8] τε κεχαρισμένοις ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ τοὺς σφετεριζομένους τὰ κοινὰ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐξελέγχων καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ χρημάτων πολλοὺς τῶν πενήτων εὖ ποιῶν: καὶ ἦν τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπαχθὴς καὶ φοβερός.
[5] From this beginning Aristodemus became a champion of the people, and having cultivated proficiency in political oratory, he seduced the mob by his harangues, improved their condition by popular measures, exposed the powerful men who were appropriating the public property, and relieved many of the poor with his own money. By this means he became both odious and formidable to the leading men of the aristocracy.
[1] εἰκοστῷ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἔτει τῆς πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους μάχης ἦλθον ὡς τοὺς Κυμαίους Ἀρικηνῶν πρέσβεις σὺν ἱκετηρίαις ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοὺς βοηθῆσαι σφίσιν ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν πολεμουμένοις. μετὰ γὰρ τὰς διαλλαγάς, ἃς ἐποιήσατο πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Τυρρηνῶν Πορσίνας, τὸν υἱὸν Ἄρροντα δοὺς τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔπεμψεν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν κτήσασθαι βουλόμενον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτου δεδήλωκα λόγοις: ὃς ἐπολιόρκει τότε τοὺς Ἀρικηνοὺς καταπεφευγότας εἰς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ οὐ διὰ μακροῦ λιμῷ τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσειν ᾤετο.
[5.1] In the twentieth year after the engagement with the barbarians ambassadors from the Aricians came to the Cumaeans with the tokens of suppliants to beg their assistance against the Tyrrhenians who were making war upon them. For, as I related in an earlier book, Porsena, king of the Tyrrhenians, after making peace with Rome, had sent out his son Arruns with one half of the army when the youth desired to acquire a dominion for himself. Arruns, then, at the time in question was besieging the Aricians, whom he had forced to take refuge inside their walls, and he expected to capture the city soon by famine.
[2] ταύτης τῆς πρεσβείας ἀφικομένης οἱ προεστηκότες τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας μισοῦντες τὸν Ἀριστόδημον καὶ δεδιότες, μή τι κακὸν ἐξεργάσηται περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν, κάλλιστον ὑπέλαβον εἰληφέναι καιρὸν ἐκποδὼν αὐτὸν ποιήσασθαι σὺν εὐσχήμονι προφάσει. πείσαντες δὴ τὸν δῆμον ἀποστεῖλαι Ἀρικηνοῖς δισχιλίους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν, καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀποδείξαντες τὸν Ἀριστόδημον ὡς δὴ τὰ πολέμια λαμπρόν, τὰ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἔπραττον, ἐξ ὧν ἢ κατακοπήσεσθαι μαχόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Τυρρηνῶν αὐτὸν ὑπελάμβανον ἢ κατὰ πέλαγος διαφθαρήσεσθαι.
[2] When this embassy arrived, the leading men of the aristocracy, who hated Aristodemus and feared he might do some harm to the established government, thought they had got a very fine opportunity to get rid of him under a specious pretence. They accordingly persuaded the people to send two thousand men to the aid of the Aricians and appointed Aristodemus as general, ostensibly because of his brilliant military achievements; after which they took such measures as they supposed would result in his either being destroyed in battle by the Tyrrhenians or perishing at sea.
[3] γενόμενοι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς κύριοι καταλέξαι τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐξελευσομένους τῶν μὲν [p. 9] ἐπισήμων καὶ λόγου ἀξίων οὐδένα κατέγραψαν, ἐπιλέξαντες δὲ τοὺς ἀπορωτάτους τε καὶ πονηροτάτους τῶν δημοτικῶν, ἐξ ὧν ἀεί τινας ὑπώπτευον νεωτερισμούς, ἐκ τούτων συνεπλήρωσαν τὸν ἀπόστολον: καὶ ναῦς δέκα παλαιὰς κάκιστα πλεούσας καθελκύσαντες, ὧν ἐτριηράρχουν οἱ πενέστατοι Κυμαίων, εἰς ταύτας αὐτοὺς ἐνεβίβασαν θάνατον ἀπειλήσαντες, ἐάν τις ἀπολειφθῇ τῆς στρατείας.
[3] For being empowered by the senate to raise the forces that were to be sent as auxiliaries, they enrolled no men of distinction or reputation; but choosing out the poorest and the most unprincipled of the common people from whom they were under continual apprehension of some uprisings, they made up out of these the complement of men who were to be sent upon the exception. And launching ten old ships that were most unseaworthy and were commanded by the poorest of the Cumaeans, they embarked the forces on board these ships, threatening with death anyone who should fail to enlist.
[1] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀριστόδημος τοσοῦτον εἰπὼν μόνον, ὡς οὐ λέληθεν αὐτὸν ἡ διάνοια τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ὅτι λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν αὐτὸν ἀποστέλλουσιν, ἔργῳ δ᾽ εἰς προὖπτον ὄλεθρον, δέχεται μὲν τὴν στρατηγίαν, ἀναχθεὶς δ᾽ ἅμα τοῖς πρέσβεσι τῶν Ἀρικηνῶν διὰ ταχέων καὶ τὸ μεταξὺ πέλαγος ἐπιπόνως καὶ κινδυνωδῶς διανύσας ὁρμίζεται κατὰ τοὺς ἔγγιστα τῆς Ἀρικείας αἰγιαλούς: καὶ καταλιπὼν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ φυλακὴν ἀποχρῶσαν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ νυκτὶ τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ὁδὸν οὐ πολλὴν οὖσαν διανύσας ἐπιφαίνεται τοῖς Ἀρικηνοῖς περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον ἀπροσδόκητος.
[6.1] Aristodemus, merely remarking that he was not ignorant of the purpose of his enemies, namely, that in word they were sending him to the assistance of the Aricians, but in fact to manifest destruction, accepted the command, and hastily setting sail with the ambassadors of the Aricians, and accomplishing the voyage over the intervening sea with great difficulty and danger, came to anchor at points along the coast nearest to Aricia. And leaving a sufficient number of men on board to guard the ships, on the first night he made the march, which was not a long one, from the sea to the city and appeared unexpectedly to the inhabitants at dawn.
[2] θέμενος δὲ πλησίον αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα καὶ τοὺς καταπεφευγότας εἰς τὰ τείχη πείσας προελθεῖν εἰς ὕπαιθρον προὐκαλεῖτο τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς εὐθὺς εἰς μάχην. γενομένου δ᾽ ἐκ παρατάξεως ἀγῶνος καρτεροῦ οἱ μὲν Ἀρικηνοὶ βραχὺν πάνυ διαμείναντες χρόνον ἐνέκλιναν ἀθρόοι, καὶ γίνεται πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτῶν φυγή: ὁ δ᾽ Ἀριστόδημος σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν λογάσι Κυμαίων ὀλίγοις οὖσι πᾶν τὸ τοῦ πολέμου [p. 10] βάρος ὑποστὰς καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν Τυρρηνῶν αὐτοχειρίᾳ κτείνας τρέπει τοὺς ἄλλους εἰς φυγὴν καὶ
[2] Then, encamping near the city and persuading the citizens who had fled for refuge inside the walls to come out into the open, he promptly challenged the Tyrrhenians to battle. And a sharp engagement ensuing, the Aricians after a very short resistance all gave way and again fled inside the walls. But Aristodemus with a small body of chosen Cumaeans sustained the united shock of the enemy, and having slain the general of the Tyrrhenians with his own hand, put the rest to flight and gained the most glorious of all victories.
[3] νίκην ἀναιρεῖται πασῶν λαμπροτάτην. διαπραξάμενος δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τιμηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀρικηνῶν πολλαῖς δωρεαῖς ἀπέπλει διὰ ταχέων αὐτὸς ἄγγελος τοῖς Κυμαίοις τῆς αὑτοῦ νίκης βουλόμενος γενέσθαι: εἵποντο δ᾽ αὐτῷ πολλαὶ πάνυ τῶν Ἀρικηνῶν ὁλκάδες τὰ λάφυρα καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους τῶν Τυρρηνῶν ἄγουσαι.
[3] After he had performed these achievements and been honoured with many presents by the Aricians, he sailed home immediately, desiring to be himself the messenger to the Cumaeans of his victory. He was followed by a great number of merchantmen belonging to the Aricians, laden with the spoils and prisoners taken from the Tyrrhenians.
[4] ὡς δὲ πλησίον ἐγένοντο τῆς Κύμης, ὁρμίσας τὰς ναῦς ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ στρατοῦ ποιεῖται, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τῶν προεστηκότων τῆς πόλεως κατηγορήσας, πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ἀνδραγαθησάντων κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἐπαίνους διελθὼν ἀργύριόν τε διαδοὺς αὐτοῖς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν Ἀρικηνῶν δωρεὰς εἰς κοινὸν ἅπασι καταθεὶς ἠξίου μεμνῆσθαι τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, ἂν καταπλεύσωσιν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα, καὶ ἄν τις αὐτῷ ποτε συμβαίνῃ κίνδυνος ἐκ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ὡς δύναμις ἑκάστῳ βοηθεῖν.
[4] When they arrived near Cumae, he brought his ships to shore, and assembling his army, inveighed vehemently against the chief men of the city and bestowed many praises upon the soldiers who had distinguished themselves in the battle; and having given money to every one of them man by man and placed at the joint disposal of all of them the presents he had received from the Aricians, he asked that they should remember these favours when they returned home, and if he should be threatened with any danger from the oligarchy, that every one of them should assist him to the utmost of his power.
[5] ἁπάντων δὲ πολλὰς ὁμολογούντων αὐτῷ χάριτας εἰδέναι τῆς τ᾽ ἀνελπίστου σωτηρίας, ἣν δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἔσχον, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα οὐ σὺν κεναῖς χερσὶν ἀφίξεως, καὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ψυχὰς θᾶττον ἢ τὴν ἐκείνου προήσεσθαι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπαγγειλαμένων, ἐπαινέσας αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καλῶν εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ σκηνὴν τοὺς πονηροτάτους ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα γενναιοτάτους δωρεῶν τε δόσει καὶ λόγων φιλανθρωπίᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἅπαντας ἐξαπατώσαις ἐλπίσι διαφθείρας, [p. 11] ἑτοίμους ἔσχε συγκαταλῦσαι τὴν καθεστῶσαν πολιτείαν.
[5] Then, when all acknowledged themselves to be under great obligations to him, not only for their unexpected preservation which they owed to him, but also for their not returning home with empty hands, and promised to sacrifice their own lives sooner than to abandon him to their enemies, he commended them and dismissed the assembly. After this he called into his tent those among them who were the most unprincipled and the most daring in action, and by means of largesses, fair words, and hopes which seduce all men, he bribed them in readiness to assist him in overthrowing the established government.
[1] οὓς συνεργοὺς καὶ συναγωνιστὰς λαβὼν καὶ ἃ δεήσει πράττειν ἑκάστοις ὑποθέμενος τοῖς τ᾽ αἰχμαλώτοις, οὓς ἐπήγετο, προῖκα δοὺς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἵνα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων εὔνοιαν προσλάβῃ, κατέπλει κεκοσμημέναις ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰς τοὺς τῶν Κυμαίων λιμένας. οἱ δὲ τῶν στρατευομένων πατέρες τε καὶ μητέρες καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἄλλη συγγένεια, παιδία τε καὶ γαμεταὶ γυναῖκες, ὑπήντων ἐξιοῦσιν αὐτοῖς μετὰ δακρύων περιπλεκόμενοι καὶ καταφιλοῦντες καὶ ταῖς ἡδίσταις ἕκαστον ἀνακαλούμενοι προσηγορίαις.
[7.1] After he had secured these men as his assistants and participants with him in the struggle, and had acquainted each one with the part he was to play, and furthermore had set at liberty without ransom all the prisoners he was bringing along, in order to gain their goodwill also, he sailed with his ships decked out into the harbours of Cumae. When the soldiers disembarked, they were met by their fathers and mothers and all the rest of their kinsmen, their children and their wedded wives, who embraced them with tears and kisses and called each of them by the most endearing terms.
[2] καὶ ἡ ἄλλη δὲ πληθὺς ἡ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασα χαρᾷ καὶ κρότῳ δεξιουμένη τὸν ἡγεμόνα προὔπεμπεν εἰς οἶκον ἀπιόντα. ἐφ᾽ οἷς οἱ προεστηκότες τῆς πόλεως ἀνιώμενοι, μάλιστα δ᾽ οἱ τὴν στρατηγίαν αὐτῷ παραδόντες καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πρὸς τὸν ὄλεθρον μηχανησάμενοι, πονηροὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος εἶχον διαλογισμούς.
[2] And all the other citizens, receiving the general with joy and applause, conducted him to his house. But the chief men of the city, particularly those who had given him the command and concerted the other measures for his destruction, were vexed at these manifestations and felt sinister apprehensions regarding the future.
[3] ὁ δὲ διαλιπὼν ὀλίγας τινὰς ἡμέρας, ἐν αἷς τὰς εὐχὰς ἀπεδίδου τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ τὰς ὑστεριζούσας ὁλκάδας ἀνεδέχετο, ἐπειδὴ καιρὸς ἦν, ἔφη βούλεσθαι τὰ πραχθέντα κατὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἀπαγγεῖλαι καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λάφυρα ἀποδεῖξαι. συνελθόντων δὲ τῶν ἐν τέλει κατὰ πλῆθος εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον ὁ μὲν ἐδημηγόρει παρελθὼν καὶ πάντα τὰ γενόμενα κατὰ τὴν μάχην διεξῄει, οἱ δὲ παρασκευασθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ συνεργοὶ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως ἔχοντες ὑπὸ [p. 12] τοῖς ἱματίοις ξίφη κατὰ πλῆθος εἰσδραμόντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἀποσφάττουσιν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἀριστοκρατικούς.
[3] Aristodemus allowed a few days to pass, during which he performed his vows to the gods and waited for the merchantmen that were late in arriving, and then, when the proper time came, he said he desired to give the senate an account of the circumstances of the battle and to show them the spoils taken in the war. Then, the authorities having assembled in great numbers, he came forward and made a speech, in which he related everything that had happened in the battle; and while he was speaking, the accomplices in the plot with whom he had arranged matters rushed into the senate-house in a body with swords under their garments and killed all the members of the aristocracy.
[4] φυγὴ δ᾽ ἐγένετο μετὰ τοῦτο τῶν κατ᾽ ἀγορὰν καὶ δρόμος, τῶν μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας, τῶν δ᾽ ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, πλὴν τῶν συνειδότων τὴν ἐπίθεσιν: οὗτοι δὲ τὴν ἄκραν καὶ τὰ νεώρια καὶ τοὺς ἐρυμνοὺς τόπους τῆς πόλεως κατελάμβανον. τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ λύσας ἐκ τῶν δεσμωτηρίων τοὺς ἐπιθανατίους πολλοὺς ὄντας καὶ καθοπλίσας ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις φίλοις, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν καὶ οἱ τῶν Τυρρηνῶν αἰχμάλωτοι, φυλακὴν ἐκ τούτων καθίσταται περὶ τὸ σῶμα.
[4] Thereupon there ensued a flight of those who were in the forum and a rush of some to their houses and of others away from the city, except of such as were privy to the conspiracy; the latter in mean time captured the citadel, the dockyards, and the strong places of the city. The following night he released from the prisons all who were under sentence of death, of whom there were many, arming them together with his friends, among whom were the Tyrrhenian prisoners, he formed out of these a bodyguard for himself.
[5] ἡμέρας δὲ γενομένης συγκαλέσας τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ πολλὴν κατηγορίαν διαθέμενος τῶν φονευθέντων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολιτῶν, ἐκείνους μὲν ἔφη τετιμωρῆσθαι σὺν δίκῃ πολλάκις ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις πολίταις ἐλευθερίαν φέρων παρεῖναι καὶ ἰσηγορίαν καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἀγαθά.
[5] When it was day, he assembled the people and after inveighing at length against the citizens who had been put to death by his orders, he said that those men, having often sought his life, had been justly punished by him, but that, as for the rest of the citizens, he had come to give them liberty, equal rights of speech, and many other advantages.
[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ θαυμαστῶν ἅπαντας ἐμπλήσας ἐλπίδων τοὺς δημοτικοὺς δύο τὰ κάκιστα τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις καθίσταται πολιτευμάτων, οἷς ἅπασα χρῆται προοιμίοις τυραννίς, γῆς ἀναδασμὸν καὶ χρεῶν ἄφεσιν: τούτων δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑπισχνεῖται ποιήσεσθαι στρατηγὸς ἀποδειχθεὶς αὐτοκράτωρ, ἕως ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τὰ κοινὰ γένηται καὶ δημοκρατικὴν [p. 13]
[8.1] When he had said this and thereby filled all the common people with wonderful hopes, he established two institutions which are the worst of all human institutions and the prologues to every tyranny — a redistribution of the land and an abolition of debts. He promised that he would take upon himself the care of both these matters if he were appointed general with absolute power till the public tranquillity should be secured and they had established a democratic constitution.
[2] καταστήσωνται πολιτείαν. ἀσμένως δὲ τοῦ δημοτικοῦ καὶ πονηροῦ πλήθους τὴν ἁρπαγὴν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων δεξαμένου λαβὼν τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἕτερον ἐπιφέρει βούλευμα, δι᾽ οὗ παρακρουσάμενος αὐτοὺς ἁπάντων ἀφείλετο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. σκηψάμενος γὰρ ὑποπτεύειν ταραχὰς καὶ ἐπαναστάσεις ἐκ τῶν πλουσίων εἰς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς διὰ τὸν ἀναδασμὸν τῆς γῆς καὶ τὰς τῶν δανείων ἀφέσεις, ἵνα μὴ γένοιτο πόλεμος ἐμφύλιος μηδὲ φόνοι πολιτικοί, μίαν εὑρίσκειν ἔφη πρὶν εἰς τὰ δεινὰ ἐλθεῖν φυλακήν, εἰ τὰ ὅπλα προενέγκαντες ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἅπαντες τοῖς θεοῖς καθιερώσειαν, ἵνα κατὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιόντων πολεμίων ἔχοιεν αὐτοῖς, ὅταν ἀνάγκη τις καταλάβῃ, χρῆσθαι καὶ μὴ καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, κεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτὰ τέως παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐν καλῷ.
[2] When the common people and the unprincipled rabble gladly accepted the proposal to pillage the goods of other men, Aristodemus conferred upon himself the supreme command, and proposed another measure by which he deceived them and deprived them all of their liberty. For pretending to suspect that the rich would raise disturbances and insurrections against the common people on account of the redistribution of the land and the abolition of debts, he said the only means he could think of to prevent a civil war and the slaughter of citizens and to guard against these miseries before they happened, was for all of them to bring the arms out of their houses and to consecrate them to the gods, in order that they might make use of them against foreign enemies who should attack them, whenever the necessity should arise, and not against one another, and that in the mean time they would be suitably placed in the keeping of the gods.
[3] ὡς δὲ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐπείσθησαν, αὐθημερὸν ἁπάντων παρελόμενος Κυμαίων τὰ ὅπλα ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἔρευναν ἐποιεῖτο τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἐν αἷς πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἀποκτείνας τῶν πολιτῶν, ὡς οὐχ ἅπαντα τοῖς θεοῖς ἀποδείξαντας τὰ ὅπλα, μετὰ ταῦτα φυλακαῖς τρισὶ κρατύνεται τὴν τυραννίδα: ὧν ἦν μία μὲν ἐκ τῶν ῥυπαρωτάτων τε καὶ πονηροτάτων πολιτῶν, μεθ᾽ ὧν κατέλυσε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν πολιτείαν, ἑτέρα δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἀνοσιωτάτων δούλων, οὓς αὐτὸς ἠλευθέρωσεν ἀποκτείναντας τοὺς αὑτῶν δεσπότας, τρίτη δὲ μισθοφόρος ἐκ τῶν ἀγριωτάτων βαρβάρων: οὗτοι δισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττους ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολέμια μακρῷ τῶν [p. 14]
[3] When they agreed to this also, he disarmed all the Cumaeans that very day, and during the following days he searched their houses, where he put to death many worthy citizens, alleging that they had not produced all their arms for the gods. After this he strengthened his tyranny by three sorts of guards. The first consisted of the filthiest and the most unprincipled of the citizens, by whose aid he had overthrown the aristocracy; the second, of the most impious knaves, whom he himself had freed for having killed their masters; and the third, a mercenary force, consisting of the most average barbarians, who amounted to no fewer than two thousand and were far better soldiers than any of the rest.
[4] ἄλλων ἀμείνους. ὧν δ᾽ ἀπέκτεινεν ἀνδρῶν τὰς εἰκόνας ἀνελὼν ἐκ παντὸς ἱεροῦ καὶ βεβήλου τόπου, φέρων εἰς τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους τὰς ἰδίας ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων ἀνέστησεν: οἰκίας δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ κλήρους καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ὕπαρξιν ἀναλαβών, ἐξελόμενος χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο τυραννίδος ἦν ἄξιον κτῆμα, τὰ λοιπὰ τοῖς συγκατασκευάσασι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐχαρίσατο, πλείστας δὲ καὶ μεγίστας δωρεὰς τοῖς ἀποκτείνασι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν δεσπότας ἐδίδου: οἱ δ᾽ ἠξίουν ἔτι καὶ γυναιξὶ τῶν δεσποτῶν καὶ θυγατράσι συνοικεῖν.
[4] He destroyed the statues of those he had put to death in all places both sacred and profane and set up his own in their stead; and seizing their houses and lands and the rest of their fortunes, he reserved for himself the gold and silver and everything else that was worthy of a tyrant, and divided the remainder among those who had aided him in gaining his power. But the most numerous and the largest gifts he made to the slaves who had killed their masters. Thereupon these insisted also on marrying the wives and daughters of their late masters.
[1] γενεὰν δὲ τῶν πεφονευμένων τὴν ἄρρενα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐν οὐθενὶ λόγῳ ποιησάμενος, ὕστερον εἴτ᾽ ἐκ θεοπροπίου τινὸς εἴτε καὶ κατὰ τὸν εἰκότα λογισμὸν οὐ μικρὸν αὐτῷ δέος ὑποτρέφεσθαι νομίσας ἐπεχείρησε
[9.1] At first he paid no attention to the male children of those who had been put to death, but afterwards, either at the direction of some oracle or influenced also by the reflection he any naturally make, that in them no small danger was being secretly reared up against him, he resolved to destroy them all in one day.
[2] μὲν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πᾶσαν ἀπολέσαι: δεήσει δὲ πολλῇ χρησαμένων ἁπάντων, παρ᾽ οἷς ἔτυχον αἵ τε μητέρες αὐτῶν οὖσαι καὶ οἱ παῖδες τρεφόμενοι, χαρίσασθαι βουλόμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ ταύτην τὴν δωρεὰν θανάτου μὲν ἀπολύει παρὰ γνώμην, φυλακὴν δὲ ποιούμενος αὐτῶν, μή τι συστάντες μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων βουλεύσωσι κατὰ τῆς τυραννίδος, ἀπιέναι πάντας ἐκέλευσεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἄλλον ἄλλῃ καὶ δίαιταν ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς μηθενὸς τῶν προσηκόντων ἐλευθέροις παισὶ μήτ᾽ ἐπιτηδεύματος μήτε μαθήματος μεταλαμβάνοντας, ἀλλὰ ποιμαίνοντάς τε καὶ τἆλλα τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἔργα πράττοντας, θάνατον ἀπειλήσας, εἴ τις ἐξ αὐτῶν εὑρεθείη [p. 15]
[2] But at the earnest entreaties of all the men with whom the children’s mothers were living and the children themselves were being brought up, since he wished to grant them this favour also, he saved them from death, contrary to his intention. Taking precautions, however, against them, lest they should combine together and conspire against his tyranny, he ordered them all to depart from the city and to live in the country dispersed here and there, receiving instruction in no profession or branch of learning becoming to the children of freemen, but tending flocks and performing the other labours of the husbandmen; and he threatened with death anyone of them who should be found in the city.
[3] παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. οἱ δὲ καταλιπόντες τὰς πατρῴας ἑστίας ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ὥσπερ δοῦλοι διετρέφοντο τοῖς ἀποκτείνασι τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν λατρεύοντες. ἵνα δὲ μηδὲ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ἐν μηθενὶ γένηται μήτε γενναῖον μήτ᾽ ἀνδρῶδες φρόνημα, πᾶσαν ἐκθηλῦναι ταῖς ἀγωγαῖς τὴν ἐπιτρεφομένην νεότητα τῆς πόλεως ἐπεβάλετο ἀνελὼν μὲν τὰ γυμνάσια καὶ τὰς ἐνοπλίους μελἔτας, ἀλλάξας δὲ τὴν δίαιταν, ᾗ πρότερον οἱ παῖδες ἐχρῶντο.
[3] These children, accordingly, forsaking the houses of their fathers, were brought up in the country like slaves, serving the murderers of their fathers. And to the end that no noble or manly spirit might spring up in any of the rest of the citizens, he resolved to make effeminate by means of their upbringing all the youths who were being reared in the city, and with that view he suppressed the gymnasiums and the practice of arms and changed the manner of life previously followed by the children.
[4] κομᾶν τε γὰρ τοὺς ἄρρενας ὥσπερ τὰς παρθένους ἐκέλευσεν ἐξανθιζομένους καὶ βοστρυχιζομένους καὶ κεκρυφάλοις τὰς πλοκαμίδας ἀναδοῦντας ἐνδύεσθαί τε ποικίλους καὶ ποδήρεις χιτωνίσκους, καὶ χλανιδίοις ἀμπέχεσθαι λεπτοῖς καὶ μαλακοῖς, καὶ δίαιταν ἔχειν ὑπὸ σκιαῖς: ἠκολούθουν τ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰς τὰ διδασκαλεῖα τῶν ὀρχηστῶν καὶ αὐλητῶν καὶ τῶν παραπλησίων τούτοις μουσοκολάκων παραπορευόμεναι παιδαγωγοὶ γυναῖκες σκιάδεια καὶ ῥιπίδας κομίζουσαι, καὶ ἔλουον αὐτοὺς αὗται κτένας εἰς τὰ βαλανεῖα φέρουσαι καὶ μύρων ἀλαβάστρους καὶ κάτοπτρα.
[4] For he ordered the boys to wear their hair long like the girls, to adorn it with flowers, to keep it curled and to bind up the tresses with hair-nets, to wear embroidered robes that reached down to their feet, and, over these, thin and soft mantles, and to pass their lives in the shade. And when they went to the schools kept by dancing-masters, flute-players and others who, like these, pay court to the Muses, their governesses attended them, taking along parasols and fans; and these women bathed them, carrying into the baths combs, alabaster pots filled with perfumes, and looking-glasses.
[5] τοιαύτῃ διαφθείρων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς παῖδας, ἕως ἐκπληρώσωσιν εἰκοστὸν ἔτος, τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦδε χρόνον εἰς ἄνδρας εἴα τελεῖν. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα Κυμαίοις ἐνυβρίσας καὶ λωβησάμενος καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἀσελγείας οὔτ᾽ ὠμότητος οὐδεμιᾶς ἀποσχόμενος, ὅτ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς κατέχειν ὑπελάμβανε τὴν τυραννίδα, γηραιὸς ὢν ἤδη δίκας ἔτισεν οὐ μεμπτὰς θεοῖς τε καὶ ἀνθρώποις πρόρριζος ἀπολόμενος. [p. 16]
[5] By such training he continued to enervate the youth till they had completed their twentieth year, and from that time permitted them to be considered as men. Having by these and many other methods abused and insulted the Cumaeans without refraining from any kind of lust or cruelty, when he thought himself secure in the possession of the tyranny, being now grown old, he was punished to the satisfaction of both gods and men and extirpated with all his family.
[1] οἱ δ᾽ ἐπαναστάντες αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐλευθερώσαντες ἀπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος οἱ παῖδες τῶν πεφονευμένων ὑπ᾽ αὺτοῦ πολιτῶν ἦσαν, οὕς κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἅπαντας ἀποκτεῖναι ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ προελόμενος ἐπέσχεν, ὥσπερ ἔφην, ὑπὸ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων, οἷς ἔδωκε τὰς μητέρας αὐτῶν, ἐκλιπαρηθείς, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς κελεύσας διατρίβειν.
[10.1] Those who rose against him and freed their country from his tyranny were the sons of the citizens he had murdered, all of whom he had at first resolved to put to death in one day, but being prevailed upon by the entreaties of his bodyguards, to whom he had given their mothers, had refrained, as I said,
[2] ὀλίγοις δ᾽ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον, ἐπειδὴ τὰς κώμας διεξιὼν πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν εἶδεν αὐτῶν νεότητα, δείσας, μὴ συμφρονήσαντες ἐπαναστῶσιν αὐτῷ, φθάσαι διαχειρισάμενος ἅπαντας ἐβούλετο, πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τινά: καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς φίλους ἐσκόπει μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, δι᾽ οἵου τρόπου ῥᾷστά τε καὶ τάχιστα λαθόντες ἀναιρεθήσονται.
[2] and ordered them to live in the country. A few years later, as he was making a progress through the villages, he saw a large number of these youths, who made a brave appearance; and fearing they might conspire together and rise against him, he purposed to forestall them by putting them all to death before any one should be aware of his intention. Assembling his friends, accordingly, he considered with them how the youths might most easily and speedily be put to death in secret.
[3] τοῦτο καταμαθόντες οἱ παῖδες, εἴτε μηνυθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων τινός, εἴτ᾽ αὐτοὶ κατὰ τὸν ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων λογισμὸν ὑποτοπήσαντες, φεύγουσιν εἰς τὰ ὄρη τὸν γεωργικὸν ἁρπάσαντες σίδηρον. ἧκον δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπίκουροι κατὰ τάχος ἐνδιατρίβοντες ἐν Καπύῃ Κυμαίων φυγάδες, ὧν ἦσαν ἐπιφανέστατοί τε καὶ πλείστους Καμπανῶν ἔχοντες ξένους οἱ Ἱππομέδοντος παῖδες τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Τυρρηνικὸν ἱππαρχήσαντος πόλεμον, αὐτοί θ᾽ ὡπλισμένοι κἀκείνοις κομίζοντες ὅπλα Καμπανῶν τε μισθοφόρων καὶ φίλων χεῖρα συγκροτήσαντες οὐκ ὀλίγην.
[3] The youths, being apprised of this, either by the information of some person who was acquainted with his purpose, or suspecting it themselves by reasoning from probabilities, fled to the mountains, taking with them the iron implements they used in husbandry. They were speedily joined by the Cumaean exiles who resided in Capua, most distinguished of whom and possessing the largest number of friends among the Campanians were the sons of Hippomedon, who had been commander of the horse in the war against the Tyrrhenians. These were not only well armed themselves, but also brought with them arms for the youths as well as a goodly band of Campanian mercenaries and of their own friends which they had raised.
[4] ἐπεὶ δὲ καθ᾽ ἓν ἅπαντες ἐγένοντο, τοὺς ἀγροὺς τῶν ἐχθρῶν καταθέοντες ἐφόδοις λῃστρικαῖς ἐλεηλάτουν καὶ τοὺς δούλους ἀφίστασαν ἀπὸ τῶν [p. 17] δεσποτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν δεσμωτηρίων λύοντες καθώπλιζον, καὶ ὅσα μὴ δύναιντο φέρειν τε καὶ ἄγειν χρήματα ματα καὶ βοσκήματα τὰ μὲν ἐνεπίμπρασαν, τὰ δὲ κατέσφαττον. ἀπορουμένῳ δὲ τῷ τυράννῳ, τίνα χρὴ
[4] When they had all united, they made descents after the manner of brigands and plundered the lands of their enemies, lured the slaves away from their masters, released the men confined in prisons and armed them, and whatever they could not carry or drive off they either burnt or killed.
[5] τρόπον αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖν διὰ τὸ μήτ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ τὰς ἐπιχειρήσεις αὐτοὺς ποιεῖσθαι μήτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρονίζειν τόποις, ἀλλὰ νυκτὶ μὲν εἰς ὄρθρον, ἡμέρᾳ δ᾽ εἰς νύκτα συμμετρεῖσθαι τὰς ἐφόδους, καὶ πολλάκις ἀποστείλαντι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν τῆς χώρας διὰ κενῆς, παραγίνεταί τις ἐξ αὐτῶν ᾐκισμένος τὸ σῶμα μάστιξιν ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν φυγάδων ὡς αὐτόμολος, ὃς ἄδειαν αἰτησάμενος ὑπέσχετο τῷ τυράννῳ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀποσταλησομένην σὺν αὐτῷ δύναμιν ἄξειν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἔμελλον αὐλίζεσθαι νύκτα οἱ φυγάδες.
[5] While the tyrant was at a loss to know in what manner he ought to make war upon them, because they neither made their attempts openly nor stayed long in the same places, but timed their raids either from the fall of night to the break of day or from daybreak to nightfall, and after he had often sent out the soldiers to the relief of the country in vain, one of the fugitives, sent by the rest in the guise of a deserter, came to him, his body torn with whips, and after suing for impunity, promised the tyrant to conduct any troops he should think fit to send with him to the place where the fugitives proposed to encamp the following night.
[6] ᾧ πιστεῦσαι προαχθεὶς ὁ τύραννος αἰτοῦντι οὐθὲν καὶ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα ὅμηρον παρεχομένῳ πέμπει τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἄγοντας ἱππεῖς τε πολλοὺς καὶ τὴν μισθοφόρον δύναμιν, οἷς ἐνετείλατο μάλιστα μὲν ἅπαντας τοὺς φυγάδας, εἰ δὲ μή γ᾽ ὡς πλείστους ἐξ αὐτῶν δήσαντας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄγειν. ὁ μὲν οὖν κατασκευαστὸς αὐτόμολος κατά τ᾽ ἀτριβεῖς ὁδοὺς καὶ διὰ δρυμῶν ἐρήμων ἦγε τὴν στρατιὰν ταλαιπωροῦσαν δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὰ πλεῖστον ἀπέχοντα τῆς πόλεως μέρη.
[6] The tyrant, being induced to trust this man, who asked nothing and offered his own person as a hostage, sent his most trusted commanders at the head of a large number of horse and the band of mercenaries with orders to bring to him in chains all the fugitives if they could, otherwise as many of them as possible. The pretended deserter then led the army during the whole night through untrodden paths and lonely woods, where they suffered greatly, till they came to the regions that were most remote from the city.
[1] οἱ δ᾽ ἀποστάται τε καὶ φυγάδες ἐν τῷ περὶ τὸν Ἄορνον ὄρει πλησίον ὄντι τῆς πόλεως λοχῶντες, [p. 18] ὡς ἔμαθον ἐξεληλυθυῖαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὴν τοῦ τυράννου στρατιὰν συνθήμασι μηνυθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν σκοπῶν, πέμπουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν περὶ ἑξήκοντα μάλιστα τοὺς εὐτολμοτάτους διφθέρας ἔχοντας καὶ φακέλλους φρυγάνων κομίζοντας.
[11.1] In the meantime the rebels and fugitives, who lay in ambush on the mountain which lies near Lake Avernus and not far from Cumae, when they learned from the signals made by their scouts that the tyrant’s army had marched out of the city, sent thither about sixty of the most resolute of their number, clad in goatskins and carrying faggots of brushwood.
[2] οὗτοι περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἄλλας πύλας ὡς χερνῆται παρεισπεσόντες ἔλαθον: ὡς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἐγένοντο τοῦ τείχους ἐξελκύσαντες ἐκ τῶν φακέλλων ἃ κατέκρυπτον ξίφη, καὶ συνελθόντες εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν ἅπαντες τόπον ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμήσαντες ἀθρόοι πρὸς τὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄορνον φερούσας πύλας τούς τε φύλακας αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνουσι κοιμωμένους καὶ τοὺς σφετέρους ἅπαντας ἤδη τοῦ τείχους πλησίον ὄντας ἀναπεπταμέναις ταῖς πύλαις ὑποδέχονται, καὶ τοῦτο πράξαντες ἔλαθον.
[2] These men contrived to steal into the city by various gates about the time for lighting the lamps, being taken for labourers and thus escaping detection. Once inside the walls, they drew out the swords they had concealed in the faggots and all met in one place. And proceeding thence in a body to the gate that led to Lake Avernus, they killed the guards while they were asleep, and, all their own force, having by this time arrived near the walls, they opened the gates and received them into the city. All this they did without being discovered.
[3] ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐκείνῃ τῇ νυκτὶ ἑορτή τις οὖσα δημοτελής, καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἅπας ὁ κατὰ πόλιν ὄχλος ἐν πότοις ὢν καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις εὐπαθείαις. τοῦτο παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς κατὰ πολλὴν ἄδειαν ἁπάσας διελθεῖν τὰς ἐπὶ τὴν τυραννικὴν οἰκίαν φερούσας ὁδούς: καὶ οὐδὲ παρὰ ταῖς θύραις πολλήν τινα καὶ ἐγρηγορυῖαν εὗρον φυλακήν, ἀλλὰ κἀνταῦθα τοὺς μὲν ἤδη καθεύδοντας, τοὺς δὲ μεθύοντας ἀποσφάξαντες δίχα πόνου καὶ κατὰ πλῆθος εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ὠσάμενοι, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας οὔτε τῶν σωμάτων ἔτι κρατοῦντας οὔτε τῶν φρενῶν διὰ τὸν οἶνον προβάτων δίκην κατέσφαξαν: τὸν δ᾽ [p. 19] Ἀριστόδημον καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην συγγένειαν συλλαβόντες ἄχρι πολλῆς νυκτὸς αἰκιζόμενοί τε καὶ στρεβλοῦντες καὶ πᾶσιν ὡς εἰπεῖν λυμαινόμενοι κακοῖς ἀπέκτειναν.
[3] For that night there happened to be a public festival; hence the whole population of the city was occupied in drinking and other pleasures. This afforded the fugitives an opportunity of marching through all the streets that led to the tyrant’s palace without meeting any opposition; and even at the palace doors they did not find any considerable number of guards on the alert, but here also some were already asleep and others drunk, and these they killed without any difficulty. Then, rushing into the palace in a body, they found all the rest no longer masters of either their bodies or their wits because of wine, and they cut their throats as if they were so many sheep. And having seized Aristodemus himself with his children and the rest of his relations, they tore their bodies with whips and tortures until late in the night, and after inflicting on them almost every kind of punishment they put them to death.
[4] ἀνελόντες δὲ τὴν τυραννικὴν οἰκίαν πρόρριζον, ὡς μήτε παιδία μήτε γυναῖκας μήτε συγγένειαν μηθενὸς αὐτῶν καταλιπεῖν καὶ δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ἅπαντας ἐξερευνησάμενοι τοὺς συνεργοὺς τῆς τυραννίδος ἡμέρας γενομένης προῆλθον εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν. ἔπειτα συγκαλέσαντες τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἀποτίθενται τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὴν πάτριον καθίστανται πολιτείαν.
[4] Having wiped out the whole family of the tyrant, so as to leave neither children, wives, nor anyone related to them, and having spent the whole night in hunting down all the abetters of the tyranny, as soon as it was day, they proceeded to the forum. Then, calling the people together, they laid down their arms and restored the traditional government.
[1] ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Ἀριστόδημον ἔτος ὁμοῦ τι τεσσαρεσκαιδέκατον ἤδη τυραννοῦντα Κύμης οἱ σὺν Ταρκυνίῳ φυγάδες καθιστάμενοι τὴν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἐβούλοντο συντελέσασθαι δίκην. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις τῶν Ῥωμαίων τέως μὲν ἀντέλεγον, ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἥκοντες τὸν ἀγῶνα οὔτ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντες, ἣν οὐκ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς ἡ βουλὴ περὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀπολογήσασθαι δίκην.
[12.1] It was before this Aristodemus, then, when he had already reigned as tyrant of Cumae close to fourteen years, that the Roman exiles with Tarquinius presented themselves, asking him to decide their cause against the country. The Roman ambassadors opposed this for some time, alleging that they had not come to enter into a contest of this sort and had no authority to plead the cause for the commonwealth since the senate had entrusted no such power to them.
[2] ὡς δ᾽ οὐθὲν ἐπέραινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκεκλικότα τὸν τύραννον ἑώρων ἐπὶ θάτερα μέρη διὰ τὰς σπουδὰς καὶ τὰς παρακλήσεις τῶν φυγάδων, αἰτησάμενοι χρόνον εἰς ἀπολογίαν, καὶ διεγγυήσαντες τὰ σώματα χρημάτων ἐν τῷ διὰ μέσου τῆς δίκης οὐθενὸς ἔτι φυλάττοντος αὐτοὺς ἀποδράντες ᾤχοντο. θεράποντας δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ σιτωνίᾳ κομισθέντα χρήματα ὁ τύραννος κατέσχε.
[2] But when they availed naught with their plea and they saw the tyrant inclined to the other side because of the earnestness and entreaties of the exiles, they desired time to prepare a defence. And having deposited a sum of money as a pledge for their appearance, in the interval while the suit was pending and they were no longer guarded, they fled; whereupon the tyrant seized their servants, their pack-animals, and the money they had brought with them to purchase corn.
[3] ταύταις μὲν οὖν ταῖς πρεσβείαις τοιαῦτα παθούσαις ἀπράκτοις ἀναστρέψαι συνέβη, [p. 20] ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ πόλεων οἱ πεμφθέντες κέγχρους τε καὶ ζέας συνωνησάμενοι ταῖς ποταμηγοῖς σκάφαις κατεκόμισαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. αὕτη βραχύν τινα χρόνον ἡ ἀγορὰ Ῥωμαίους διέθρεψεν: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξαναλωθεῖσα εἰς τὰς αὐτὰς ἀπορίας κατέστησεν αὐτούς. ἦν δ᾽ οὐθὲν εἶδος ἀναγκαίας τροφῆς, ὃ οὐκ ἐπείραζον ἔτι, συνέβαινέ τ᾽ οὐκ ὀλίγοις αὐτῶν, τὰ μὲν διὰ τὴν σπάνιν, τὰ δὲ διὰ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῆς οὐκ εἰωθυίας ἐδωδῆς, τοῖς μὲν ἀρρώστων διακεῖσθαι τὰ σώματα, τοῖς δὲ παρημελημένοις διὰ πενίαν καὶ παντάπασιν ἀδυνάτως:
[3] It was the fate of these embassies, then, after being treated in the manner I have related, to return without having accomplished anything. But the ambassadors who had been sent to the cities in Tyrrhenia bought there a quantity of millet and spelt and brought it down to Rome in river-boats. This supply sustained the Romans for a short time, but its exhaustion brought them to the same straits as before. There was no sort of food to which men have ever been reduced through necessity that they did not venture to try; and it happened that not a few of them, by reason both of the scarcity and of the strangeness of the unaccustomed food, were either weakened in body or were neglected because of their poverty and entirely helpless.
[4] ὡς δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔγνωσαν οἱ νεωστὶ κεκρατημένοι τῷ πολέμῳ Οὐολοῦσκοι, πρεσβειῶν ἀπορρήτοις διαποστολαῖς ἐνῆγον ἀλλήλους εἰς τὸν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν πόλεμον, ὡς ἀδυνάτων ἐσομένων, εἴ τις αὐτοῖς ἐπίθοιτο κεκακωμένοις πολέμῳ τε καὶ λιμῷ ἀντέχειν. θεῶν δέ τις εὔνοια, οἷς φροντὶς ἦν μὴ περιιδεῖν ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς Ῥωμαίους γενομένους, ἐκφανέστατα καὶ τότε τὴν ἑαυτῆς δύναμιν ἀπεδείξατο. τοσοῦτος γάρ τις ἄφνω εἰς τὰς πόλεις τῶν Οὐολούσκων φθόρος λοιμικὸς ἐνέσκηψεν, ὅσος ἐν οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ τόπῳ μνημονεύεται γενόμενος οὔθ᾽ Ἑλλάδος οὔτε βαρβάρου γῆς, πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν καὶ τύχην καὶ φύσιν ἐρρωμένων τε καὶ ἀσθενῶν σωμάτων ὁμοίως διεργαξόμενος. [p. 21] ἐδήλωσε δὲ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς συμφορᾶς πόλις ἐπιφανὴς τῶν Οὐολούσκων, Οὐέλιτραι ὄνομα αὐτῇ, μεγάλη τε καὶ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα τέως, ἧς ὁ λοιμὸς μίαν ὑπελείπετο μοῖραν ἐκ τῶν δέκα, τὰς δ᾽ ἄλλας ὑπολαβὼν ἀπήνεγκε.
[4] When the Volscians, who had been recently conquered in war, became aware of this, they undertook by means of embassies sent out secretly to incite one another to war against the Romans, in the belief that if anyone should attack them while they were distressed both by war and famine, they would be unable to resist. But some benevolence of the gods, who were always careful not to permit the Romans to become subject to their enemies, manifested its power upon this occasion also in a most conspicuous manner. For so great a pestilence suddenly descended upon the cities of the Volscians as is not recorded to have occurred anywhere else in either the Greek or the barbarian world, destroying the people without distinction of age, condition, or sex, it mattered not whether their bodies were strong or weak.
[5] τελευτῶντες δ᾽ οὖν ὅσοι περιῆσαν ἐκ τῆς συμφορᾶς πρεσβευσάμενοι Ῥωμαίοις ἔφρασαν τὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ παρέδοσαν τὴν πόλιν. ἔτυχον δὲ καὶ πρότερον ἐποίκους ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰληφότες, ἀφ᾽ ἧς αἰτίας καὶ τὸ δεύτερον τοὺς κληρούχους παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ᾔτουν.
[5] The extreme nature of the calamity was shown in the case of an important city of the Volscians named Velitrae, till then a large and populous place, of which the plague left but one person out of every ten, attacking and carrying off all the rest. At last those who survived the calamity sent ambassadors to the Romans to inform them of their desolation and to deliver up their city to them. They had even before that time received a colony from Rome, for which reason they now desired colonists to be sent to them a second time.
[1] ταῦτα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις μαθοῦσι τῆς μὲν συμφορᾶς οἶκτος εἰσῄει, καὶ οὐδὲν ᾤοντο δεῖν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπὶ τοιαύταις τύχαις μνησικακεῖν, ὡς ἱκανὰς δεδωκόσι τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπὲρ σφῶν δίκας ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἔμελλον δράσειν: Οὐελίτρας δὲ παραλαμβάνειν ἐδόκει κληρούχων οὐκ ὀλίγων ἀποστολῇ πολλὰ τὰ συμφέροντα ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἐπιλογιζομένοις.
[13.1] When the Romans learned of this, they felt compassion for their misfortunes and thought they ought to retain no resentment against their enemies when under so severe an affliction, since they had sufficiently atoned to the gods for what they had been intending to do. As to the city of Velitrae, they thought proper to accept it and to send a large colony thither, in consideration of the many advantages that would result to them from that measure.
[2] τό τε γὰρ χωρίον ἱκανὸν εἶναι ἐφαίνετο φυλακῇ ἀξιόχρεῳ καταληφθὲν οἷς ἂν νεωτερίζειν ἢ παρακινεῖν τι βουλομένοις ᾖ μέγα κώλυμα καὶ ἐμπόδιον εἶναι: ἥ τ᾽ ἀπορία τῆς τροφῆς ἡ κατέχουσα τὴν πόλιν οὐ παρ᾽ ὀλίγον μετριωτέρα γενήσεσθαι ὑπωπτεύετο, εἰ μετασταίη τις ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ πλήθους μοῖρα ἀξιόλογος. μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ στάσις ἀναρριπιζομένη, πρὶν ἢ πεπαῦσθαι καλῶς ἔτι τὴν προτέραν,
[2] For the place itself, if occupied by an adequate garrison, seemed capable of proving a serious check and hindrance to the designs of any who might be disposed to begin a rebellion or create any disturbance, and it was expected that the scarcity of provisions under which the city then laboured would be far less serious if a considerable part of the citizens removed elsewhere. But, above all other considerations, the sedition which was now flaring up again, before the former one was as yet satisfactorily appeased, induced them to vote to send out the colony.
[3] ἐνῆγεν αὐτοὺς ψηφίζεσθαι τὸν ἀπόστολον. πάλιν γάρ, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, ὁ δῆμος ἠρεθίζετο καὶ δι᾽ ὀργῆς [p. 22] εἶχε τοὺς πατρικίους, πολλοί τε καὶ χαλεποὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐγίνοντο λόγοι τῶν μὲν ὀλιγωρίαν ἐγκαλούντων καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαν, ὅτι οὐκ ἐκ πολλοῦ προείδοντο τὴν ἐσομένην τοῦ σίτου σπάνιν καὶ προὐμηχανήσαντο τὰ πρὸς τὴν συμφορὰν ἀλεξήματα, τῶν δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν γεγονέναι τὴν σιτοδείαν ἀποφαινόντων δι᾽ ὀργήν τε καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ κακῶσαι τὸ δημοτικὸν ἀναμνήσει τῆς ἀποστάσεως.
[3] For once more the plebeians were becoming inflamed, as before, and growing exasperated against the patricians, were uttering many harsh words against them, some accusing them of neglect and indolence in not having long foreseen the scarcity of corn that was to occur, and taken the necessary precautions to avert the calamity, and others declaring that the scarcity had been brought about by their contrivance, because of their resentment and a desire to injure the plebeians when they remembered their secession.
[4] διὰ ταύτας μὲν δὴ τὰς αἰτίας ἡ τῶν κληρούχων ἀποστολὴ ταχεῖα ἐγίνετο τριῶν ἀποδειχθέντων ἀνδρῶν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἡγεμόνων. τῷ δήμῳ δὲ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἦν ἀσμένῳ τοὺς κληρούχους διαλαγχάνειν ὡς λιμοῦ τ᾽ ἀπαλλαχθησομένῳ καὶ χώραν οἰκήσοντι εὐδαίμονα: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐνθυμουμένῳ τὸν λοιμόν, ὃς. ἐν τῇ μελλούσῃ αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεσθαι πόλει πολὺς γενόμενος τούς τ᾽ οἰκήτορας διεφθάρκει καὶ δέος παρεῖχε, μὴ καὶ τοὺς ἐποίκους ταὐτὸν ἐργάσηται, μεθίστατο κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς τἀναντία ἡ γνώμη, ὥστ᾽ οὐ πολλοί τινες ἐφάνησαν οἱ μετέχειν βουλόμενοι τῆς ἀποικίας, ἀλλὰ πολὺ ἐλάττους ὧν ἡ βουλὴ ἐψηφίσατο, καὶ οὗτοι δ᾽ ἤδη σφῶν αὐτῶν κατεγνώκεσαν ὡς κακῶς βεβουλευμένων καὶ ὑπανεδύοντο τὴν ἔξοδον.
[4] For these reasons the colony was sent out promptly, three persons being appointed by the senate to be the leaders of it. The plebeians were pleased at first that lands were to be allotted to colonists, since they would thus be freed from the famine and inhabit a fertile country; but afterwards, when they bethought themselves of the pestilence which had raged violently in the city that was to receive them and had not only destroyed the inhabitants, but gave room to fear that it would treat the new settlers in the same manner, their feelings were gradually reversed. Consequently those who offered themselves to join the colony were not many, but far fewer than the senate had decreed; and these, moreover, were already blaming themselves for having been ill advised and were endeavouring to avoid going out.
[5] κατελήφθη μέντοι τοῦτο τὸ μέρος καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τὸ μὴ ἑκουσίως συναιρόμενον τῆς ἐξόδου ψηφισαμένης τῆς βουλῆς ἐξ ἁπάντων [p. 23] γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων κλήρῳ τὴν ἔξοδον, κατὰ δὲ τῶν λαχόντων, εἰ μὴ ἐξίοιεν, χαλεπὰς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτους θεμένης ζημίας. οὗτός τε δὴ ὁ στόλος εἰς Οὐελίτρας εὐπρεπεῖ ἀνάγκῃ καταληφθεὶς ἀπεστάλη, καὶ ἕτερος αὖθις οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον εἰς Νώρβαν πόλιν, ἥ ἐστι τοῦ Λατίνων ἔθνους οὐκ ἀφανής.
[5] However, this element was included and likewise the others who had not willingly joined the colony, the senate having ordered that all the Romans should draw lots for completing the colony, and having fixed severe and inexorable penalties for those upon whom the lot fell, if they did not go. This colony, then, was sent to Velitrae after being recruited by a specious compulsion; and not many days after another colony was sent to Norba, which is no mean city of the Latins.
[1] ἐγένετο δ᾽ οὐδὲν τῶν ἐκ λογισμοῦ τοῖς πατρικίοις κατὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐλπίδα λωφήσειν τὴν στάσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ περιλειφθέντες ἔτι χείρους ταῖς ὀργαῖς ἦσαν καὶ πολλῇ τῇ καταβοῇ τῶν βουλευτῶν ἐχρῶντο κατά τε συστροφὰς καὶ ἑταιρίας, ὀλίγοι μὲν συνιόντες τὸ πρῶτον, ἔπειτ᾽ ἀθρόοι συντονωτέρας ἤδη γινομένης τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν τοὺς δημάρχους ἐβόων.
[14.1] But nothing turned out according to the calculations of the patricians, insofar at least as their hope of appeasing the sedition was concerned; on the contrary, the people who were left at home were now more exasperated than before and clamoured violently against the senators in their groups and clubs. They met in small numbers at first, but afterwards, as the dearth became more severe, they assembled in a body, and rushing all together into the Forum, cried out for the tribunes.
[2] συναχθείσης δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίας παρελθὼν Σπόριος Σικίνιος, ὃς ἦν τοῦ ἀρχείου τότε ἡγεμών, αὐτός τε πολὺς ἔρρει κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς αὔξων ὡς μάλιστ᾽ ἐνῆν τὸν κατ᾽ αὐτῆς φθόνον, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἠξίου λέγειν ἃ φρονοῦσιν εἰς τὸ κοινόν, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Σικίνιον καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἀγορανόμους τότ᾽ ὄντας ἀνακαλῶν ἑκάτερον ἐξ ὀνόματος, οἳ καὶ τῆς πρώτης ἀποστάσεως τῷ δήμῳ ἦρξαν, καὶ τὴν δημαρχικὴν ἐξουσίαν εἰσηγησάμενοι πρῶτοι αὐτῆς ἔτυχον.
[2] And these having assembled the people, Spurius Sicinius, who was then at the head of their college, came forward and not only inveighed at length against the senate himself, inflaming the hatred of the people against them as much as he could, but also demanded that the others should express their sentiments publicly, especially Sicinius and Brutus, who were then aediles, calling upon each of them by name; they had been the authors of the first secession of the people as well, and having introduced the tribunician power, had been the first to be invested with it.
[3] παρελθόντες δ᾽ οὗτοι τοὺς κακοηθεστάτους τῶν λόγων ἐκ πολλοῦ παρεσκευασμένοι διεξῄεσαν, ἃ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀκούειν ἦν βουλομένοις, ὡς ἐκ προνοίας τε καὶ ἐπιβουλῆς ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων γένοιθ᾽ ἡ περὶ τὸν [p. 24] σῖτον ἀπορία, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀκόντων ἐκείνων ὁ δῆμος ἐκ τῆς ἀποστάσεως εὕρετο.
[3] These, having long before prepared the most malicious speeches, came forward and enlarged upon those points that were welcome to the multitude, alleging that the dearth of corn had been occasioned by the contrivance and treachery of the rich, against whose will the people had acquired the liberty by the secession.
[4] ἰσομοιρεῖν τ᾽ οὐδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπέφαινον τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς πένησι τοὺς εὐπόρους: ἐκείνοις μὲν γὰρ εἶναι καὶ τροφὰς ἐν ἀφανεῖ ἀποκειμένας καὶ χρήματα, οἷς ὠνούμενοι τὰς ἐπεισάκτους ἀγορὰς ἐν πολλῇ ὑπεροψίᾳ ἦσαν τοῦ κακοῦ, τοῖς δὲ δημόταις ἀμφότερα ταῦτ᾽ ἀπόρως ἔχειν: τήν τ᾽ ἀποστολὴν τῶν κληρούχων, ἣν ἐποιήσαντο εἰς νοσερὰ χωρία, ἐκβολὴν ἀποφαίνοντες εἰς προφανῆ καὶ μακρῷ χείρονα ὄλεθρον, αὔξοντες ὡς μάλιστα δυνατοὶ ἦσαν τῷ λόγῳ τὰ δεινά, καὶ τί πέρας ἔσται τῶν κακῶν ἀξιοῦντες μαθεῖν, ὑπομιμνήσκοντές τε τῶν παλαιῶν αὐτοὺς αἰκισμῶν, οἷς ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων ἔτυχον αἰκισθέντες, καὶ
[4] And they declared that the rich did not in the least bear an equal share of this calamity with the poor, since they had not only provisions secretly hoarded up, but also money to purchase imported foodstuffs, and thus could treat the calamity with fine scorn, whereas the plebeians had neither resource. As regarded the colony which they had sent out to a pestilential region, they declared it was a banishment to a manifest and much worse destruction; and exaggerating the evils with all their powers of speech, they asked to be informed what end there was to be of their miseries. They reminded them of the abusive treatment they had formerly received from the rich, and recounted many other things of this nature with great freedom.
[5] τἆλλα τὰ ὅμοια τούτοις κατὰ πολλὴν ἄδειαν διεξιόντες. τελευτῶν δ᾽ ὁ Βροῦτος εἰς ἀπειλήν τινα τοιάνδε κατέκλεισε τὸν λόγον, ὡς εἰ βουληθεῖεν αὐτῷ πείθεσθαι διὰ ταχέων προσαναγκάσων τοὺς ἐκκαύσαντας τὸ δεινὸν καὶ κατασβέσαι. ἡ μὲν δὴ ἐκκλησία διελύετο.
[5] Finally, Brutus closed his speech with some such threats as this, that, if they would follow his advice, he would soon compel those who had kindled this mischief to extinguish it. After which the assembly was dismissed.
[1] οἱ δ᾽ ὕπατοι τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ συνεκάλουν τὴν βουλὴν περίφοβοι ὄντες ἐπὶ τοῖς καινοτομουμένοις καὶ τὴν τοῦ Βρούτου δημοκοπίαν εἰς μέγα τι κακὸν ἀποσκήψειν οἰόμενοι. πολλοὶ μὲν δὴ καὶ παντοδαποὶ ὑπό τ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἐρρήθησαν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ λόγοι καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πρεσβυτέρων, τῶν μὲν οἰομένων δεῖν θεραπεύειν τὸν δῆμον ἁπάσῃ εὐπροσηγορίᾳ λόγων [p. 25] καὶ ὑποσχέσει ἔργων καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῦ μετριωτέρους παρασκευάζειν, τιθέντας εἰς μέσον τὰ πράγματα καὶ μετὰ σφῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος παρακαλοῦντας σκοπεῖν.
[15.1] The next day the consuls assembled the senate, being terrified at this revolutionary behaviour and believing that the demagogy of Brutus would end in some great mischief. And many proposals of every sort were made to that body both by the consuls themselves and also by the older senators. Some were of the opinion that they ought to court the populace by all possible expressions of kindness and by promises of deeds, and make their leaders more moderate by bringing the public business into the open and inviting them to join in their deliberations concerning the common advantage.
[2] τῶν δὲ μηθὲν ἐνδιδόναι μαλακὸν συμβουλευόντων πρὸς ὄχλον αὐθάδη καὶ ἀμαθῆ ἢ θρασεῖάν τε καὶ ἀνύποιστον δημοκόπων ἀνθρώπων μανίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολογεῖσθαι μέν, ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη τῶν γεγονότων παρὰ τῶν πατρικίων αἴτιον, καὶ ὑπισχνεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν ἕξειν τοῦ κακοῦ τὴν δυνατήν, τοῖς δὲ ταράττουσι τὸν δῆμον ἐπιτιμᾶν καὶ προαγορεύειν, ὡς εἰ μὴ παύσονται τὴν στάσιν ἀναρριπίζοντες ἀξίας τίσουσι δίκας.
[2] But others advised not to show any sign of weakness toward a headstrong and ignorant multitude and toward the bold and insufferable madness of creatures who courted the mob, but to declare in their own defence that the patricians were in of way to blame for what had happened and to promise that they would take all possible care to remedy the evil, and at the same time to reprimand those who were stirring up the people and warn them that if they did not desist from rekindling the sedition they would be punished as they deserved.
[3] ταύτης ἡγεῖτο τῆς γνώμης Ἄππιος, καὶ ἦν ἡ νικῶσα αὕτη πολλῆς ἐμπεσούσης πάνυ τοῖς συνέδροις φιλονεικίας: ὥστε καὶ τὸν δῆμον ὑπὸ τῆς βοῆς αὐτῶν ἐξακουομένης ἐπὶ πολὺ ταραχθέντα συνδραμεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον, καὶ πᾶσαν ὀρθὴν ἐπὶ τῇ προσδοκίᾳ
[3] The chief proponent of this view was Appius, and it was this opinion that prevailed, after such violent strife among the senators that even the people, hearing their clamour at a great distance, rushed in alarm to the senate-house and the whole city was on tip-toe with expectation.
[4] γενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦθ᾽ οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι προελθόντες συνεκάλουν τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν: ἦν δ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἡμέρας ἔτι τὸ λειπόμενον: καὶ παρελθόντες ἐπειρῶντο τὰ δόξαντα σφίσιν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ λέγειν. ἐνίσταντο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οἱ δήμαρχοι, καὶ οὐκ ἦν ἐν μέρει οὐδ᾽ ἐν κόσμῳ γινόμενος παρ᾽ ἀμφοῖν [p. 26] ὁ λόγος. ἐβόων γὰρ ἅμα καὶ ἐξέκλειον ἀλλήλους, ὥστε μὴ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι τὰς διανοίας αὐτῶν ὅ τι βούλονται συνιδεῖν.
[4] After this the consuls, going into the Forum, called the people together when not much of the day now remained; and coming forward, they attempted to inform them of the decision they had reached in the senate. But the tribunes opposed them, and thereupon neither the consuls nor the tribunes spoke in their turns nor observed any decorum in their debate; for they cried out together and endeavoured to prevent one another from speaking, so that it was not easy for those who were present to understand what they meant.
[1] ἐδικαίουν δ᾽ οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι τὴν κρείττονα ἔχοντες ἐξουσίαν ἁπάντων ἄρχειν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, οἱ δὲ δήμαρχοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἑαυτῶν εἶναι χωρίον ὥσπερ ἐκείνων τὴν βουλήν, καὶ ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τοῖς δημόταις ἦν κρίνειν τε καὶ ψηφίζεσθαι, τούτων αὐτοὶ πᾶν ἔχειν τὸ κρίτος. συνηγωνίζετο δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἡ πληθὺς ἐπιβοῶσα καὶ ὁμόσε χωρεῖν, εἰ δέοι, τοῖς κωλύουσι παρεσκευασμένη, τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπάτοις οἱ πατρίκιοι συστρέψαντες αὑτούς.
[16.1] The consuls thought it reasonable that, as they had the superior power, they should have the command of everything in the city, while the tribunes insisted that the assembly of the people was their particular sphere, as the senate was that of the consuls, and that whatever the people had the authority to judge and determine was subject to their power alone. The populace supported the tribunes, shouting their approval and being prepared, if necessary, to account any who attempted to hinder them, while the patricians rallied to the support of the consuls.
[2] ἐγίνετο δὲ πολὺς ἀγὼν περὶ τοῦ μὴ εἶξαι ἑκατέροις, ὡς ἐν μιᾷ τῇ τότε ἥττῃ παραχωρουμένης τῆς εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἑκατέρων δικαιώσεως. ἥλιός τε περὶ καταφορὰν ἦν ἤδη, καὶ συνέτρεχεν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν τὸ ἄλλο πλῆθος εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν, καὶ ἔμελλον, εἰ νὺξ ἐπιλαμβάνοι τὴν ἔριν, εἰς πληγάς τε καὶ λίθων χωρήσειν βολάς.
[2] And a violent contest ensued, each side insisting not yielding to the other, as if their defeat on this single occasion would mean the giving up of their claims for all time to come. It was now near sunset and the rest of the population were running out of their houses to the Forum; and if night had descended upon their strife, they would have proceeded to blows and the throwing of stones.
[3] ἵνα δὴ μὴ τοῦτο γένοιτο, προελθὼν ὁ Βροῦτος τοὺς ὑπάτους ἠξίου δοῦναι λόγον αὐτῷ, παύσειν ὑπισχνούμενος τὴν στάσιν. κἀκεῖνοι δόξαντες σφίσι παρακεχωρῆσθαι, ὅτι τῶν δημάρχων παρόντων οὐ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ὁ δημαγωγὸς ᾐτήσατο τὴν χάριν, ἐπιτρέπουσιν αὐτῷ λέγειν. σιωπῆς δὲ γενομένης ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ὁ Βροῦτος εἶπεν, ἠρώτησε δὲ τοὺς ὑπάτους τοιάνδε τινὰ
[3] To prevent this, Brutus came forward and asked the consuls to give him leave to speak, promising to appease the tumult; and they, looking upon this as a yielding to them, since, even though the tribunes were present, this leader of the people had not asked the favour of those magistrates, gave him leave. Then, when silence reigned, Brutus, instead of making a speech, merely put questions of the following nature to the consuls:
[4] ἐρώτησιν: ἆρά γ᾽, ἔφη, μέμνησθ᾽, ὅτι διαλυομένοις [p. 27] ἡμῖν τὴν στάσιν τοῦτο συνεχωρήθη τὸ δίκαιον ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ὅταν οἱ δήμαρχοι συναγάγωσι τὸν δῆμον ὑπὲρ ὁτουδήτινος, μὴ παρεῖναι τῇ συνόδῳ τοὺς πατρικίους μηδ᾽ ἐνοχλεῖν; μεμνήμεθ᾽, ἔφησεν ὁ Γεγάνιος. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ὑποφέρει: τί οὖν παθόντες ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ οὐκ ἐᾶτε τοὺς δημάρχους ἃ βούλονται λέγειν; ἀποκρίνεται πρὸς ταῦθ᾽ ὁ Γεγάνιος: ὅτι οὐκ αὐτοὶ συνεκάλεσαν τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς οἱ ὕπατοι. εἰ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ἡ σύνοδος ἐγένετο, οὐθὲν ἂν ἠξιοῦμεν οὔτε κωλύειν οὔτε πολυπραγμονεῖν: ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἡμεῖς συνηγάγομεν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, οὐχὶ τούτους ἀγορεύειν κωλύομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων αὐτοὶ
[4] “Do you remember,” he said, “that when we put an end to the sedition by an accommodation this right was granted to us — that when the tribunes should assemble the people to consider any matter whatever the patricians should not be present at the assembly or create any disturbance there?” “We remember,” answered Geganius. Then Brutus added: “What is the matter with you, then, that you oppose us and do not allow the tribunes to say what they please?” To this Geganius replied: “Because it was not the tribunes who assembled the people, but we, the consuls. If, now, the assembly had been called by them, we should not have presumed either to hinder them at all or to interfere; but since we ourselves assembled them, we do not hinder the tribunes from speaking, but we feel that it is not right that we should be hindered by them.”
[5] κωλύεσθαι οὐ δικαιοῦμεν. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ὑποτυχών: νικῶμεν, ἔφησεν, ὦ δημόται, καὶ παρακεχώρηται ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῶν διαφόρων ὅσα ἠξιοῦμεν. νῦν μὲν οὖν ἄπιτε καὶ παύσασθε φιλονεικοῦντες: αὔριον δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὑπισχνοῦμαι φανερὰν ποιήσειν ὅσην ἔχετε ἰσχύν. καὶ ὑμεῖς γ᾽, ὦ δήμαρχοι, παραχωρήσατε αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐν τῷ παρόντι: οὐ γὰρ εἰς τέλος παραχωρήσετε: μαθόντες δ᾽ ὅσον ἔχει κράτος ὑμῶν ἡ ἀρχή: γνώσεσθε γὰρ οὐκ εἰς μακράν: ἐγὼ τοῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν ὑποδέχομαι ποιήσειν φανερόν: μετριωτέραν αὐτῶν ἀποδώσετε τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν. ἐὰν δὲ φενακίζων ὑμᾶς εὑρεθῶ, χρήσασθ᾽ ὅ τι βούλεσθέ μοι.
[5] Then Brutus said: “We have won, plebeians, and our adversaries have yielded everything to us we desired. For the present, therefore, dap and cease your strife; to-morrow, I promise you, I will show you how great is the strength you possess. And do you, tribunes, yield the Forum to them for the present; for in the end you will not yield it. When you learn how great a power your magistracy is possessed of (for you will have that knowledge soon; I myself undertake to make it clear to you), you will render their arrogance more moderate. But if you find I am imposing upon you, do to me whatever you will.”
[1] οὐθενὸς δὲ πρὸς ταῦτ᾽ ἀντιλέξαντος ἀπῄεσαν ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας οὐ τὰς ὁμοίας ὑπολήψεις ἔχοντες [p. 28] ἑκάτεροι: ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἄποροι δοκοῦντές τι περιττὸν ἐξευρηκέναι τὸν Βροῦτον καὶ οὐκ εἰκῆ ὑποσχέσθαι πρᾶγμα τηλικοῦτον, οἱ δὲ πατρίκιοι περιφρονοῦντες τὴν κουφότητα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων τὴν τόλμαν ἕως λόγου χωρήσειν οἰόμενοι: μηθὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῖς δημάρχοις ἔξω τοῦ βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις τῶν δημοτικῶν. οὐ μὴν ἅπασί γ᾽ εἰσῄει καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις ὀλιγωρία τοῦ πράγματος, ἀλλὰ προσέχειν, μή τι ἀνήκεστον ἡ τοῦ
[17] None having opposed this, both parties left the assembly, but with very different impressions. The poor thought that Brutus had hit upon something extraordinary and that he had not made such an important promise rashly, while the patricians despised the levity of the man and thought the boldness of his promises would go no farther than words; for they imagined that no other power had been granted by the senate to the tribunes than that of relieving such plebeians as were unjustly treated. However, not all the senators, and least of all the older men, made so light of the matter, but they were upon their guard lest the madness of this man might occasion some irreparable mischief.
[2] ἀνδρὸς ἐξεργάσηται μανία. τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς νυκτὶ κοινωσάμενος τοῖς δημάρχοις ὁ Βροῦτος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην καὶ παρασκευασάμενος χεῖρα οὐκ ὀλίγην δημοτῶν κατέβαινε μετ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν: καὶ πρὶν ἡμέραν λαμπρὰν γενέσθαι καταλαβόμενοι τὸ Ἡφαιστεῖον, ἔνθα ἦν ἔθος αὐτοῖς ἐκκλησιάζειν, ἐκάλουν μὲν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὸν δῆμον. πληρωθείσης δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς: ὄχλος γὰρ ὅσος οὔπω πρότερον συνῆλθε: παρελθὼν Σικίνιος ὁ δήμαρχος πολὺν μὲν ἐποιήσατο κατὰ τῶν πατρικίων λόγον, ἅπανθ᾽ ὑπομιμνήσκων ὅσα κατὰ τῶν δημοτικῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπράχθη: ἔπειθ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς παρελθούσης ἡμέρας ἐδίδασκεν, ὡς κεκωλυμένος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν εἴη λόγου τυχεῖν καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀφῃρημένος.
[2] The following night Brutus, having communicated his plan to the tribunes and having prepared a goodly number of the plebeians to support him, went down with them to the Forum; and possessing themselves before sunrise of the sanctuary of Vulcan, where the assemblies of the people were usually held, they called an assembly. When the Forum was filled (for a greater throng had assembled upon this occasion than ever before), Sicinius the tribune came forward and made a long speech against the patricians, reminding the plebeians of all they had suffered at their hands; then he told them about the day before, how he had been hindered by them from speaking and deprived of the power of his magistracy.
[3] τίνος [p. 29] γὰρ ἂν ἔτι γενοίμεθ᾽, ἔφη, κύριοι τῶν ἄλλων, εἰ μηδὲ τοῦ λέγειν ἐσόμεθα; πῶς δ᾽ ἄν τινι ὑμῶν ἀδικουμένῳ πρὸς αὐτῶν βοηθεῖν δυναίμεθα, εἰ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ συνάγειν ὑμᾶς ἀφαιρεθείημεν; ἄρχουσι γὰρ δήπου παντὸς ἔργου λόγοι, καὶ οὐκ ἄδηλον, ὅτι οἷς εἰπεῖν ἃ φρονοῦσιν οὐκ ἔξεστιν, οὐδὲ πρᾶξαι ἂν ἐξείη, ἃ βούλονται. ἢ κομίζεσθ᾽ οὖν, ἔφη, τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἣν δεδώκατε ἡμῖν, εἰ μὴ μέλλετε βεβαιοῦν αὐτῇ τἀσφαλές, ἢ νόμῳ γραφέντι κωλύσατε τοὺς ἐμποδὼν ἡμῖν τὸ λοιπὸν ἐσομένους.
[3] “What other power, indeed,” he asked, “shall we have after this, if we are not allowed even that of speaking? How shall we be able to relieve any of you when unjustly treated by them, if we are deprived of the authority of assembling you? For words, I presume, are the beginning of all action; and it is obvious that those who are not allowed to say what they think will not be allowed to do, either, what they please. Either take back, therefore, the power you have garden us,” he said, “unless you intend to establish it securely, or by a law duly enacted prevent all opposition to us for the future.”
[4] τοιαῦτα διαλεχθείς, ἐπικελεύσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ δήμου μεγάλῃ βοῇ τὸν νόμον εἰσφέρειν, ἔχων αὐτὸν ἤδη γεγραμμένον ἀνεγίνωσκε καὶ ψῆφον δίδωσι τῷ πλήθει περὶ αὐτοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπενεγκεῖν. οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει τὸ πρᾶγμα δεῖσθαι ἀναβολῆς οὐδὲ μελλησμοῦ, μή τι ἄλλο κώλυμα γένηται πρὸς τῶν ὑπάτων.
[4] When he had thus spoken and the people had cried out to him with a great shout to introduce the law, Sicinius, who had it already drawn up, read it to them and permitted the people to vote upon it immediately. For the business seemed to admit of no postponement or delay, lest some further obstacle should be interposed by the consuls.
[5] ἦν δὲ τοιόσδε ὁ νόμος: δημάρχου γνώμην ἀγορεύοντος ἐν δήμῳ μηδεὶς λεγέτω μηδὲν ἐναντίον μηδὲ μεσολαβείτω τὸν λόγον. ἐὰν δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσῃ, διδότω τοῖς δημάρχοις ἐγγυητὰς αἰτηθεὶς εἰς ἔκτισιν ἧς ἂν ἐπιθῶσιν αὐτῷ ζημίας. ὁ δὲ μὴ διδοὺς ἐγγυητὴν θανάτῳ ζημιούσθω, καὶ τὰ χρήματ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἱερὰ ἔστω. τῶν δ᾽ ἀμφισβητούντων πρὸς ταύτας τὰς ζημίας αἱ κρίσεις ἔστωσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ δήμου.
[5] The law was as follows: “When a tribune is delivering his opinion to the people, let no one say anything in opposition or interrupt him. If anyone shall act contrary to this, let him, if required, give sureties to the tribunes for the payment of the fine they shall impose upon him. If he refuses to give any surety, let him be punished with death and his goods be confiscated. And let the trials of those who protest against these fines take place before the people.”
[6] τοῦτον τὸν νόμον ἐπιψηφίσαντες οἱ δήμαρχοι διέλυσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν: καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἀπῄει πολλῆς γεγονὼς μεστὸς εὐθυμίας, τῷ δὲ Βρούτῳ [p. 30] μεγάλην χάριν εἰδώς, ἐκείνου δοκῶν εἶναι τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ νόμου.
[6] After the tribunes had caused this law to be passed, they dismissed the assembly; and the people departed full of joy and very grateful to Brutus, whom they looked upon as the author of the law.
[1] μετὰ τοῦτο πολλαὶ καὶ περὶ πολλῶν ἐγίνοντο τοῖς δημάρχοις πρὸς τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀντιλογίαι, καὶ οὔθ᾽ ὁ δῆμος ὁπόσα ἡ βουλὴ ψηφίσαιτο κύρια ἡγεῖτο, οὔθ᾽ ὧν ὁ δῆμος γνοίη τῇ βουλῇ φίλον τι ἦν: ἀντιπαρατεταγμένοι δὲ καὶ δι᾽ ὑποψίας ἔχοντες ἀλλήλους διετέλουν. οὐ μὴν τό γε μῖσος αὐτῶν εἰς ἔργον τι ἀνήκεστον ἐχώρησεν, οἷα ἐν ταῖς τοιαύταις φιλεῖ
[18.1] After this the tribunes had many controversies with the consuls over various matters, and not only did the people refuse to recognize as valid the decrees of the senate, but the senate also did not find acceptable anything that the people determined; and both of them continued to be arrayed in hostile camp s and to be suspicious of one another. However, their hatred did not lead to any irreparable mischief, as often happens in like disorders.
[2] γίνεσθαι ταραχαῖς. οὔτε γὰρ οἱ πένητες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ὥρμησαν τῶν πλουσίων, ἔνθα ὑπελάμβανόν τινας εὑρήσειν ἀποκειμένας τροφάς, ἢ τὴν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ ἀγορὰν ἁρπάζειν ἐπεβάλοντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπομένοντες ὠνεῖσθαι πολλοῦ διαφόρου μικρά, καὶ ὁπότ᾽ ἐξαπορηθεῖεν ἀργυρίου τὰς ἐκ γῆς ῥίζας τε καὶ βοτάνας σιτούμενοι ἠνείχοντο: οὔθ᾽ οἱ πλούσιοι βιασάμενοι τοὺς ἀσθενεστέρους τῇ τ᾽ οἰκείᾳ δυνάμει καὶ τῇ παρὰ τῶν πελατῶν πολλῇ οὔσῃ κατασχεῖν αὐτοὶ τὴν πόλιν ἠξίωσαν τοὺς μὲν ἐξελάσαντες ἐξ αὐτῆς, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀποκτείναντες, ἀλλὰ διέμενον ὥσπερ οἱ σωφρονέστατα πολιτευόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς υἱοὺς πατέρες εὐνοούσῃ καὶ κηδομένῃ τῇ ὀργῇ πρὸς τὰς ἁμαρτάδας αὐτῶν χρώμενοι.
[2] For, on the one hand, the poor did not attack the houses of the rich, where they suspected they should find stores of provisions laid up, nor attempt to raid the public markets, but consented to buy small quantities for a high price, and when they lacked money, they sustained life by using roots and grass for food. Nor, on the other hand, did the rich, in the confidence of their own strength and that afforded by their clients, who were very numerous, offer violence to the weaker citizens and aim at making themselves masters of the city by driving out some of the poor and putting others to death, but, like those fathers who conduct themselves most prudently toward their sons, they continued to display toward their errors the kind of displeasure that is benevolent and solicitous.
[3] τοιαύτης δὲ καταστάσεως οὔσης περὶ τὴν Ῥώμην αἱ πλησιόχωροι πόλεις ἐκάλουν τοὺς βουλομένους οἰκεῖν παρὰ σφίσι Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας τε μεταδόσει καὶ ἄλλων φιλανθρώπων ἐλπίσιν ὑπαγόμεναι, αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ βελτίστου δι᾽ εὔνοιάν τε [p. 31] καὶ ἔλεον τῆς συμφορᾶς, αἱ δὲ πλείους διὰ φθόνον τῆς πάλαι ποτὲ εὐτυχίας. καὶ ἦσαν οἱ ἀπαναστάντες πανοικεσίᾳ καὶ μεταθέμενοι τὰς οἰκήσεις ἑτέρωσε πολλοὶ πάνυ: ὧν οἱ μὲν ἀνέστησαν αὖθις, ἐπειδὴ κατέστη τὰ πράγματα τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ καὶ διέμειναν.
[3] While Rome was in this situation, the neighbouring cities invited any of the Romans who so desired to live among them, luring them by the offer of citizenship and the hopes of other kind treatment, some from the best of motives, because of good will and compassion for their misfortune, but the greater part through envy of their former prosperity. And very great numbers did remove with their whole families to live elsewhere, some of whom returned when the affairs of the city were composed, while others remained where they were.
[1] ταῦτα δ᾽ ὁρῶσι τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἐδόκει τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιτρεπούσης στρατοπέδου ποιεῖσθαι καταγραφὴν καὶ ἐξάγειν ἔξω τὴν δύναμιν: εἰλήφεσαν δ᾽ ἀφορμὴν τῷ ἐγχειρήματι πρέπουσαν ἐπιδρομάς τε καὶ λεηλασίας κακουμένης τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θαμινά, τά τ᾽ ἄλλα, ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος χρηστὰ ἦν, ἐπιλογιζομένοις, ὑπερορίου στρατιᾶς ἐκπεμφθείσης ὡς εὐπορωτέρᾳ μὲν ἕξουσι τῇ ἀγορᾷ χρῆσθαι οἱ ὑπολειφθέντες ἐλάττους γενόμενοι, ἐν ἀφθονωτέροις δὲ διάξουσι τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις οἱ τὰ ὅπλα ἔχοντες ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπισιτιζόμενοι, λωφήσει δ᾽ ἡ στάσις, ὅσον ἂν ἡ στρατεία κατέχῃ χρόνον: μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐφαίνετο ἔργῳ βεβαιώσειν αὐτῶν τὰς διαλλαγὰς συστρατευόντων ἀλλήλοις πατρικίων καὶ δημοτῶν ἡ γενησομένη παρὰ τοὺς κινδύνους κακῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἰσομοιρία.
[19] The consuls, observing these things, thought fit, with the approval of the senate, to levy an army and to march with the forces out of the city (they had found a plausible excuse for their plan in the frequent incursions and depredations of their enemies by which the country was being laid waste); and they also considered the other advantages that would result from this action, namely, that by sending an army into the field those, on the one hand, who were left, becoming fewer in number, would enjoy a greater plenty of provisions, while those under arms, by supplying themselves from the enemy’s stores, would live in greater abundance, and the sedition would be in abeyance as long as the expedition lasted. But, above all, it seemed that if the patricians and plebeians served together, their sharing equally in both good and ill fortune amid the dangers of the war would effectually confirm their reconciliation.
[2] ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἦν τὸ πλῆθος ὑπήκοον αὐτοῖς οὐδ᾽ ὥσπερ πρότερον ἑκούσιον ὑπήντα πρὸς τὴν καταγραφήν: ἀνάγκην δὲ προσφέρειν τοῖς μὴ βουλομένοις οὐκ ἐδικαίουν τὴν ἐκ τῶν νόμων οἱ ὕπατοι: ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων ἐθέλονταί τινες κατεγράφησαν [p. 32] ἅμα τοῖς πελάταις, καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐξιοῦσιν ὀλίγον τι ἀπὸ
[2] But the plebeians were not inclined to obey them, nor willingly, as before, to offer themselves to enlist in the service; and the consuls did not think it wise to enforce the law against those who were unwilling to serve. But some patrician volunteers together with their clients were enlisted, and when they marched out of the city they were joined by a small number of plebeians.
[3] τοῦ δήμου μέρος συνεστράτευεν. ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῶν ἐξελθόντων ἦν Γάιος Μάρκιος ὁ τὴν Κοριολάνων πόλιν ἑλὼν κἂν τῇ πρὸς Ἀντιάτας ἀριστεύσας μάχῃ, καὶ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀραμένων τὰ ὅπλα δημοτῶν τοῦτον ἐξιόντα ὁρῶντες ἐπερρώσθησαν, οἱ μὲν δι᾽ εὔνοιαν, οἱ δὲ τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐλπίδι: περιβόητος γὰρ ἦν ἤδη ὁ ἀνήρ, καὶ δέος αὐτοῦ μέγα παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐγεγόνει.
[3] The army was commanded by Gaius Marcius, who had taken the city of Corioli and distinguished himself above all others in the battle against the Antiates; and the greater part of the plebeians who now took up arms were encouraged to do so upon seeing him take the field, some of them out of affection for him, and others in the hope of a successful campaign; for he was already famous and the enemy had come to have great fear of him.
[4] αὕτη προελθοῦσα ἡ στρατιὰ μέχρι πόλεως Ἀντίου δίχα πόνου σίτου πολλοῦ καταληφθέντος ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς καὶ ἀνδραπόδων καὶ βοσκημάτων συχνῶν ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο, καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν εὐπορωτέρα γεγονυῖα τοῖς κατὰ τὸν βίον, ὥστε τοῖς ὑπομείνασι πολλὴν κατήφειαν καὶ κατάμεμψιν τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἐμπεσεῖν, δι᾽
[4] This army, having advanced as far as the city of Antium without any trouble, captured a great deal of corn that they found in the fields, and many slaves and cattle; and after a short time it returned better supplied than before with all the necessaries of life, so that those who had remained at home were greatly dejected and blamed their demagogues, through whom they felt they had been deprived of the same good fortune.
[5] οὓς ἀποστερεῖσθαι ἐδόκουν τῆς ὁμοίας εὐτυχίας. ὁ μὲν δὴ Γεγάνιος καὶ Μηνύκιος οἱ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπατεύοντες ἐν μεγάλοις καὶ παντοδαποῖς χειμῶσι γενόμενοι καὶ πολλάκις ἀνατρέψαι κινδυνεύσαντες τὴν πόλιν οὐθὲν δεινὸν εἰργάσαντο, ἀλλὰ διέσωσαν τὰ κοινὰ φρονιμώτερον μᾶλλον ἢ εὐτυχέστερον τοῖς συμβαίνουσι χρησάμενοι.
[5] Thus Geganius and Minucius, the consuls of this year, though involved in great and various storms and often in danger of wrecking the state, caused it no harm, but brought it safely through its perils by dealing with events rather with prudence than with good fortune.
[1] οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀποδειχθέντες ὕπατοι Μάρκος Μηνύκιος Αὐγουρῖνος καὶ Αὖλος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος δεύτερον καταστάντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἄνδρες [p. 33] οὔθ᾽ ὅπλων οὔτε λόγων ἄπειροι, προνοίᾳ μὲν ἐχρήσαντο πολλῇ σίτου τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀγορᾶς ἐμπλῆσαι τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἐν τῇ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν εὐετηρίᾳ τῆς ὁμονοίας τοῦ πλήθους κειμένης: οὐ μὴν ἐξεγένετό γ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα τούτων τυχεῖν, ἀλλὰ συνεισῆλθεν ἅμα τῷ κόρῳ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἡ τῶν χρησαμένων αὐτοῖς ὕβρις.
[20.1] The consuls appointed to succeed them, Marcus Minucius Augurinus and Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who were both invested with this magistracy for the second time, being men not unskilled either in arms or in debate, took great care to supply the city plentifully with both corn and all other provisions, believing that the harmony of the masses depended on their well-being in this respect. Nevertheless, it was not their good fortune to obtain both these ends at the same time, but the surfeit of good things was accompanied by the insolence of those who had the benefit of them.
[2] καὶ τότε δὴ μέγιστος κατέλαβε τὴν Ῥώμην κίνδυνος ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅτε ἥκιστ᾽ ἐδόκει. οἵ τε γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν σιτωνίαν ἀποσταλέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πρέσβεις πολὺν ἐκ τῶν παραθαλαττίων τε καὶ μεσογείων ἐμπορίων σῖτον ὠνησάμενοι κατήγαγον δημοσίᾳ, οἵ τε διαμείβεσθαι τὰς ἀγορὰς εἰωθότες ἐκ παντὸς τόπου συνῆλθον, παρ᾽ ὧν ἡ πόλις ὠνησαμένη τὸν φόρτον ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν χρημάτων εἶχεν ἐν φυλακῇ.
[2] And then it was that Rome was exposed once more to a very grave danger from a most unlikely source. For the ambassadors sent to buy corn, having purchased a large quantity at the public expense in both the maritime and the inland markets, brought it to the city; and the merchants also who used to trade in the markets flocked thither from all parts, of whom the commonwealth bought their lading with the public funds and kept it under guard.
[3] ἦλθον δὲ καὶ οἱ πρότερον ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις εἰς Σικελίαν Γεγάνιος καὶ Οὐαλέριος πολλὰς ἄγοντες ὁλκάδας, ἐν αἷς ἐκομίζοντο πυρῶν πέντε μυριάδες μεδίμνων Σικελικῶν, ὧν τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ μέρος ὠνητὸν ἦν βραχείας πάνυ τιμῆς, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὁ τύραννος ἀπεστάλκει προῖκα δοὺς καὶ τέλεσι παρακομίσας τοῖς ἰδίοις.
[3] Then too Geganius and Valerius, who had been sent earlier as ambassadors to Sicily, arrived with many merchantmen in which they brought fifty thousand Sicilian bushels of wheat, one half of it purchased at a very low price and the rest sent by the tyrant as a free gift to the Romans and conveyed at his own expense.
[4] ὡς δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλθη τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει ὁ κατάπλους τῶν σιτηγῶν ὁλκάδων τῶν ἀπὸ Σικελίας, πολλὴ ζήτησις ἐνέπιπτε τοῖς πατρικίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς διαθέσεως αὐτοῦ. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπιεικέστατοι αὐτῶν καὶ φιλοδημότατοι πρὸς τὰς κατεχούσας τὸ κοινὸν ἀνάγκας ἀποβλέποντες τήν τε παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου δωρεὰν παρῄνουν ἅπασαν διανεῖμαι τοῖς δημοτικοῖς, καὶ τὸν ὠνηθέντα ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων [p. 34] χρημάτων σῖτον ὀλίγης αὐτοῖς ἀπεμπολῆσαι τιμῆς, διδάσκοντες ὡς ἐκ τούτων ἂν γένοιντο μάλιστα τῶν χαρίτων ἐπιεικέστεραι πρὸς τοὺς εὐπόρους αἱ τῶν πενήτων ὀργαί: οἱ δ᾽ αὐθαδέστεροι καὶ ὀλιγαρχικώτεροι πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ μηχανῇ κακοῦν ᾤοντο δεῖν τοὺς δημοτικοὺς καὶ συνεβούλευον τιμίας ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰς ἀγοράς, ἵνα σωφρονέστεροι διὰ τὴν ἀνάγκην γένοιντο καὶ πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς πολιτείας δίκαια νομιμώτεροι.
[4] When word was brought to the people in Rome that the ships had arrived from Sicily laden with corn, a long debate arose among the patricians concerning the disposal of it. For those among them who were the most reasonable and the greatest friends of the people, having in view the public necessary, advised them to distribute all the corn given by the tyrant among the plebeians, and to sell to them at a low price that which had been purchased with the public funds, pointing out that by these favours more than by any other means the animosity of the poor against the rich would be moderated. On the other hand, those who were more arrogant and more zealous for the oligarchy thought that they ought to use every effort and every means to oppress the plebeians; and they advised making the provisions as costly as possible to them in order that they might through necessity become more moderate and more observant in general of the principles of justice prescribed by the constitution.
[1] τούτων ἦν τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν καὶ ὁ Μάρκιος ἐκεῖνος ὁ Κοριολάνος ἐπικληθείς, οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποὶ κρύφα καὶ δι᾽ εὐλαβείας τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην ἀποφαινόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ἄντικρυς καὶ θρασέως, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἀκοῦσαι καὶ τῶν δημοτικῶν. εἶχε γάρ τινας ἔξω τῶν κοινῶν ἐγκλημάτων καὶ ἰδίας προφάσεις νεωστὶ γενομένας, ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως ἐδόκει μισεῖν τοὺς δημοτικούς.
[21.1] One of this oligarchic party was that Marcius, surnamed Coriolanus, who did not, like the rest, deliver his opinion with secrecy and caution, but with so much openness and boldness that many even of the plebeians heard him. It seems that, besides the general grievance against them which he shared with the others, he had lately received some private provocations that seemed to justify his hatred of the plebeians.
[2] ὑπατείαν γὰρ αὐτῷ μετιόντι ταῖς ἔγγιστα γενομέναις ἀρχαιρεσίαις καὶ τοὺς πατρικίους ἔχοντι συναγωνιζομένους ὁ δῆμος ἐναντιωθεὶς οὐκ εἴασε δοῦναι τὴν ἀρχὴν τήν τε λαμπρότητα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τὴν τόλμαν δἰ εὐλαβείας ἔχων, μή τι διὰ ταῦτα νεωτερίσῃ περὶ τὴν τῶν δημάρχων κατάλυσιν, καὶ μάλιστα δεδιώς, ὅτι συνελάμβανεν αὐτῷ πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὸ τῶν πατρικίων πλῆθος ὡς οὐδενὶ τῶν πρότερον.
[2] For when he had stood for the consulship at the last election, in which he had been supported by the patricians, the people had opposed him and would not permit that magistracy to be conferred on him, since his brilliant reputation and daring inclined them to caution, lest he might make some move to overthrow the tribuneship, and they were particularly apprehensive because the whole body of the patricians promoted his interest with a zeal they had never before shown for any other candidate.
[3] ταύτης τ᾽ οὖν τῆς ὕβρεως ὀργῇ ἐπαρθεὶς ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν τοῦ πολιτεύματος εἰς τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κόσμον ἀποκαταστῆσαι προθυμούμενος αὐτός τ᾽ ἀναφανδόν, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον ἔφην, ἔπραττε τὴν τοῦ δήμου κατάλυσιν, καὶ [p. 35] τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνῆγεν. ἦν δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν ἑταιρία μεγάλη νέων εὐγενῶν, οἷς ἦν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήματα βίων καὶ πελάται συχνοὶ συνεστηκότες ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων ὠφελείαις: οἷς ἐπαιρόμενος ἐφρυάττετο καὶ λαμπρὸς ἦν καὶ προῆλθεν ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐπιφανείας.
[3] Marcius, therefore, being exasperated at this humiliation, and at the same time desirous of restoring the government to its ancient form, not only worked openly himself, as I have already said, to overthrow the power of the people, but also urged his associates on to the same end. He had about him a large faction of young men of noble birth and of the greatest fortunes, as well as many clients who had attached themselves to him for the sake of the booty to be gained in the wars. Elated by these advantages, he assumed a haughty air, became conspicuous, and attained to the greatest distinction.
[4] οὐ μὴν εὐτυχοῦς γε διὰ ταῦτα καταστροφῆς ἔτυχε: συναχθείσης γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλῆς καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ὡς ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, πρώτων ἀποφηναμένων τὰς ἑαυτῶν διανοίας, ἐν οἷς οὐ πολλοί τινες ἦσαν οἱ τὰς κατὰ τοῦ δήμου γνώμας ἄντικρυς ἀγορεύσαντες, ἐπειδὴ καθῆκεν εἰς τοὺς νεωτέρους ὁ λόγος, αἰτησάμενος ἐξουσίαν παρὰ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰπεῖν ὅσα βούλεται, καὶ τυχὼν ἐπισημασίας τε μεγάλης καὶ προσοχῆς λόγον διεξῆλθε κατὰ τοῦ δήμου τοιόνδε.
[4] And yet, for all this, he did not come to a fortunate end, as shall now be related. The senate having been assembled to consider the matters I have mentioned, and the older senators, according to custom, having delivered their opinions first, only a few of them declaring openly against the populace, when it came to the turn of the younger senators to speak, Marcius asked leave of the consuls to say what he wished; and meeting with loud acclaim and strict attention, he delivered the following harangue against the populace:
[1] ὅτι μὲν οὐχ ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης τε καὶ ἀπορίας βιασθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀπόστασιν, ὦ πατέρες, ἀλλὰ πονηρᾷ ἐλπίδι ἐπαρθεὶς ὡς καταλύσων τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν ὑμῶν καὶ πάντων αὐτὸς ἐσόμενος τῶν κοινῶν κύριος, σχεδὸν οἶμαι πάντας ὑμᾶς ᾐσθῆσθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς διαλλαγὰς αὐτοῦ πλεονεκτήματα ὁρῶντας: ᾧ γ᾽ οὐκ ἀπέχρησε διαφθείραντι τὴν περὶ τὰ συμβόλαια πίστιν καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ κειμένους ἀνελόντι νόμους μηθὲν ἄλλο πολυπραγμονεῖν, καινὴν δὲ καταστησάμενος ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ τῷ καθελεῖν τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον ἐποίησεν αὐτὴν νόμῳ, καὶ νῦν τυραννικὴν ἐξουσίαν περιβαλλόμενος, ὦ βουλή, τῷ νεωστὶ κυρωθέντι νόμῳ λέληθεν ὑμᾶς.
[22.1] “That the populace seceded, after hims, not because of necessity and want, but because they were elated by the mischievous hope of destroying your aristocracy and of becoming themselves masters of the commonwealth, I think has become clear to nearly all of you when you observe the advantages which they gained by the accommodation. For they were not content, after they had destroyed the good faith which gave validity to their contracts and had abolished the laws made to secure it, to carry their meddling no farther, but introducing a new magistracy designed to overthrow that of the consuls, they made it sacred and inviolable by law, and have now, unobserved by you, senators, been acquiring a tyrannical power through this newly-enacted law.
[2] ὅταν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας πολλῆς οἱ [p. 36] προεστηκότες αὐτοῦ πρόφασιν εὐπρεπῆ προβαλλόμενοι τὸ δὴ τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις τῶν δημοτῶν βοηθεῖν διὰ τῆς ἐξουσίας ταύτης ἄγωσι καὶ φέρωσιν, ὅσ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ, καὶ μηθεὶς ὁ κωλύσων τὰς παρανομίας αὐτῶν ᾖ, μήτ᾽ ἰδιώτης μήτ᾽ ἄρχων δεδοικὼς τὸν νόμον, ὃς ἀφαιρεῖται καὶ τὸν λόγον ἡμῶν ἅμα τοῖς ἔργοις θάνατον ἐπιτιθεὶς ζημίαν τοῖς ἐλευθέραν φωνὴν ἀφιεῖσι, τί προσῆκεν ὄνομα θέσθαι τῇ δυναστείᾳ ταύτῃ τοὺς νοῦν ἔχοντας ἕτερον, ἢ τοῦθ᾽, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀληθὴς καὶ πάντες ἂν ὁμολογήσετε, τυραννίδα; εἰ δ᾽ οὐχ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἀνδρός, ἀλλ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ὅλου τυραννούμεθα δήμου, τί τοῦτο διαφέρει; τὸ γὰρ ἔργον ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ταὐτό.