[6] And now danger encompassed the Volscians on every side, the foot pressing them in front and the horse on their flank in the rear; so that, after having displayed bravery beyond their strength and given many proofs of hardihood and experience, nearly all who held the right wing were cut down. When those arrayed in the centre and on the other wing saw their right wing broken and the Roman horse charging them in the same manner, they caused their files to countermarch and retired slowly to their camp; and the Roman horse followed, keeping their ranks.

[7] ἱππεῖς ἐν τάξει ἠκολούθουν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τῷ ἐρύματι ἦσαν, ἑτέρα γίνεται μάχη τῶν ἱππέων ἐπιβαινόντων τοῖς περισταυρώμασι κατὰ πολλὰ μέρη τοῦ χάρακος ὀξεῖα καὶ παλίντροπος. πονουμένων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁ ὕπατος κελεύσας τοῖς πεζοῖς ὕλην προσενέγκαντας ἀποχῶσαι τὰς τάφρους, πρῶτος ἐχώρει κατὰ τὸ ἐπίβατον ἔχων τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ τὰς ἐχυρωτάτας τοῦ χάρακος πύλας: ἀναστείλας δὲ τοὺς πρὸ αὐτῶν μαχομένους καὶ τοὺς καταρράκτας τῶν πυλῶν διακόψας ἐντὸς ἐγεγόνει τῶν ἐρυμάτων, καὶ τοὺς ἐπιόντας τῶν σφετέρων πεζῶν ἐδέχετο.

[7] When they were near the ramparts, there ensued another battle, as the horsemen endeavoured to surmount the breastworks of the camp in my different places — a battle that was sharp and of shifting fortunes. When the Romans found themselves hard pressed, the consul ordered the foot to bring brushwood and fill up the ditches; then, putting himself at the head of the bravest horsemen, he advanced over the passage they had made to the strongest gate of the camp, and having driven back the defenders in front of it and cut asunder the portcullis, he got inside the ramparts and let in those of his foot who followed.

[8] Τύλλος δ᾽ Ἄττιος ἔχων τοὺς ἐρρωμενεστάτους καὶ εὐτολμοτάτους Οὐολούσκων ὁμόσε αὐτῷ χωρεῖ καὶ πολλὰ ἔργα γενναῖα ἀποδειξάμενος: ἦν γὰρ ἀγωνιστὴς μὲν πολέμων σφόδρ᾽ ἄλκιμος, στρατηγῆσαι δ᾽ οὐχ ἱκανός: ὑπὸ κόπου τε καὶ πλήθους τραυμάτων καταπονηθεὶς ἀποθνήσκει. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων Οὐολούσκων, ἐπειδὴ ὁ χάραξ ἡλίσκετο, οἱ μὲν ἀγωνιζόμενοι κατεκόπησαν, οἱ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες πρὸς ἱκεσίας τῶν κεκρατηκότων ἐτράποντο, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα φεύγοντες ἀπεσώθησαν.

[8] Here Tullus Attius encountered him with the sturdiest and most daring of the Volscians, and after performing many gallant deeds — for he was a very valiant warrior, though not competent as a general — at last, overcome by weariness and the many wounds he had received, he fell dead. As for the other Volscians, as soon as their camp was being taken, some were slain while fighting, others threw down their arms and turned to supplicating the conquerors, while some few took to flight and got safely home.

[9] ἀφικομένων δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀγγέλων, οὓς ἀπέστειλαν οἱ ὕπατοι, μεγίστη χαρὰ τὸν δῆμον κατέσχε, καὶ αὐτίκα τοῖς μὲν θεοῖς χαριστηρίους ἐψηφίσαντο θυσίας, τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπάτοις τὴν τῶν θριάμβων τιμὴν προσέθεσαν. οὐ μέντοι τὴν αὐτήν γ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις: ἀλλὰ Σικκίῳ μέν, ἐπειδὴ φόβου μείζονος ἠλευθερωκέναι ἐδόκει τὴν πόλιν [p. 228] τὸν Οὐολούσκων ὑβριστὴν καθελὼν στρατὸν καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας τὴν μείζονα πομπὴν ἐψηφίσαντο: καὶ εἰσήλασεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ἄγων τὰ λάφυρα καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν συναγωνισαμένην δύναμιν ἅρματι παρεμβεβηκὼς χρυσοχαλίνων ἵππων τὴν βασιλικὴν ἠμφιεσμένος ἐσθῆτα, ὡς περὶ τοὺς μείζονας θριάμβους νόμος. Ἀκυλλίῳ δὲ τὸν ἐλάττονα θρίαμβον ἀπέδοσαν, ὃν αὐτοὶ καλοῦσιν οὐαστήν: δεδήλωται δέ μοι διὰ τῶν προτέρων, ἣν ἔχει διαφορὰν οὗτος πρὸς τὸν μείζονα:

[9] When the couriers sent by the consuls arrived in Rome, the people were filled with the greatest joy, and they immediately voted sacrifices of thanksgiving for the gods and decreed the honour of a triumph to the consuls, though not the same to both. For as Siccius was thought to have freed the state from the greater fear by destroying the insolent army of the Volscians and killing their general, they granted to him the greater triumph. He accordingly drove into the city with the spoils, the prisoners, and the army that had fought under him, he himself riding in a chariot drawn by horses with golden bridles and being arrayed in the royal robes, as is the custom in the greater triumphs.

[10] καὶ εἰσῆλθεν ὁ ἀνὴρ πεζὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς πομπῆς ἐπαγόμενος. καὶ τὸ ἔτος τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.

[10] To Aquilius they decreed the lesser triumph, which they call an ovation (I have earlier shown the difference between this and the greater triumph); and he entered the city on foot, bringing up the remainder of the procession. Thus that year ended.

[1] οἱ δὲ παρὰ τούτων τὴν ὑπατείαν παραλαβόντες Πόπλιος Οὐεργίνιος καὶ Σπόριος Κάσσιος τρίτον τότ᾽ ἀποδειχθεὶς ὕπατος, τάς τε πολιτικὰς καὶ τὰς συμμαχικὰς ἀναλαβόντες δυνάμεις ἐξῆγον εἰς τὴν ὕπαιθρον, Οὐεργίνιος μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰκανῶν πόλεις, Κάσσιος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰς Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Οὐολούσκων, κλήρῳ διαλαχόντες τὰς ἐξόδους. Αἰκανοὶ μὲν οὖν ὀχυρώσαντες τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἀνασκευασάμενοι τήν τε γῆν περιεώρων δῃουμένην καὶ τὰς αὐλὰς ἐμπιμπραμένας, ὥστε κατὰ πολλὴν εὐπέτειαν ὁ Οὐεργίνιος ὅσην ἐδύνατο πλείστην αὐτῶν γῆν κείρας τε καὶ λωβησάμενος, ἐπειδὴ οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐξῄει μαχούμενος ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιάν.

[68.1] These consuls were succeeded by Proculus Verginius and Spurius Cassius (the latter being then chosen consul for the third time), who took the field with both the citizen forces and those of the allies. It fell to the lot of Verginius to lead his army against the Aequians and to that of Cassius to march against the Hernicans and the Volscians. The Aequians, having fortified their cities and removed thither out of the country everything that was most valuable, permitted their land to be laid waste and their country-houses to be set on fire, so that Verginius with great ease ravaged and ruined as much of their country as he could, since no one came out to defend it, and then led his army home.

[2] Οὐολοῦσκοι δὲ καὶ Ἕρνικες, ἐφ᾽ οὓς ὁ Κάσσιος ἐστράτευσε, γνώμην μὲν ἐποιήσαντο δῃουμένης τῆς χώρας [p. 229] περιορᾶν καὶ συνέφυγον εἰς τὰς πόλεις: οὐ μὴν ἔμεινάν γ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἐγνωσμένοις χώρας τ᾽ ἀγαθῆς κειρομένης, ἣν οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἀνακτήσεσθαι ἔτι ἤλπισαν, οἴκτῳ ὑπαχθέντες, καὶ τοῖς ἐρύμασιν οὐ σφόδρα ἐχυροῖς οὖσιν, εἰς ἃ κατεπεφεύγεσαν, ἀπιστοῦντες, ἀλλὰ πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον ὑπὲρ καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου δεησομένους: Οὐολοῦσκοι μὲν πρότεροι, καὶ θᾶττον οὗτοι τῆς εἰρήνης ἔτυχον ἀργύριόν τε δόντες, ὅσον αὐτοῖς ὁ ὕπατος ἔταξε, καὶ τἆλλα, ὅσων ἔδει τῇ στρατιᾷ, πάντα ὑπηρετήσαντες: καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ὑπήκοοι Ῥωμαίοις ἔσεσθαι ὡμολόγησαν οὐθενὸς ἔτι μεταποιούμενοι τῶν ἴσων.

[2] The Volscians and the Hernicans, against whom Cassius took the field, had resolved to permit their land to be laid waste and had taken refuge in their cities. Nevertheless, they did not persist in their resolution, being overcome with regret at seeing the desolation of a fertile country which they could not expect to restore easily to its former condition, and at the same time distrusting the defences in which they had taken refuge, as these were not very strong; but they sent ambassadors to the consul to sue for a termination of the war. The Volscians were the first to send envoys and they obtained peace the sooner by giving as much money as the consul ordered and furnishing everything else the army needed; and they agreed to become subject to the Romans without making any further claims to equality.

[3] Ἕρνικες δ᾽ ὕστεροι, ἐπειδὴ μεμονωμένους ἑαυτοὺς εἶδον, ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης τε καὶ φιλίας διελέγοντο πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον. ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος πολλὴν κατηγορίαν πρὸς τοὺς πρέσβεις κατ᾽ αὐτῶν διαθέμενος πρῶτον ἔφη δεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰ τῶν κεκρατημένων τε καὶ ὑπηκόων ποιήσαντας, τότε διαλέγεσθαι περὶ φιλίας: τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν εἰπόντων ποιήσειν τὰ δυνατὰ καὶ μέτρια ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς ἀργύριόν τε, ὃ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τοῖς στρατιώταις εἰς ὀψωνιασμὸν ἔθος ἦν ἓξ μηνῶν δίδοσθαι καὶ διὰ μηνὸς τροφὰς ἀποφέρειν.

[3] After them the Hernicans, seeing themselves isolated, treated with the consul for peace and friendship. But Cassius made many accusations against them to their ambassadors, and said that they ought first to act like men conquered and subjects and then treat for friendship. When the ambassadors agreed to do everything that was possible and reasonable, he ordered them to furnish the amount of money it was customary to give each soldier as pay for six months, as well as provisions for two months; and in order that they might raise these supplies he granted them a truce, appointing a definite number of days for it to run.

[4] ἕως δ᾽ [p. 230] ἂν ταῦτ᾽ εὐπορήσωσι, τάξας τινὰ χρόνον ἡμερῶν ἀνοχὰς αὐτοῖς ἐδίδου τοῦ πολέμου. ὑπηρετησάντων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἅπαντα τῶν Ἑρνίκων διὰ τάχους καὶ μετὰ προθυμίας, καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῆς φιλίας διαλεξομένους ἀποστειλάντων αὖθις, ἐπαινέσας αὐτοὺς ὁ Κάσσιος ἀνέπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὴν βουλήν. τοῖς δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου πολλὰ βουλευσαμένοις ἔδοξε δέχεσθαι μὲν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς φιλίαν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς δὲ γενήσονται δικαίοις αἱ πρὸς αὐτοὺς συνθῆκαι, Κάσσιον τὸν ὕπατον γνῶναί τε καὶ στῆσαι, ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν ἐκείνῳ δόξῃ, τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι σφίσι κύριον.

[4] When the Hernicans, after supplying them with everything promptly and eagerly, sent ambassadors again to treat for friendship, Cassius commended them and referred them to the senate. The senators after much deliberation resolved to receive this people into their friendship, but as to the terms on which the treaty with them should be made, they voted that Cassius the consul should decide and settle these, and that whatever he approved of should have their sanction.

[1] ταῦτα τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης ἀναστρέψας εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὁ Κάσσιος θρίαμβον κατάγειν ἠξίου δεύτερον ὡς τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐθνῶν κεχειρωμένος, χάριτι μᾶλλον ἁρπάζων τὸ τίμιον ἢ τῷ δικαίῳ λαμβάνων, ὃς οὔτε πόλεις κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν ἐκ τειχομαχίας, οὔτ᾽ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ μάχῃ στρατιὰν πολεμίων τρεψάμενος αἰχμάλωτα καὶ σκῦλα, οἷς κοσμεῖται θρίαμβος, ἔμελλε κατάγειν. τοιγάρτοι δόξαν αὐθαδείας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τῶν ὁμοίων τοῖς ἄλλοις φρονεῖν τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον αὐτῷ πρῶτον φθόνον ἤνεγκε.

[69.1] The senate having passed this vote, Cassius returned to Rome and demanded a second triumph, as if he had subdued the greatest nations, thus attempting to seize the honour as a favour rather than to receive it as a right, since, though he had neither taken any cities by storm nor put to rout an army of enemies in the field, he was of lead home captives and spoils, the adornments of a triumph. Accordingly, this action first brought him a reputation for presumption and for no longer entertaining thoughts like those of his fellow citizens.

[2] διαπραξάμενος δὲ τὸν θρίαμβον αὑτῷ δοθῆναι τὰς πρὸς Ἕρνικας ἐξήνεγκεν ὁμολογίας: αὗται δ᾽ ἦσαν ἀντίγραφοι τῶν πρὸς Λατίνους γενομένων, ἐφ᾽ αἷς πάνυ ἤχθοντο οἱ πρεσβύτατοί τε καὶ τιμιώτατοι καὶ δι᾽ ὑποψίας αὐτὸν ἐλάμβανον οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες τῆς ἴσης τιμῆς [p. 231] τοῖς συγγενέσι Λατίνοις τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς Ἕρνικας τυγχάνειν, οὐδὲ τοῖς πολλὰ εὐνοίας ἔργα ἐπιδειξαμένοις τοὺς μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀγαθὸν δεδρακότας τῶν αὐτῶν φιλανθρώπων μετέχειν, τῇ τε ὑπεροψίᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀχθόμενοι, ὃς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς τιμηθεὶς οὐκ ἀντετίμησεν αὐτὴν τοῖς ἴσοις, οὐδὲ μετὰ κοινῆς γνώμης τῶν συνέδρων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς αὐτῷ ἐδόκει γράψας ἐξήνεγκε τὰς ὁμολογίας.

[2] Then, when he had secured for himself the granting of a triumph, he produced the treaty he had made with the Hernicans, which was a copy of the one that had been made with the Latins. At this the oldest and most honoured of the senators were very indignant and regarded him with suspicion; for they were unwilling that the Hernicans, an alien race, should obtain the same honour as their kinsmen, the Latins, and that those who had done them the least service should be treated with the same kindness as those who had shown them many instances of their goodwill. They were also displeased at the arrogance of the man, who, after being honoured by the senate, had not shown equal honour to that body, but had produced a treaty drawn up according to his own pleasure and not with the general approval of the senate.

[3] ἦν τ᾽ ἄρα τὸ ἐν πολλοῖς εὐτυχεῖν σφαλερὸν ἀνθρώπῳ χρῆμα καὶ ἀσύμφορον: αὐχήματός τε γὰρ ἀνοήτου πολλοῖς αἴτιον γενόμενον λανθάνει καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν ἀρχηγὸν ἐκβαινουσῶν τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν: ὃ καὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἐκείνῳ συνέβη. τρισὶ γὰρ ὑπατείαις καὶ δυσὶ θριάμβοις μόνος τῶν τότε ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως τετιμημένος σεμνότερον ἑαυτὸν ἦγε καὶ μοναρχικῆς ἐξουσίας ἐλάμβανε πόθον: ἐνθυμούμενος δ᾽ ὅτι τοῖς βασιλείας ἢ τυραννίδος ἐφιεμένοις ῥᾴστη τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτη πασῶν ἐστιν ὁδὸς ἡ τὸ πλῆθος εὐεργεσίαις τισὶν ὑπαγομένη καὶ ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν τοῦ διδόντος τὰ κοινὰ σιτεῖσθαι ἐθίζουσα, ταύτην ἐτράπετο: καὶ αὐτίκα οὐθενὶ προειπών: ἦν γάρ τις χώρα δημοσία πολλὴ παρημελημένη τε καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν εὐπορωτάτων κατεχομένη, ταύτην ἔγνω τῷ δήμῳ διανέμειν.

[3] But it seems that to be successful in many undertakings is a dangerous and prejudicial thing for a man; for to many it is the hidden source of senseless pride and the secret author of desires that are too ambitious for our human nature. And so it was with Cassius. For, being the only man at that time who had been honoured by his country with three consulships and two triumphs, he now conducted himself in a more pompous manner and conceived a desire for monarchical power. And bearing in mind that the easiest and safest way of all for those who aim at monarchy or tyranny is to draw the multitude to oneself by sundry gratifications and to accustom them to feed themselves out of the hands of the one who distributes the possessions of the public, he took that course; and at once, without communicating this intention to anyone, he determined to divide among the people a certain large tract of land belonging to the state which had been neglected and was then in the possession of the richest men.

[4] καὶ εἰ μὲν ἄχρι τοῦδ᾽ ἐλθὼν ἠρκέσθη, τάχ᾽ ἂν αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν τὸ ἔργον ἐχώρησε: νῦν δὲ πλειόνων ὀρεγόμενος στάσιν οὐ μικρὰν ἤγειρεν, ἐξ ἧς οὐκ εὐτυχὲς τὸ τέλος αὐτῷ συνέβη. Λατίνους τε γὰρ ἠξίου τῇ καταγραφῇ τῆς χώρας συμπεριλαμβάνειν καὶ τοὺς νεωστὶ [p. 232] προσληφθέντας εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν Ἕρνικας οἰκεῖα ἑαυτῷ παρασκευάσας τὰ ἔθνη.

[4] Now if he had been content to stop there, the business might perhaps have gone according to his wish; but as it was, by grasping for more, he raised a violent sedition, the outcome of which proved anything but fortunate for him. For he thought fit in assigning the land to include not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had only recently been admitted to citizenship, and thus to attach these nations to himself.

[1] ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς τῇ μετὰ τὸν θρίαμβον ἡμέρᾳ συνεκάλεσε τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν: καὶ παρελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶ ποιεῖν τοῖς τεθριαμβευκόσι, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέδωκε τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν πραχθέντων αὐτῷ λόγον, οὗ κεφάλαια ἦν ταῦτα:

[70.1] Having formed this plan, the day after his triumph he called the multitude together in assembly, and coming forward to the tribunal, according to the custom of those who have triumphed, he first gave his account of his achievements, the sum of which was as follows:

[2] ὅτι τῆς μὲν πρώτης ὑπατείας τυχὼν τὸ Σαβίνων ἔθνος ἀντιποιούμενον τῆς ἡγεμονίας μάχῃ νικήσας ὑπήκοον ἠνάγκασε Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι: ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ὕπατος τὴν ἐμφύλιον ἔπαυσε τῆς πόλεως στάσιν καὶ κατήγαγε τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὴν πατρίδα, Λατίνους δὲ συγγενεῖς μὲν ὄντας τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως, ἀεὶ δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ τῆς δόξης αὐτῇ φθονοῦντας, εἰς φιλότητα συνήγαγε τῆς ἰσοπολιτείας μεταδούς, ὥστε μηκέτι ἀντίπαλον, ἀλλὰ πατρίδα τὴν Ῥώμην νομίζειν.

[2] that in his first consulship he had defeated in battle the Sabines, who were laying claim to the supremacy, and compelled them to become subject to the Romans; that upon being chosen consul for the second time he had appeased the sedition in the state and restored the populace to the fatherland, and had caused the Latins, who, though kinsmen of the Romans, had always envied them their supremacy and glory, to become their friends by conferring upon them equal rights of citizenship, so that they looked upon Rome no longer as a rival, but as their fatherland;

[3] τρίτον δὲ καταστὰς ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχὴν Οὐολούσκους τ᾽ ἠνάγκασε φίλους ἀντὶ πολεμίων γενέσθαι καὶ τὸ Ἑρνίκων ἔθνος μέγα τε καὶ ἄλκιμον καὶ πλησίον σφῶν κείμενον βλάπτειν τε καὶ ὠφελεῖν τὰ μέγιστα ἱκανώτατον ἑκούσιον ὑπηγάγετο.

[3] that being for the third time invested with the same magistracy, he had not only compelled the Volscians to become their friends instead of enemies, but had also brought about the voluntary submission of the Hernicans, a great and warlike nation situated near them and quite capable of doing them either the greatest mischief or the greatest service.

[4] ταῦτά τε δὴ καὶ τὰ ὅμοια τούτοις διεξελθὼν ἠξίου τὸν δῆμον ἑαυτῷ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν, ὡς παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους πρόνοιαν ἔχοντι τοῦ κοινοῦ καὶ εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν ἕξοντι χρόνον. [p. 233] τελευτῶν δὲ τοῦ λόγου τοσαῦτ᾽ ἔφη καὶ τηλικαῦτ᾽ ἀγαθὰ ποιήσειν τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους ἐπὶ τῷ φιλεῖν καὶ σώζειν τὸ δημοτικόν: καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἔφη ποιήσειν οὐκ εἰς μακράν.

[4] After recounting these and similar achievements he asked the populace to pay good heed to him, as to one who then had and always would have a greater concern for the commonwealth than any others. He concluded his speech by saying that he would confer upon the populace so many benefits and so great as to surpass all those who were commended for befriending and saving the plebeians; and these things he said he would soon accomplish.

[5] διαλύσας δὲ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ χρόνον οὐδὲ ἀκαριαῖον διαλιπὼν τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ συνεκάλει τὴν βουλὴν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὀρθὴν καὶ περίφοβον οὖσαν ἐπὶ τοῖς ῥηθεῖσιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγοις: καὶ πρὶν ἑτέρου τινὸς ἄρξασθαι λόγου τὴν ἀπόρρητον ἐν τῷ δήμῳ φυλαχθεῖσαν γνώμην εἰς μέσον ἔφερεν, ἀξιῶν τοὺς βουλευτάς, ἐπειδὴ πολλὰ ὁ δῆμος τῇ πόλει χρήσιμος γέγονε τὰ μὲν εἰς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, τὰ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ ἑτέρων ἄρχειν συλλαβόμενος, πρόνοιαν αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι, τήν τε χώραν αὐτῷ νείμαντας, ὅση πολέμῳ κρατηθεῖσα λόγῳ μὲν ἦν δημοσία, ἔργῳ δὲ τῶν ἀναιδεστάτων τε καὶ σὺν οὐδενὶ δικαίῳ κατεσχηκότων πατρικίων, καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ Γέλωνος τοῦ Σικελίας τυράννου πεμφθείσης σφίσι δωρεᾶς σιτικῆς, ἣν προῖκα δέον ἅπαντας διανείμασθαι τοὺς πολίτας ὠνητὴν ἐλάμβανον οἱ πένητες, ἀποδοθῆναι τὰς τιμὰς τοῖς ὠνησαμένοις ἐξ ὧν εἶχε τὸ κοινὸν χρημάτων.

[5] He then dismissed the assembly, and without even the slightest delay called a meeting the next day of the senate, which was already in suspense and terrified at his words. And before taking up any other subject he proceeded to lay before them openly the purpose which he had kept concealed in the popular assembly, asking of the senators that, inasmuch as the populace had rendered the commonwealth great service by aiding it, not only to retain its liberty, but also to rule over other peoples, they should show their concern for them by dividing among them the land conquered in war, which, though nominally the property of the state, was in reality possessed by the most shameless patricians, who had occupied it without any legal claim; and that the price paid for the corn sent them by Gelon, the tyrant of Sicily, as a present, which, though it ought to have been divided among all the citizens as a free gift, the poor had got by purchase, should be repaid to the purchasers from the funds held in the public treasury.

[1] εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ θόρυβος ἦν πολύς, ἀχθομένων ἁπάντων καὶ οὐχ ὑπομενόντων τὸν λόγον. ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐπαύσατο ὅ τε συνύπατος αὐτοῦ Οὐεργίνιος πολλὴν ἐποιήσατο κατηγορίαν ὡς στάσιν εἰσάγοντος, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βουλευτῶν οἱ πρεσβύτατοί τε καὶ τιμιώτατοι, μάλιστα δ᾽ Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος: καὶ μέχρι πολλῆς ὥρας ἠγριωμένοι τε καὶ τὰ [p. 234] αἴσχιστα κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ὀνείδη λέγοντες οὗτοι διετέλεσαν.

[71.1] At once, while he was still speaking, a great tumult arose, the senators to a man disliking his proposal and refusing to countenance it. And when he had done, not only his colleague Verginius, but the oldest and the most honoured of the senators as well, particularly Appius Claudius, inveighed against him vehemently for attempting to stir up a sedition; and until a late hour these men continued to be beside themselves with rage and to utter the severest reproaches against one another.

[2] ταῖς δὲ κατόπιν ἡμέραις ὁ μὲν Κάσσιος ἐκκλησίας συνεχεῖς ποιούμενος ἐξεδημαγώγει τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κληρουχίας λόγους εἰσέφερε, καὶ πολὺς ἦν ἐν ταῖς κατηγορίαις τῶν ἀντιπραττόντων. ὁ δ᾽ Οὐεργίνιος τὴν βουλὴν ὁσημέραι συνάγων μετὰ κοινῆς γνώμης τῶν πατρικίων ἀντιπαρεσκευάζετο φυλακάς τε καὶ κωλύσεις νομίμους.

[2] During the following days Cassius assembled the populace continually and attempted to win them over by his harangues, introducing the arguments in favour of the allotment of the land and laying himself out in invectives against his opponents. Verginius, for his part, assembled the senate every day and in concert with the patricians prepared legal safeguards and hindrances against the other’s designs.

[3] καὶ ἦν στῖφος ἑκατέρῳ τῶν παρακολουθούντων τε καὶ φυλακὴν τῷ σώματι παρεχόντων πολύ: τὸ μὲν ἄπορον καὶ ῥυπαρὸν καὶ πάντα τολμᾶν πρόχειρον ὑπὸ τῷ Κασσίῳ τεταγμένον, τὸ δ᾽ εὐγενέστατόν τε καὶ καθαρώτατον ὑπὸ τῷ Οὐεργινίῳ.

[3] Each of the consuls had a strong body of men attending him and guarding his person; the needy and the unwashed and such as were prepared for any daring enterprise were ranged under Cassius, and those of the noblest birth and the most immaculate under Verginius.

[4] τέως μὲν οὖν τὸ χεῖρον ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπεκράτει μακρῷ θατέρου προὔχον, ἔπειτα ἰσόρροπον ἐγένετο προσνειμάντων ἑαυτοὺς τῶν δημάρχων τῇ κρείττονι μοίρᾳ: τάχα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ δοκεῖν ἄμεινον εἶναι τῇ πόλει δεκασμοῖς τ᾽ ἀργυρίου καὶ διανομαῖς τῶν δημοσίων διαφθειρόμενον τὸ πλῆθος ἀργὸν καὶ πονηρὸν εἶναι, τάχα δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν φθόνον, ὅτι τῆς φιλανθρωπίας ταύτης οὐκ αὐτοὶ ἦρξαν οἱ τοῦ δήμου προεστηκότες, ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερος: οὐθὲν δὲ κωλύει καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ δέος, ὃ πρὸς τὴν αὔξησιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐλάμβανον μείζονα γενομένην ἢ τῇ πόλει συνέφερεν.

[4] For some time the baser element prevailed in the assemblies, being far more numerous than the others; then they became evenly balanced when the tribunes joined the better element. This change of front on the part of the tribunes was due perhaps to their feeling that it was not best for the commonwealth that the multitude should be corrupted by bribes of money and distributions of the public lands and so be idle and depraved, and perhaps also to envy, since it was not they themselves, the leaders of the populace, who had been the authors of this liberality, but someone else; however, there is no reason why their action was not due also to the fear they felt at the increase in Cassius’ power, which had grown greater than was to the interest of the commonwealth.

[5] ἀντέλεγον οὖν ἤδη κατὰ κράτος ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις οὗτοι [p. 235] πρὸς τοὺς εἰσφερομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ Κασσίου νόμους διδάσκοντες τὸν δῆμον, ὡς οὐκ εἴη δίκαιον, ἃ διὰ πολλῶν ἐκτήσατο πολέμων, ταῦτα μὴ Ῥωμαίους νείμασθαι μόνους, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λατίνους αὐτοῖς ἰσομοιρεῖν τοὺς μὴ παραγενομένους τοῖς πολέμοις, καὶ τοὺς νεωστὶ προσελθόντας πρὸς τὴν φιλίαν Ἕρνικας, οἷς ἀγαπητὸν ἦν πολέμῳ προσαχθεῖσι τὸ μὴ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀφαιρεθῆναι χώραν.

[5] At any rate, these men in the meetings of the assembly now began to oppose with all their power the laws which Cassius was introducing, showing the people that it was not fair if the possessions which they had acquired in the course of many wars were not to be distributed among the Romans alone, but were to be shared equally not only by the Latins, who had not been present in those wars, but also by the Hernicans, who had but lately entered into friendship with them, and having been brought to it by war, would be content not to be deprived of their own territory.

[6] ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἀκούων τοτὲ μὲν τοῖς τῶν δημάρχων προσετίθετο λόγοις ἐνθυμούμενος, ὅτι μικρόν τι καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον ἔσται λόγου τὸ ἐκ τῆς δημοσίας γῆς ἐσόμενον ἑκάστῳ λάχος, εἰ μεθ᾽ Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων αὐτὴν νεμήσονται, τοτὲ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ Κασσίου μετεπείθετο δημαγωγοῦντος, ὡς προδιδόντων αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρικίοις τῶν δημάρχων καὶ πρόφασιν ποιουμένων τῆς κωλύσεως εὐπρεπῆ τὴν Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων ἰσομοιρίαν, ἣν αὐτὸς ἔφη νόμῳ περιλαβεῖν ἰσχύος τῶν πενήτων ἕνεκα καὶ εἴ τις ἀφαιρεῖσθαί ποτε αὐτοὺς ἀξιώσαι τὰ δοθέντα κωλῦσαι, κρεῖττον ἡγούμενος εἶναι καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον τοῖς πολλοῖς μικρὰ λαβοῦσιν ὁμοίως ἔχειν ἢ πολλὰ ἐλπίσασιν ἁπάντων ἀποτυχεῖν.

[6] The people, as they listened, would now assent to the representations of the tribunes, when they recalled that the portion of the public land which would fall to the lot of each man would be small and inconsiderable if they shared it with the Hernicans and the Latins, and again would change their minds as Cassius in his harangues charged that the tribunes were betraying them to the patricians and using his proposal to give an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins as a specious pretence for their opposition; whereas, he said, he had included these peoples in his law with a view to adding strength to the poor and of hindering any attempt that might thereafter be made to deprive them of what had been once granted to them since he regarded it as better and safer for the masses to get little, but to keep that little undiminished, than to expect a great deal and to be disappointed of everything.

[1] τούτοις δὴ τοῖς λόγοις τοῦ Κασσίου θαμινὰ μεταπείθοντος ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τὸν ὄχλον παρελθὼν εἷς τῶν δημάρχων, Γάϊος Ῥαβολήιος, ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄφρων, τήν τε διχοστασίαν τῶν ὑπάτων ὑπέσχετο παύσειν οὐκ εἰς μακράν, καὶ τῷ δήμῳ ποιήσειν φανερόν, ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν. ἐπισημασίας δὲ γενομένης αὐτῷ μεγάλης καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο σιωπῆς: οὐχὶ ταῦτ᾽, εἶπεν, ὦ [p. 236] Κάσσιε, καὶ σὺ Οὐεργίνιε, τὰ κεφάλαιά ἐστι τοῦ νόμου; ἓν μέν, εἰ χρὴ τὴν δημοσίαν γῆν κατ᾽ ἄνδρα διανεμηθῆναι, ἕτερον δ᾽, εἰ χρὴ καὶ Λατίνους καὶ Ἕρνικας μέρος αὐτῆς λαβόντας ἔχειν; ὁμολογησάντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν:

[72.1] While Cassius by these arguments frequently changed the minds of the multitude in the meetings of the assembly, one of the tribunes, Gaius Rabuleius, a man not lacking in intelligence, came forward and promised that he would soon put an end to the dissension between the consuls and would also make it clear to the populace what they ought to do. And when a great demonstration of approval followed, and then silence, he said: “Are not these, Cassius and Verginius, the chief issues of this law — first, whether the public land should be distributed with an equal portion for everyone, and second, whether the Latins and the Hernicans should receive a share of it?”

[2] εἶεν δή: σὺ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Κάσσιε, ἀμφότερα ταῦτ᾽ ἐπιψηφίζειν ἀξιοῖς τὸν δῆμον, σὺ δὲ δὴ πρὸς θεῶν, ὦ Οὐεργίνιε, λέξον ἡμῖν, πότερα θάτερον ἀκυροῖς τῆς. Κασσίου γνώμης μέρος τὸ κατὰ τοὺς συμμάχους οὐκ οἰόμενος δεῖν ἰσομοίρους ἡμῖν Ἕρνικάς τε καὶ Λατίνους ποιεῖν, ἢ καὶ θάτερον μόνον ἀκυροῖς ἀξιῶν οὐδὲ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς διανέμειν τὰ κοινά; ταυτὶ γὰρ ἀπόκριναί μοι μηδὲν ἀποκρυψάμενος.

[2] And when they assented, he continued: “Very well. You, Cassius, ask the people to vote for both provisions. But as for you, Verginius, tell us, for Heaven’s sake, whether you oppose that part of Cassius’ proposal which relates to the allies, believing that we ought not to make the Hernicans and the Latins equal sharers with us, or whether you oppose the other also, holding that we should not distribute the property of the state even among ourselves. Just answer these questions for me without concealing anything.”

[3] εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Οὐεργινίου τῇ Λατίνων τε καὶ Ἑρνίκων ἀντιλέγειν ἰσομοιρίᾳ, τὸ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς πολίτας, εἰ πᾶσι δόξειε, διανέμεσθαι συγχωρεῖν, ἐπιστρέψας ὁ δήμαρχος εἰς τὸν ὄχλον εἶπεν: ἐπεὶ τοίνυν τὸ μὲν ἕτερον τῆς γνώμης μέρος ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς ὑπάτοις συνδοκεῖ, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον ἀντιλέγεται πρὸς θατέρου, ἰσότιμοι δ᾽ ἀμφότεροι, καὶ οὐχ οἷόν τε βιάσασθαι θατέρῳ τὸν ἕτερον, ὃ μὲν δίδοται δοται παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων, ἤδη λάβωμεν, ὑπὲρ οὗ δ᾽ ἀμφισβητοῦσιν,

[3] When Verginius said that he opposed giving an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins, but consented to its being divided among the Roman citizens, if all were of that opinion, the tribune, turning to the multitude, said: “Since, then, one part of the proposed measure is approved of by both consuls and the other is opposed by one of them, and as both men are equal in rank and neither can use compulsion on the other, let us accept now the part which both are ready to grant us, and postpone the other, concerning which they differ.”

[4] ἀναβαλώμεθα. ἐπισημήναντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους ὡς τὰ πράτιστα ὑποθεμένῳ καὶ καταλύειν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου τὸ ποιοῦν διχοστασίαν μέρος ἀξιοῦντος, ἀπορῶν, ὅ τι χρὴ πράττειν, ὁ Κάσσιος καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἀναθέσθαι τὴν γνώμην προαιρούμενος οὔτε μένειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀντιπραττόντων τῶν δημάρχων δυνάμενος, τότε [p. 237] μὲν διέλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἀρρωστίαν σκηπτόμενος οὐκέτι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπομένων ἔνδον ἐπραγματεύετο βίᾳ καὶ χειροκρασίᾳ κυρῶσαι τὸν νόμον: καὶ μετεπέμπετο Λατίνων τε καὶ Ἑρνίκων ὅσους ἐδύνατο πλείστους ἐπὶ τὴν ψηφοφορίαν.

[4] The multitude signified by their acclamations that his advice was most excellent and demanded that he strike out of the law that part which gave occasion for discord; whereupon Cassius was at a loss what to do, and being neither willing to withdraw his proposal nor able to adhere to it while the tribunes opposed him, he dismissed the assembly for that time. During the following days he feigned illness and no longer went down to the Forum; but remaining at home, he set about getting the law passed by force and violence, and sent for as many of the Latins and Hernicans as he could to come and vote for it.

[5] οἱ δὲ συνῄεσαν ἀθρόοι, καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου μεστὴ ξένων ἦν ἡ πόλις. ταῦτα μαθὼν ὁ Οὐεργίνιος κηρύττειν ἐκέλευσε κατὰ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἀπιέναι τοὺς μὴ κατοικοῦντας ἐν τῇ πόλει, χρόνον ὁρίσας οὐ πολύν. ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος τἀναντία ἐκέλευσε κηρύττειν παραμένειν τοὺς μετέχοντας τῆς ἰσοπολιτείας, ἕως ἂν ἐπικυρωθῇ ὁ νόμος.

[5] These assembled in great numbers and presently the city was full of strangers. Verginius, being informed of this, ordered proclamation to be made in the streets that all who were not residents of the city should depart; and he set an early time limit. But Cassius ordered the contrary to be proclaimed — that all who possessed the rights of citizens should remain till the law was passed.

[1] ὡς δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο πέρας, δείσαντες οἱ πατρίκιοι, μὴ ψήφων θ᾽ ἁρπαγαὶ καὶ χειρῶν ἐπιβολαὶ γένωνται καὶ ἄλλα, ὅσα φιλεῖ βίαια συμβαίνειν ἐν ταῖς στασιαζούσαις ἐκκλησίαις εἰσφερομένου τοῦ νόμου, συνῆλθον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὡς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἅπαξ βουλευσόμενοι.

[73.1] There being no end of these contests, the patricians, fearing that when the law came to be proposed there would be stealing of votes, recourse to violence, and all the other forcible means that are wont to be employed in factious assemblies, met in the senate-house to deliberate concerning all these matters once and for all.

[2] Ἄππιος μὲν οὖν πρῶτος ἐρωτηθεὶς γνώμην οὐκ εἴα συγχωρεῖν τῷ δήμῳ τὴν διανομὴν διδάσκων, ὡς χαλεπὸς ἔσται καὶ ἀλυσιτελὴς σύνοικος ὄχλος ἀργὸς ἐθισθεὶς τὰ δημόσια λιχνεύειν, καὶ οὐθὲν ἐάσει ποτὲ τῶν κοινῶν οὔτε κτημάτων οὔτε χρημάτων ἔτι κοινὸν μένειν: αἰσχύνης τ᾽ ἄξιον πρᾶγμα εἶναι λέγων, εἰ Κασσίου κατηγοροῦντες ὡς πονηρὰ καὶ ἀσύμφορα πολιτευομένου καὶ τὸν δῆμον διαφθείροντος, ἔπειτ᾽ αὐτοὶ κοινῇ γνώμῃ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπικυρώσουσιν ὡς δίκαια καὶ συμφέροντα: ἐνθυμεῖσθαί τ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀξιῶν, ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἡ χάρις ἡ παρὰ τῶν πενήτων, εἰ τὰ κοινὰ διανείμαιντο [p. 238] τοῖς συγχωρήσασι καὶ ἐπιψηφισαμένοις, ὑπάρξει, ἀλλ᾽ ἑνὶ τῷ προθέντι τὴν γνώμην Κασσίῳ καὶ δόξαντι ἠναγκακέναι τὴν βουλὴν ἄκουσαν ἐπικυρῶσαι.

[2] Appius, upon being asked his opinion first, refused to grant the distribution of land to the people, pointing out that an idle multitude accustomed to devour the public stores would prove troublesome and unprofitable fellow citizens and would never allow any of the common possessions, whether property or money, to continue to be held in common. He did note that it would be a shameful thing if the senators, who had been accusing Cassius of introducing mischievous and disadvantageous measures and of corrupting the populace, should then themselves by common consent ratify these measures as just and advantageous. He asked them also to bear in mind that even the gratitude of the poor, if they should divide up among themselves the public possessions, would not be shown to those who gave their consent and sanction to this law, but to Cassius alone, who had proposed it and was believed to have compelled the senators to ratify it against their will.

[3] προειπὼν δὴ ταῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις ἕτερα τελευτῶν τάδε συνεβούλευσεν: ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἐντιμοτάτων βουλευτῶν ἑλέσθαι δέκα, οἵτινες ἐπελθόντες τὴν δημοσίαν γῆν ἀφοριοῦσι, καὶ εἴ τινα ἐξ αὐτῆς κλέπτοντες ἢ βιαζόμενοί τινες ἰδιῶται κατανέμουσιν ἢ ἐπεργάζονται διαγνόντες ἀποδώσουσι τῷ δημοσίῳ. τὴν δ᾽ ὁρισθεῖσαν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων γῆν διαιρεθεῖσαν εἰς κλήρους ὅσους δή τινας καὶ στήλαις εὐκόσμοις διαγραφεῖσαν τὴν μὲν ἀπεμποληθῆναι παρῄνει καὶ μάλιστα περὶ ἧς ἀμφίλογόν τι πρὸς ἰδιώτας ἦν, ὥστε τοῖς ὠνησαμένοις μὴ εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιποιησομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κρίσεις, τὴν δὲ πενταετῆ μισθοῦν χρόνον: τὸ δὲ προσιὸν ἐκ τῶν μισθώσεων ἀργύριον εἰς τοὺς ὀψωνιασμοὺς τῶν στρατευομένων ἀναλοῦσθαι καὶ εἰς τὰς μισθώσεις ὧν οἱ πόλεμοι χορηγιῶν δέονται:

[3] After saying this and other things to the same purport, he ended by giving them this advice — to choose ten of the most distinguished senators to go over the public land and fix its bounds, and if they found that any private persons were by fraud or force grazing or tilling any part of it, to take cognizance of this abuse and restore the land to the state. And he further advised that when the land thus delimited by them had been divided into allotments, of whatever number, and marked off by pillars duly inscribed, one part of it should be sold, particularly the part about which there was any dispute with private persons, so that the purchasers might be involved in litigation over it with any who should lay claim to it, and the other part should be let for five years; and that the money coming in from these rents should be used for the payment of the troops and the purchase of the supplies needed for the wars.

[4] νῦν μὲν γάρ, ἔφησεν, ὁ φθόνος τῶν πενήτων ὁ πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους, ὅσοι σφετερισάμενοι τὰ κοινὰ διακατέχουσι, δίκαιός ἐστι: καἰ οὐθὲν θαυμαστόν, εἰ τὰ κοινὰ πάντας διανείμασθαι μᾶλλον ἀξιοῦσιν, ἢ τοὺς ἀναιδεστάτους τε καὶ ὀλίγους κατέχειν: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀφισταμένους αὐτῆς [p. 239] ὁρῶσι τοὺς νῦν καρπουμένους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ ὄντως κοινὰ γινόμενα, παύσονται φθονοῦντες ἡμῖν, τήν τ᾽ ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα διανομῆς τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐπανήσουσι μαθόντες, ὅτι λυσιτελεστέρα τῆς μικρᾶς ἑκάστῳ

[4] “For, as things now stand,” he said, “the envy of the poor against the rich who have appropriated and continue to occupy the public possessions is justified, and it is not at all to be wondered at if they demand that the public property should be divided among all the citizens rather than held by a few, and those the most shameless. Whereas, if they see the persons who are now enjoying them give them up and the public possessions become really public, they will cease to envy us and will give up their eagerness for the distribution of our fields to individuals, once they have learnt that joint ownership by all the citizens will be of greater advantage to them than the small portion that would be allotted to each.

[5] μερίδος ἡ κοινὴ μετὰ πάντων ἔσται κτῆσις. διδάσκωμεν γὰρ αὐτούς, ἔλεγεν, ὅσον τὸ διάφορον, καὶ ὡς εἷς μὲν ἕκαστος τῶν πενήτων γῄδιον οὐ μέγα λαβὼν καὶ εἰ τύχοι γείτονας ὀχληροὺς ἔχων οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς ἔσται τοῦτο γεωργεῖν δι᾽ ἀπορίαν, οὔτε τὸν μισθωσόμενον ὅτι μὴ τὸν γείτονα εὑρήσει: εἰ δὲ μεγάλοι κλῆροι ποικίλας τε καὶ ἀξιολόγους ἔχοντες γεωργοῖς ἐργασίας ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ μισθοῖντο, πολλὰς οἴσουσι προσόδους: καὶ ὅτι κρεῖττον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν, ὅταν ἐξίωσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολέμους ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου τὸν ἐπισιτισμόν τε καὶ ὀψωνιασμὸν λαμβάνειν, ἢ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων οἴκων εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον ἕκαστον εἰσφέρειν τεθλιμμένων ἔστιν ὅτε τῶν βίων καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τῷ συμπορίζειν τὸ ἀργύριον ἐπιβαρησομένων.

[5] Let us show them, in fact,” he said, “what a great difficult it makes, and that if each one of the poor receives a small plot of ground and happens to have troublesome neighbours, he neither will be able to cultivate it himself, by reason of his poverty, nor will he find anyone to lease it of him but that neighbour, whereas if large allotments offering varied and worthwhile tasks for the husbandmen are let out by the state, they will bring in large revenues; and that it is better for them, when they set out for the wars, to receive both their provisions and their pay from the public treasury than to pay in their individual contributions each time to the treasury out of their private estates, when, as sometimes happens, their means of livelihood are scanty and will be still further cramped by providing this money.”

[1] ταύτην εἰσηγησαμένου τὴν γνώμην Ἀππίου καὶ σφόδρα δόξαντος εὐδοκιμεῖν δεύτερος ἐρωτηθεὶς Αὖλος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος ἔλεξεν: Ἄππιον μὲν οὐ νῦν ἔχω πρῶτον ἐπαινεῖν, ὡς φρονῆσαί τε ἱκανώτατον πρὸ πολλοῦ τὰ μέλλοντα καὶ γνώμας τὰς καλλίστας τε καὶ ὠφελιμωτάτας ἀποδεικνύμενον βέβαιόν [p. 240] τε καὶ ἀμετακίνητον ἐν τοῖς κριθεῖσι καὶ οὔτε φόβῳ εἴκοντα οὔτε χάρισιν ὑποκατακλινόμενον. ἀεὶ γὰρ ἐπαινῶν αὐτὸν καὶ θαυμάζων διατελῶ τοῦ τε φρονίμου καὶ τῆς γενναιότητος, ἣν παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ ἔχει. γνώμην τ᾽ οὐχ ἑτέραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς ταύτην ἀποδείκνυμαι, μικρὰ ἔτι προσθεὶς αὐτῇ, ἅ μοι παραλιπεῖν Ἄππιος ἐδόκει.

[74.1] After Appius had introduced this motion and appeared to win great approval, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who was called upon next, said:

“This is not the first time that I have had occasion to praise Appius as a man highly capable of grasping eventualities long in advance, and as one always offering the most excellent and useful opinions, a man who is firm and unshaken in his judgements and neither yields to fear nor is swayed by favour. For I have never ceased to praise and admire him both for his prudence and the noble spirit he shows in the presence of danger. And it is not a different motion that I offer, but I too make the same one, merely adding a few details which Appius seemed to me to omit.

[2] Ἕρνικας μὲν γὰρ καὶ Λατίνους, οἷς νεωστὶ δεδώκαμεν τὴν ἰσοπολιτείαν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς οἶμαι δεῖν κληρουχεῖν τὰ ἡμέτερα. οὐ γάρ, ἐξ οὗ προσῆλθον εἰς τὴν φιλίαν ἡμῖν, ταύτην τὴν γῆν κτησάμενοι ἔχομεν, ἀλλὰ παλαίτερον ἔτι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν κινδύνοις οὐθενὸς ἄλλου προσωφελήσαντος ἀφελόμενοι τοὺς ἐχθρούς. ἀποκρινώμεθά τ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ὅτι τὰς μὲν πρότερον ὑπαρχούσας ἡμῖν κτήσεις, ὅσας ἕκαστοι εἴχομεν, ὅτε τὴν φιλίαν συνετιθέμεθα, ἰδίας τε καὶ ἀναφαιρέτους ἑκάστοις δεῖ μένειν, ὅσων δ᾽ ἄν, ἀφ᾽ οὗ τὰς συνθήκας ἐποιησάμεθα, κοινῇ στρατεύσαντες ἐκ πολέμου κύριοι γενώμεθα, τούτων ὑπάρξει τὸ ἐπιβάλλον ἑκάστοις λάχος.

[2] As regards the Hernicans and the Latins, to whom we recently granted equal rights of citizenship, I too think they ought not to share in the allotment of our lands; for it was not after they entered into friendship with us that we acquired this land which we now occupy, but still earlier, when by our own perilous efforts, without the assistance of anyone else, we took it from our enemies. Let us give them this answer: that the possessions which each of us already had when we entered into the treaty of friendship must remain the peculiar and inalienable property of each, but that in the case of all that we may come to possess through war when taking the field together, from the time we made this treaty, each shall have his share.

[3] ταῦτα γὰρ οὔτε τοῖς συμμάχοις ὡς ἀδικουμένοις ὀργῆς παρέξει δικαίας προφάσεις, οὔτε τῷ δήμῳ δέος, μὴ δόξῃ τὰ κερδαλεώτερα πρὸ τῶν εὐπρεπεστέρων αἱρεῖσθαι. τῇ τε αἱρέσει τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὓς Ἄππιος ἠξίου ὁριστὰς γενέσθαι τῆς δημοσίας γῆς, πάνυ εὐδοκῶ. πολλὴν γὰρ ἡμῖν τοῦτ᾽ οἴσει παρρησίαν πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικούς, ἐπεὶ νῦν γ᾽ ἄχθονται κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα, καὶ ὅτι αὐτοὶ τῶν δημοσίων οὐθὲν ἀπολαύουσι κτημάτων, [p. 241] καὶ ὅτι ἐξ ἡμῶν τινες οὐ δικαίως αὐτὰ καρποῦνται. ἐὰν δὲ δημοσιωθέντα ἴδωσι καὶ τὰς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν προσόδους εἰς τὰ κοινὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖα δαπανωμένας, οὐδὲν ὑπολήψονται σφίσι διαφέρειν τῆς γῆς ἢ τῶν ἐξ αὐτῆς καρπῶν μετέχειν.

[3] For this arrangement will neither afford our allies any just excuses for anger, as being wronged, nor cause the populace any fear of appearing to prefer their own interests to their good name. As to the appointment of the men proposed by Appius to delimit the public land, I quite agree with him. For this will afford us great frankness in dealing with the plebeians, since they are now displeased on both accounts — because they themselves reap no benefit from the public possessions and because some of us enjoy them contrary to justice. But if they see them restored to the public and the revenues therefrom applied to the necessary uses of the commonwealth, they will not suppose that it makes any difficult to them whether it is the land or its produce that they share.

[4] ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν, ὅτι 1 τῶν ἀπόρων ἐνίους μᾶλλον εὐφραίνουσιν αἱ ἀλλότριαι βλάβαι τῶν ἰδίων ὠφελειῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀποχρῆν γ᾽ οἴομαι τούτων ἑκάτερον ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι γράφειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἄλλης τινὸς οἴομαι δεῖν θεραπείας μετρίας τὸν δῆμον οἰκειώσασθαί τε καὶ ἀναλαβεῖν: ἣν μετὰ μικρὸν ἐρῶ, τὴν αἰτίαν πρῶτον ὑμῖν ἀποδειξάμενος, μᾶλλον δὲ τὴν ἀνάγκην, δι᾽ ἣν καὶ τοῦτο πρακτέον ἡμῖν.

[4] I need not mention, of course, that some of the poor are more delighted with the losses of others with now their own advantages. However, I do not regard the entering of these two provisions in the decree as enough; but we ought in my opinion to gain the goodwill of the populace and relieve them by another moderate favour also, one which I shall presently name, after I have first shown you the reason, or rather the necessity, for our doing this also.

[1] ἴστε δήπου τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ῥηθέντας ὑπὸ τοῦ δημάρχου λόγους, ὅτ᾽ ἤρετο τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν ἕτερον τοῦτον Οὐεργίνιον, ἥντινα γνώμην ἔχει περὶ τῆς κληρουχίας, πότερα τοῖς μὲν πολίταις συγχωρεῖ διανέμειν τὰ δημόσια, τοῖς δὲ συμμάχοις οὐκ ἐᾷ, ἢ τῶν κοινῶν τῶν ἡμετέρων οὐδ᾽ ἡμῖν συγχωρεῖ μέρος λαγχάνειν. καὶ οὗτος ὡμολόγησε τὸ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς μέρος οὐ κωλύειν τῆς κληρουχίας, ἐὰν ἅπασι ταῦτα κράτιστα εἶναι δοκῇ: καὶ ἡ συγχώρησις ἥδε τούς τε δημάρχους ἐποίησεν ἡμῖν συναγωνιστὰς καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπιεικέστερον.

[75.1] “You are aware, no doubt, of the words spoken by the tribune in the assembly when he asked one of the consuls, Verginius here, what his opinion was concerning the allotment of the land, whether he consented to divide the public possessions among the citizens but not among the allies, or would not consent that even we should receive a share of what belongs to us all in common. And Verginius admitted that he was not attempting to hinder the allotting of the land so far as it related to us Romans, if this seemed best to everybody. This concession not only caused the tribunes to espouse our cause, but also rendered the populace more reasonable.

[2] τί οὖν μαθόντες, ἃ τότε συνεχωρήσαμεν, νῦν ἀναθησόμεθα; ἢ τί πλέον ἡμῖν ἔσται τὰ γενναῖα καὶ τὰ καλὰ πολιτεύματα καὶ ἄξια τῆς ἡγεμονίας πολιτευομένοις, ἐὰν μὴ πείθωμεν τοὺς χρησομένους; οὐ [p. 242] πείσομεν δέ, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὐδεὶς ὑμῶν ἀγνοεῖ. χαλεπώτερα γὰρ ἂν τῶν μὴ τυγχανόντων ἀποτίσειαν οἱ ψευσθέντες τῆς ἐλπίδος καὶ τὰ ὁμολογηθέντα μὴ κομιζόμενοι. οἰχήσεται δὴ πάλιν φέρων αὐτοὺς ὁ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν πολιτευόμενος, καὶ οὐδὲ τῶν δημάρχων τις ἔτι μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν στήσεται.

[2] What has come over us, then, that we are now to change our mind about what we then conceded? Or what advantage shall we gain by pursuing our noble and excellent principles of government, principles worthy of our supremacy, if we cannot persuade those who are to make use of them? But we shall not persuade them, and this not one of you fails to know. For, of all who fail to get what they want, those will feel the harshest resentment who are cheated of their hopes and are not getting what has been agreed upon. Surely the politician whose principle it is to please will run off with them again, and after that not one even of the tribunes will stand by us.

[3] τί οὖν ὑμῖν πράττειν παραινῶ καὶ τί προστίθημι τῇ Ἀππίου γνώμῃ, μάθετε, ἀλλὰ μὴ προεξαναστῆτε μηδὲ θορυβήσητε, πρὶν ἅπαντα ἀκούσητε, ἃ λέγω. τοῖς αἱρεθησομένοις ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξέτασιν τῆς χώρας καὶ περιορισμὸν εἴτε δέκα ἀνδράσιν εἴθ᾽ ὁσοισδήποτ᾽ ἐπιτρέψατε διαγνῶναι, τίνα τ᾽ αὐτῆς δεῖ καὶ ὁπόσην κοινὴν εἶναι πάντων καὶ κατὰ πενταετίαν μισθουμένην αὔξειν τὰς τοῦ ταμιείου προσόδους: ὁπόσην τ᾽ αὖ καὶ ἥντινα τοῖς δημόταις ἡμῶν διαιρεθῆναι: ἣν δ᾽ ἂν ἐκεῖνοι κληροῦχον ἀποδείξωσι γῆν, ὑμᾶς διαγνόντας εἴθ᾽ ἅπασιν εἴθ᾽ οἷς δὴ οὐκέτ᾽ ἔστι κλῆρος εἴτε τοῖς ἐλάχιστον ἔχουσι τίμημα εἴθ᾽ ὅπως ἂν βούλησθε κατανεῖμαι: τοὺς δ᾽ ὁριστὰς αὐτῆς ἄνδρας καὶ τὸ ὑμέτερον ψήφισμα, ὃ περὶ τῆς κληρουχίας ἐξοίσετε, καὶ τἆλλα, ὅσα δεῖ γενέσθαι, ἐπειδὴ βραχὺς ὁ λειπόμενός ἐστι τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς ὑπάτοις χρόνος, τοὺς εἰσιόντας ὑπάτους, ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς κράτιστα δοκῇ ἕξειν, ἐπιτελέσαι.

[3] Hear, therefore, what I advise you to do, and the amendment I add to the motion of Appius; but do not rise up or create any disturbance before you have heard all I have to say. After you have appointed commissioners, whether ten or whatever number, to inspect the land and fix its boundaries, empower them to determine which and how great a part of it should be held in common and, by being let for five years, increase the revenues of the treasury, and again, how great a part and which should be divided among our plebeians. And whatever land they appoint to be allotted you should allot after determining whether it shall be distributed among all the citizens, or among those who have no land as yet, or among those who have the lowest property rating, or in whatever manner you shall think proper. As regards the men who are to fix the bounds of the land and the decree you will publish concerning its division and everything else that is necessary, I advise, since the present consuls have but a short time to continue in office, that their successors shall carry out these purposes in such manner as they think will be for the best.

[4] οὔτε γὰρ ὀλίγων τηλικαῦτα πράγματα δεῖται χρόνων, οὔτε ἡ νῦν στασιάζουσα ἀρχὴ φρονιμώτερον ἂν καταμάθοι τὰ συμφέροντα τῆς μετ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀποδειχθησομένης, [p. 243] ἐὰν ἐκείνη γ᾽, ὥσπερ ἐλπίζομεν, ὁμονοῇ. χρήσιμον δὲ πρᾶγμα ἐν πολλοῖς καὶ ἥκιστα σφαλερὸν ἀναβολή, καὶ πολλὰ ὁ χρόνος ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ μετατίθησι: καὶ τὸ μὴ στασιάζον ἐν τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν κοινῶν ἁπάντων ἀγαθῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν αἴτιον. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ ταύτην ἀποφαίνομαι γνώμην: εἰ δέ τις ἄλλο κρεῖττον εἰσηγεῖται, λεγέτω.

[4] For not only do matters of such moment require no little time, but the present consuls, who are at variance, can hardly be expected to show greater insight in discovering what is advantageous than their successors, if, as we hope, the latter shall be harmonious. For delay is in many cases a useful thing and anything but danger, and time brings about many changes in a single day; furthermore, the absence of dissension among those who preside over the public business is the cause of all the blessings enjoyed by states. As for me, this is the opinion I have to express; but if anyone has anything better to propose, let him speak.”

[1] παυσαμένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἔπαινος ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐθεὶς τῶν μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐρωτηθέντων ἑτέραν γνώμην ἀποφαίνεται: γράφεται δὴ μετὰ ταῦτα τὸ τῆς βουλῆς δόγμα τοιόνδε: ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ὑπατικῶν αἱρεθῆναι δέκα τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους, οἵτινες ὁρίσαντες τὴν δημοσίαν χώραν ἀποδείξουσιν, ὅσην τε δεῖ μισθοῦσθαι καὶ ὅσην τῷ δήμῳ διαιρεθῆναι:

[76.1] When Sempronius had ended, there was much applause from those present, and not one of the senators who were asked their opinion after him expressed any different view. Thereupon the decree of the senate was drawn up to this effect: that the ten oldest ex-consuls should be appointed to determine the boundaries of the public land and to declare how much of it ought to be let and how much divided among the people;

[2] τοῖς δ᾽ ἰσοπολίταις τε καὶ συμμάχοις, ἐάν τινα ὕστερον ἐπικτήσωνται κοινῇ στρατευσάμενοι, τὸ ἐπιβάλλον ἑκάστοις κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας ὑπάρχειν μέρος: τὴν δ᾽ αἵρεσιν τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὴν διανομὴν τῶν κλήρων καὶ τἆλλα ὅσα δεῖ γενέσθαι τοὺς εἰσιόντας ἐπιτελέσαι ὑπάτους. τοῦτο τὸ δόγμα εἰς τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεχθὲν τόν τε Κάσσιον ἔπαυσε τῆς δημαγωγίας, καὶ τὴν ἀναρριπιζομένην ἐκ τῶν πενήτων στάσιν οὐκ εἴασε περαιτέρω προελθεῖν.

[2] that those enjoying the rights of citizens and the allies, in case they later acquired more land by a joint campaign, should each have their allotted share, according to the treaties; and that the appointment of the decemvirs, the distribution of the allotments, and everything else that was necessary should be carried out by the incoming consuls. When this decree was laid before the populace, it not only put a stop to the demagoguery of Cassius, but also prevented the sedition that was being rekindled by the orator from going any farther.

[1] τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς καὶ τετάρτης ὀλυμπιάδος ἐνεστώσης, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Ἄστυλος Συρακούσιος, Ἀθήνησι δ᾽ ἄρχων ἦν Λεώστρατος, Κοΐντου Φαβίου καὶ Σερουίου Κορνηλίου τὴν [p. 244] ὑπατείαν παρειληφότων, ἄνδρες ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων νέοι μὲν ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐπιφανέστατοι δὲ τῶν ἄλλων κατά γ᾽ ἀξιώσεις προγόνων, καὶ διὰ τὰς ἑταιρίας τε καὶ πλούτους μέγα δυνάμενοι, καὶ ὡς νέοι τὰ πολιτικὰ πράττειν οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐν ἀκμῇ χείρους, Καίσων Φάβιος, ἀδελφὸς τοῦ τότε ὑπατεύοντος, καὶ Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Ποπλικόλας, ἀδελφὸς τοῦ καταλύσαντος τοὺς βασιλεῖς, τὴν ταμιευτικὴν ἔχοντες ἐξουσίαν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκκλησίαν συνάγειν ὄντες κύριοι, τὸν ὑπατεύσαντα τῷ πρόσθεν ἐνιαυτῷ Σπόριον Κάσσιον καὶ τολμήσαντα τοὺς περὶ τῆς διανομῆς εἰσηγήσασθαι νόμους εἰσήγγειλαν εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τυραννίδος αἰτίᾳ: καὶ προειπόντες ἡμέραν ῥητὴν ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦ δήμου τὴν δίκην ἀπολογησόμενον.

[77.1] The following year, at the beginning of the seventy-fourth Olympiad (the one at which Astylus of Syracuse won the foot-race), when Leostratus was archon at Athens, and Quintus Fabius and Servius Cornelius had succeeded to the consulship, two patricians, young indeed in years, but the most distinguished of their body because of the prestige of their ancestors, men of great influence both on account of their bands of supporters and because of their wealth, and, for young men, inferior to none of mature age for their ability in civil affairs, namely, Caeso Fabius, brother of the then consul, and Lucius Valerius Publicola, brother to the man who overthrew the kings, being quaestors at the same time and therefore having authority to assemble the populace, denounced before them Spurius Cassius, the consul of the preceding year, who had dared to propose the laws concerning the distribution of land, charging him with having aimed at tyranny; and appointing a day, they summoned him to make his defence before the populace.

[2] ὄχλου δὲ πλείστου συναχθέντος εἰς τὴν ἀποδειχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν συγκαλέσαντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὸ πλῆθος τά τ᾽ ἐμφανῆ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἔργα ὡς ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ χρηστῷ γενόμενα διεξῄεσαν: ὅτι Λατίνοις μὲν πρῶτον, οἷς ἀπέχρη πολιτείας κοινῆς ἀξιωθῆναι μέγα εὐτύχημα ἡγουμένοις, εἰ καὶ ταύτης τύχοιεν, οὐ μόνον ἣν ᾔτουν πολιτείαν ὕπατος ὢν ἐχαρίσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λαφύρων, ἐὰν κοινὴ γένηται στρατεία, τὴν τρίτην ἐψηφίσατο δίδοσθαι: ἔπειθ᾽ Ἕρνικας, οὓς πολέμῳ χειρωθέντας ἀγαπᾶν ἐχρῆν, εἰ μὴ καὶ τῆς αὐτῶν χώρας ἀφαιρέσει τινὶ ζημιωθεῖεν, φίλους μὲν ἀνθ᾽ ὑπηκόων ἐποίησε, πολίτας δ᾽ ἀνθ᾽ ὑποτελῶν, γῆς τε καὶ λείας, [p. 245] ἣν ἂν ἐκ παντὸς κτήσωνται, τὴν ἑτέραν ἔταξε λαμβάνειν τρίτην μερίδα.

[2] When a very large crowd has assembled upon the day appointed, the two quaestors called the multitude together in assembly, and recounting all his overt actions, showed that they were calculated for no good purpose. First, in the case of the Latins, who would have been content with being accounted worthy of a common citizenship with the Romans, esteeming it a great piece of good luck to get even so much, he had as consul not only bestowed on them the citizenship they asked for, but had furthermore caused a vote to be passed that they should be given also the third part of the spoils of war on the occasion of any joint campaign. Again, in the case of the Hernicans, who, having been subdued in war, ought to have been content not to be punished by the loss of some part of their territory, he had made them friends instead of subjects, and citizens instead of tributaries, and had ordered that they should receive the second third of any land and booty that the Romans might acquire from any source.

[3] ὥστε μεριζομένων εἰς τρεῖς κλήρους τῶν λαφύρων τοὺς μὲν ὑπηκόους τε καὶ ἐπήλυδας διμοιρίας λαμβάνειν, τοὺς δ᾽ αὐθιγενεῖς καὶ ἡγεμόνας τρίτην μερίδα. ἐκ δὲ τούτου δυεῖν τῶν ἀτοπωτάτων θάτερον ἐπεδείκνυσαν αὐτοῖς συμβησόμενον, ἐάν τινας ἑτέρους διὰ πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας εὐεργεσίας προέλωνται ταῖς αὐταῖς τιμῆσαι δωρεαῖς, αἷς Λατίνους τ᾽ ἐτίμησαν καὶ τοὺς μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀγαθὸν ἀποδειξαμένους Ἕρνικας. μιᾶς γὰρ καταλειπομένης αὐτοῖς τρίτης μερίδος, ἢ οὐχ ἕξειν, ὅ τι δώσουσιν ἐκείνοις μέρος ἢ τὰ ὅμοια ψηφισαμένους μηδὲν ἑαυτοῖς καταλείψειν.

[3] Thus the spoils were to be divided into three portions, the subjects of the Romans and aliens receiving two of them and the natives and dominant race the third part. They pointed out that as a result of this procedure one or the other of two most absurd situations would come about in case they should choose to honour any other nation, in return for many great services, by granting the same privileges with which they had honoured not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had never done them the least service. For, as there would be but one third left for them, they would either have no part to bestow upon their benefactors or, if they granted them the like favour, they would have nothing for themselves.

[1] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις διεξῄεσαν, ὅτι δημεῦσαι τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπιβαλόμενος οὔτε τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης οὔτε τῷ συνυπάτῳ δοκοῦν, βίᾳ κυροῦν ἐμέλλησε τὸν νόμον, ὃς οὐ καθ᾽ ἓν τοῦτο μόνον ἦν ἀσύμφορός τε καὶ ἄδικος, ὅτι προβουλεῦσαι δέον τὸ συνέδριον καὶ εἰ δόξειεν ἐκείνῳ κοινὴν ἁπάντων εἶναι τῶν ἐν τέλει τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐποίει τὴν χάριν:

[78.1] Besides this they went on to relate that Cassius, in proposing to give to the people the common possessions of the state without a decree of the senate or the consent of his colleague, had intended to get the law passed by force — a law that was inexpedient and unjust, not for this reason alone, that, though the senate ought to have considered the measure first, and, in case they approved of it, it ought to have been a joint concession on the part of all the authorities, he was making it the favour of one man,

[2] ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὸ πάντων σχετλιώτατον, ὅτι λόγῳ μὲν δόσις ἦν τοῖς πολίταις τῆς δημοσίας χώρας, ἔργῳ δ᾽ ἀφαίρεσις, Ῥωμαίων μὲν τῶν κτησαμένων αὐτὴν μίαν μοῖραν ληψομένων, Ἑρνίκων δὲ καὶ Λατίνων, ἧς οὐθὲν αὐτοῖς μετῆν, τὰς δύο: καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ τοῖς δημάρχοις ἐναντιωθεῖσι καὶ παραλύειν [p. 246] ἐκ τοῦ νόμου θάτερον ἀξιοῦσι μέρος τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἰσομοιρίαν τῶν ἐπηλύδων, ἐπείσθη, ἀλλὰ καὶ δημάρχοις καὶ συνυπάτῳ καὶ βουλῇ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ τὰ κράτιστα βουλευομένοις τἀναντία πράττων διετέλεσε.

[2] but also for the further reason — the most outrageous of all — that, though it was in name a grant of the public land to the citizens, it was in reality a deprivation, since the Romans, who had acquired it, were to receive but one third, while the Hernicans and the Latins, who had no claim to it at all, would get the other two thirds. They further charged that even when the tribunes opposed him and asked him to strike out the part of the law granting equal shares to the aliens, he had paid no heed to them, but continued to act in opposition to the tribunes, to his colleague, to the senate, and to all who consulted the best interests of the commonwealth.

[3] διεξελθόντες δὲ ταῦτα καὶ μάρτυρας αὐτῶν ἅπαντας τοὺς πολίτας ποιησάμενοι, μετὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τὰς ἀπορρήτους τῆς τυραννίδος παρείχοντο πίστεις, ὡς χρήματά τε συνενέγκαιεν αὐτῷ Λατῖνοι καὶ Ἕρνικες καὶ ὅπλα παρασκευάσαιντο καὶ συμπορεύοιντο ὡς αὐτὸν οἱ θρασύτατοι τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι νέων ἀπόρρητά τε ποιούμενοι βουλευτήρια καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοις ἕτερα ὑπηρετοῦντες, καὶ παρείχοντο τοὺς τούτων μάρτυρας πολλοὺς μὲν ἀστούς, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων συμμαχίδων πόλεων, οὔτε φαύλους οὔτ᾽

[3] After they had enumerated these charges and named as witnesses to their truth the whole body of the citizens, they then at length proceeded to present the secret evidences of his having aimed at tyranny, showing that the Latins and the Hernicans had contributed money to him and provided this with arms, and that the most daring young men from their cities were resorting to him, making secret plans, and serving him in many other ways besides. And to prove the truth of these charges they produced many witnesses, both residents of Rome and others from the cities in alliance with her, persons who were neither mean nor obscure.

[4] ἀφανεῖς. οἷς ἐπίστευσεν ὁ δῆμος, καὶ οὔτε λόγοις ἔτι ὑπαχθείς, οὓς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκ πολλῆς παρασκευῆς συγκειμένους διέθετο, οὔτ᾽ οἴκτῳ ἐνδοὺς τριῶν μὲν αὐτῷ παίδων μεγάλην παρεχόντων εἰς ἔλεον ἐπικουρίαν, πολλῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων συγγενῶν τε καὶ ἑταίρων συνολοφυρομένων, οὔτε τῶν κατὰ πολέμους ἔργων, δι᾽ οὓς ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἦλθε τιμῆς φειδὼ λαβών τινα, καταψηφίζεται τὴν δίκην.

[4] In these the populace put confidence; and without either being moved now by the speech which the man delivered — a speech which he had prepared with much care, — or yielding to compassion when his three young sons contributed much to his appeal for sympathy and many others, both relations and friends, joined in bewailing his fate, or paying any regard to his exploits in war, by which he had attained to the greatest honour, they condemned him.

[5] οὕτως τ᾽ ἄρα ἦν πικρὸς πρὸς τὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ὄνομα, ὥστ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐν τῷ τιμήματι τῆς δίκης μετρίᾳ ὀργῇ ἐχρήσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ θανάτου ἐτίμησεν. εἰσῄει γὰρ αὐτὸν δέος, μὴ φυγὰς ἐλασθεὶς [p. 247] ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἀνὴρ στρατηγῆσαι πολέμους τῶν τότε δεινότατος ὅμοια δράσῃ Μαρκίῳ τά τε φίλια διαβάλλων καὶ τὰ ἐχθρὰ συνιστὰς καὶ πόλεμον ἄσπειστον ἐπαγάγῃ τῇ πατρίδι. τοῦτο τὸ τέλος τῆς δίκης λαβούσης ἀγαγόντες οἱ ταμίαι τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τὸν ὑπερκείμενον τῆς ἀγορᾶς κρημνόν, ἁπάντων ὁρώντων ἔρριψαν κατὰ τῆς πέτρας. αὕτη γὰρ ἦν τοῖς τότε Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιχώριος τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἁλόντων ἡ κόλασις.

[5] Indeed, they were so exasperated at the name of tyranny that they did not moderate their resentment even in the degree of his punishment, but sentenced him to death. For they were afraid that if a man who was the ablest general of his time should be driven from his country into exile, he might follow the example of Marcius in dividing his own people and uniting their enemies, and bring a relentless war upon his country. This being the outcome of his trial, the quaestors led him to the top of the precipice that overlooks the Forum and in the presence of all the citizens hurled him down from the rock. For this was the traditional punishment at that time among the Romans for those who were condemned to death.

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν πιθανώτερος τῶν παραδεδομένων ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς λόγων τοιόσδε ἐστίν: δεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸν ἧσσον πιθανόν, ἐπειδὴ κἀκεῖνος πεπίστευται ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ ἐν γραφαῖς ἀξιοχρέοις φέρεται, μὴ παρελθεῖν. λέγεται δή τισιν, ὡς ἀδήλου πᾶσιν οὔσης ἔτι τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ συσκευαζομένης τυραννίδος, πρῶτος ὑποπτεύσας ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀκριβεστάτης βασάνου τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐξετάσας ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν βουλήν: ἔπειτα κελεύσας ἐλθεῖν τὸν υἱὸν μηνυτής τε καὶ κατήγορος αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο: καταγνούσης δὲ καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ἀγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀπέκτεινε.

[79.1] Such is the more probable of the accounts that have been handed down concerning this man; but I must not omit the less probable version, since this also has been believed by many and is recorded in histories of good authority. It is said, then, by some that while the plan of Cassius to make himself tyrant was as yet concealed from all the world, his father was the first to suspect him, and that after making the strictest inquiry into the matter he went to the senate; then, ordering his son to appear, he became both informer and accuser, and when the senate also had condemned him, he took him home and put him to death.

[2] τὸ μὲν οὖν πικρὸν καὶ ἀπαραίτητον τῆς τῶν πατέρων ὀργῆς εἰς υἱοὺς ἀδικοῦντας καὶ μάλιστ᾽ ἐν τοῖς τότε Ῥωμαίοις οὐδὲ ταύτην ἀπωθεῖται τὴν πρόφασιν: ἐπεὶ καὶ πρότερον Βροῦτος ὁ τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐκβαλὼν ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐδικαίωσε κατὰ τὸν τῶν κακούργων νόμον ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ πελέκεσι τοὺς αὐχένας ἀπεκόπησαν, [p. 248] ὅτι συμπράττειν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐδόκουν τὴν κάθοδον. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα Μάλλιος τὸν Γαλατικὸν πόλεμον στρατηγῶν τὸν υἱὸν ἀριστεύοντα κατὰ πόλεμον τῆς μὲν ἀνδρείας ἕνεκα τοῖς ἀριστείοις στεφάνοις ἐκόσμησεν, ἀπείθειαν δ᾽ ἐπικαλῶν, ὅτι οὐκ ἐν ᾧ ἐτάχθη φρουρίῳ ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἐπιταγὴν τοῦ ἡγεμόνος ἐξῆλθεν ἀγωνιούμενος, ὡς λιποτάκτην ἀπέκτεινε.

[2] The harsh and inexorable anger of fathers against their offending sons, particularly among the Romans of that time, does not permit us to reject even this account. For earlier Brutus, who expelled the kings, condemned both his sons to die in accordance with the law concerning malefactors, and they were beheaded because they were believed to have been helping to bring about the restoration of the kings. And at a later time Manlius, when he was commander in the Gallic war and his son distinguished himself in battle, honoured him, indeed, for his bravery with the crowns given for superior valour, but at the same time accused him of disobedience in not staying in the fort in which he was posted but leaving it, contrary to the command of his general, in order to take part in the struggle; and he put him to death as a deserter.

[3] καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ πατέρες, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ μείζοσιν αἰτίαις, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐλάττοσιν, οὔτε φειδὼ τῶν παίδων οὔτ᾽ ἔλεον ἔσχον. κατὰ μὲν δὴ τοῦτ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιῶ, ὥσπερ ἔφην, προβεβλῆσθαι τὸν λόγον ὡς ἀπιθανόν: ἐκεῖνα δέ με ἀνθέλκει τεκμηρίων ὄντα οὔτ᾽ ἐλάχιστα οὔτ᾽ ἀπίθανα καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἑτέραν ἄγει συγκατάθεσιν, ὅτι μετὰ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ Κασσίου ἥ τ᾽ οἰκία κατεσκάφη, καὶ μέχρι τοῦδε ἀνεῖται ὁ τόπος αὐτῆς αἴθριος ἔξω τοῦ νεὼ τῆς Γῆς, ὃν ὑστέροις ἡ πόλις κατεσκεύασε χρόνοις ἐν μέρει τινὶ αὐτῆς κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Καρίνας φέρουσαν ὁδόν, καὶ τὰ χρήματα αὐτοῦ τὸ κοινὸν ἀνέλαβεν: ἐξ ὧν ἀπαρχὰς ἐν ἄλλοις τε ἱεροῖς ἀνέθηκε, καὶ δὴ καὶ τῇ Δήμητρι τοὺς χαλκέους ἀνδριάντας ἐπιγραφαῖς δηλοῦντας,

[3] And many other fathers, some for greater and others for lesser faults, have shown neither mercy nor compassion to their sons. For this reason I do not feel, as I said, that this account should be rejected as improbable. But the following considerations, which are arguments of no small weight and are not lacking in probability, draw me in the other direction and lead me to agree with the first tradition. In the first place, after the death of Cassius his house was razed to the ground and to this day its site remains vacant, except for that part of it on which the state afterwards built the temple of Tellus, which stands in the street leading to the Carinae; and again, his goods were confiscated by the state, which dedicated first-offerings for them in various temples, especially the bronze statues to Ceres, which by their inscriptions show of whose possessions they are the first-offerings.

[4] ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰσι χρημάτων ἀπαρχαί. εἰ δέ γ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ μηνυτής τε καὶ κατήγορος καὶ κολαστὴς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἡ οἰκία αὐτοῦ κατεσκάφη οὔτε ἡ οὐσία ἐδημεύθη. Ῥωμαίοις γὰρ οὐθὲν ἴδιόν ἐστι κτῆμα [p. 249] ζώντων ἔτι τῶν πατέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰ σώματα τῶν παίδων, ὅ τι βούλονται διατιθέναι, τοῖς πατράσιν ἀποδέδοται. ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἂν δήπου τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς οὐσίαν τοῦ μηνύσαντος τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπὶ τοῖς τοῦ παιδὸς ἀδικήμασιν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ δημεύειν ἡ πόλις ἠξίου. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τῷ προτέρῳ συγκατατίθεμαι τῶν λόγων μᾶλλον: ἔθηκα δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους, ἵνα ἐξῇ τοῖς ἀναγνωσομένοις, ὁποτέρῳ βούλονται τῶν λόγων, προσέχειν.

[4] But if his father had been at once the informer, the accuser and the executioner of his son, neither his house would have been razed nor his estate confiscated. For the Romans have no property of their own while their fathers are still living, but fathers are permitted to dispose both of the goods and the persons of their sons as they wish. Consequently the state would surely never have seen fit, because of the crimes of the son, to take away and confiscate the estate of his father who had given information of his plan to set up a tyranny. For these reasons, therefore, I agree rather with the former of the two accounts; but I have given both, to the end that my readers may adopt whichever one they please.

[1] ἐπιβαλλομένων δέ τινων καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀποκτεῖναι τοῦ Κασσίου δεινὸν τὸ ἔθος ἔδοξεν εἶναι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ ἀσύμφορον: καὶ συνελθοῦσα ἐψηφίσατο ἀφεῖσθαι τὰ μειράκια τῆς τιμωρίας καὶ ἐπὶ πάσῃ ἀδείᾳ ζῆν, μήτε φυγῇ μήτ᾽ ἀτιμίᾳ μήτ᾽ ἄλλῃ συμφορᾷ ζημιωθέντα. καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τὸ ἔθος τοῦτο Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιχώριον γέγονεν ἕως τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς διατηρούμενον ἡλικίας, ἀφεῖσθαι τιμωρίας ἁπάσης τοὺς παῖδας, ὧν ἂν οἱ πατέρες ἀδικήσωσιν, ἐάν τε τυράννων ὄντες υἱοὶ τύχωσιν, ἐάν τε πατροκτόνων, ἐάν τε προδοτῶν, ὃ

[80.1] When the attempt was made by some to put to death the sons of Cassius also, the senators looked upon the custom as cruel and harmful; and having assembled, they voted that the penalty should be remitted in the case of the boys and that they should live in complete security, being punished by neither banishment, disfranchisement, nor any other misfortune. And from that time this custom has become established among the Romans and is observed down to our day, that the sons shall be exempt from all punishment for any crimes committed by their fathers, whether they happen to be the sons of tyrants, of parricides, or of traitors — treason being among the Romans the greatest crime.

[2] μέγιστόν ἐστι παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἀδίκημα. οἵ τε καταλῦσαι τὸ ἔθος τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιβαλόμενοι κατὰ τοὺς ἡμετέρους χρόνους μετὰ τὴν συντέλειαν τοῦ Μαρσικοῦ τε καὶ ἐμφυλίου πολέμου, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τῶν ἐπικηρυχθέντων ἐπὶ Σύλλα πατέρων ἀφελόμενοι τὸ μετιέναι τὰς πατρίους ἀρχὰς καὶ βουλῆς μετέχειν καθ᾽ ὃν ἐδυνάστευον αὐτοὶ χρόνον, ἐπίφθονόν τ᾽ ἀνθρώποις καὶ νεμεσητὸν θεοῖς ἔργον ἔδοξαν ἀποδείξασθαι. τοιγάρτοι δίκη μὲν [p. 250] ἐκείνοις σὺν χρόνῳ τιμωρὸς οὐ μεμπτὴ παρηκολούθησε, δἰ ἣν ἐκ μεγίστου τέως αὐχήματος εἰς ταπεινότατον πτῶμα κατήχθησαν, καὶ οὐδὲ γένος τὸ ἐξ αὐτῶν ὅτι μὴ κατὰ γυναῖκας ἔτι λείπεται.

[2] And those who attempted to abolish this custom in our times, after the end of the Marsic and civil wars, and took away from the sons of fathers who had been proscribed under Sulla the privilege of standing for the magistracies held by their fathers and of being members of the senate as long as their own domination lasted, were regarded as having done a thing deserving both the indignation of men and the vengeance of the gods. Accordingly, in the course of time a justifiable retribution dogged their steps as the avenger of their crimes, by which the perpetrators were reduced from the greatest height of glory they had once enjoyed to the lowest depths, and not even their posterity, except of the female line, now survives;

[3] τὸ δ᾽ ἔθος εἰς τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κόσμον ὁ τούτους καθελὼν ἀνὴρ ἀποκατέστησε. παρ᾽ Ἕλλησι δ᾽ οὐχ οὕτως ἐνίοις ὁ νόμος ἔχει, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐκ τυράννων γενομένους οἱ μὲν συναποκτίννυσθαι τοῖς πατράσι δικαιοῦσιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀειφυγίᾳ κολάζουσιν, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένης τῆς φύσεως χρηστοὺς παῖδας ἐκ πονηρῶν πατέρων ἢ κακοὺς ἐξ ἀγαθῶν γενέσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων εἴτε ὁ παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν ἀμείνων νόμος εἴτε τὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔθος κρεῖττον, ἀφίημι τῷ βουλομένῳ σκοπεῖν: ἐπάνειμι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.

[3] but the custom was restored to its original status by the man who brought about their destruction. Among some of the Greeks, however, this is not the practice, but certain of them think it proper to put to death the sons of tyrants together with their fathers; and others punish them with perpetual banishment, as if Nature would not permit virtuous sons to be the offspring of wicked fathers or evil sons of good fathers. But concerning these matters, I leave to the consideration of anyone who is so minded the question whether the practice prevalent among the Greeks is better or the custom of the Romans is superior; and I now return to the events that followed.

[1] μετὰ γὰρ τὸν τοῦ Κασσίου θάνατον οἱ μὲν αὐξάνοντες τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν θρασύτεροί τε καὶ ὑπεροπτικώτεροι τῶν δημοτικῶν ἐγεγόνεσαν: οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἀφανεῖ τῆς δόξης φερόμενοι καὶ βίου εἰς ταπεινὰ συνεστάλησαν, καὶ ὡς ἄριστον ἀπολωλεκότες φύλακα τῆς δημοτικῆς μερίδος πολλὴν ἄνοιαν ἑαυτῶν ἐπὶ τῇ καταδίκῃ κατηγόρουν. τούτου δ᾽ αἴτιον ἦν, ὅτι τὰ δόξαντα τῇ βουλῇ περὶ τῆς κληρουχίας οὐκ ἔπραττον οἱ ὕπατοι, δέον αὐτοὺς ἄνδρας τ᾽ ἀποδεῖξαι δέκα τοὺς ὁριοῦντας τὴν γῆν καὶ γνώμην εἰσηγήσασθαι πόσην τ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ

[81.1] After the death of Cassius those who sought to extend the power of the aristocracy had grown more daring and more contemptuous of the plebeians, while those of obscure reputation and fortune were humbled and abased, and feeling that they ad lost the best guardian of the plebeian order, accused themselves of great folly in having condemned him. The reason for this was that the consuls were not carrying out the decree of the senate regarding the allotting of the land, though it was their duty to appoint the decemvirs to fix the boundaries of the land and to present a proposal as to how much of it ought to be distributed, and to whom.

[2] τίσι δεήσει νεμηθῆναι. συνῄεσάν τε πολλοὶ κατὰ συστροφὰς περὶ τῆς ἀπάτης ἑκάστοτε διαλεγόμενοι, καὶ [p. 251] ἐν αἰτίᾳ τοὺς προτέρους εἶχον δημάρχους ὡς προδεδωκότας τὸ κοινόν: ἐκκλησίαι τε συνεχεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τότε δημάρχων ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἀπαιτήσεις τῆς ὑποσχέσεως. ταῦτα συνιδόντες οἱ ὕπατοι γνώμην ἐποιήσαντο πολέμων προφάσει τὸ παρακινοῦν ἐν τῇ πόλει μέρος καὶ ταραττόμενον καταστεῖλαι: ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ λῃστηρίοις τε ὑπὸ τῶν πλησιοχώρων πόλεων καὶ καταδρομαῖς τισιν ἡ γῆ βλαπτομένη.

[2] Many met in groups, always discussing this duplicity and accusing the former tribunes of having betrayed the commonwealth; and there were continual meetings of the assembly called by the tribunes then in office, and demands for the fulfilment of the promise. The consuls, perceiving this, determined to repress the turbulent and disorderly element in the city, taking the wars as a pretext. For it chanced that their territory was at that very time harassed by bands of robbers and forays from the neighbouring cities.

[3] τιμωρίας μὲν δὴ τῶν ἀδικούντων ἕνεκα προὔθεσαν τὰ τοῦ πολέμου σημεῖα, καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις τῆς πόλεως κατέγραφον: οὐ προσιόντων δὲ τῇ καταγραφῇ τῶν ἀπόρων ἀδύνατοι ὄντες τὴν ἐκ τῶν νόμων ἀνάγκην τοῖς ἀπειθοῦσι προσφέρειν: προειστήκεσαν γὰρ τοῦ πλήθους οἱ δήμαρχοι καὶ κωλύσειν ἔμελλον, εἴ τις ἐπιχειρήσειεν ἢ τὰ σώματα τῶν ἐκλειπόντων τὴν στρατείαν ἄγειν ἢ τὰ χρήματα φέρειν: ἀπειλαῖς χρησάμενοι πολλαῖς ὡς οὐκ ἐπιτρέψοντες τοῖς ἀνασείουσι τὸ πλῆθος, λεληθυῖαν ὑποψίαν κατέλιπον ὡς δικτάτορα ἀποδείξοντες, ὃς ἔμελλε καταλύσας τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς τὴν τυραννικὴν καὶ ἀνυπεύθυνον μόνος ἕξειν ἐξουσίαν.

[3] To punish these aggressors, then, they brought out the war standards and began to enrol the forces of the commonwealth. And when the poor did not come forward to enlist, the consuls, being unable to make use of the compulsion of the laws against the disobedient — for the tribunes defended the plebeians and were prepared to prevent any attempt to seize either the persons or the goods of those who failed to serve — made many threats that they would not yield to those who were stirring up the multitude, leaving with them a lurking suspicion that they would appoint a dictator, who would set aside the other magistracies and alone by himself possess a tyrannical and irresponsible power.

[4] ὡς δὲ ταύτην ἔλαβον τὴν ὑπόνοιαν οἱ δημοτικοί, δείσαντες, μὴ τὸν Ἄππιον ἀποδείξωσι πικρὸν ὄντα καὶ χαλεπόν, πάντα πρὸ τούτου πάσχειν ὑπέμενον.

[4] As soon as the plebeians had entertained this suspicion, fearing that Appius, a harsh and stern man, would be the one appointed, they were ready to submit to anything rather than that.

[1] ἐπεὶ δὲ κατεγράφη τὰ στρατεύματα, παραλαβόντες οἱ ὕπατοι τὰς δυνάμεις ἐξήγαγον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. Κορνήλιος μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Οὐιεντανῶν χώραν ἐμβαλὼν τὴν ἐγκαταληφθεῖσαν λείαν ἐν [p. 252] αὐτῇ ἀπήλασε, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρεσβευσαμένων τῶν Οὐιεντανῶν τούς τ᾽ αἰχμαλώτους αὐτοῖς ἀπέλυσε χρημάτων, καὶ ἀνοχὰς τοῦ πολέμου συνέθετο ἐνιαυσίους. Φάβιος δὲ τὴν ἑτέραν δύναμιν ἔχων εἰς τὴν Αἰκανῶν γῆν ἐνέβαλεν: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Οὐολούσκων.

[82.1] When the armies had been enrolled, the consuls took command and led them out against their foes. Cornelius invaded the territory of the Veientes and drove off all the booty that was found there, and later, when the Veientes sent ambassadors, he released their prisoners for a ransom and made a truce with them for a year. Fabius, at the head of the other army, marched into the country of the Aequians, and from there into that of the Volscians.

[2] χρόνον μὲν οὖν τινα οὐ πολὺν ἠνέσχοντο οἱ Οὐολοῦσκοι διαρπαζομένων αὐτοῖς καὶ κειρομένων τῶν ἀγρῶν: ἔπειτα καταφρονήσαντες τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὡς οὐ πολλῇ δυνάμει παρόντων ἐξεβοήθουν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιατῶν χώρας τὰ ὅπλα ἁρπάσαντες ἀθρόοι, ταχύτερα μᾶλλον ἢ ἀσφαλέστερα βουλευσάμενοι. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἔφθασαν ἐσκεδασμένοις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιφανέντες ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου, μεγάλην ἂν αὐτῶν εἰργάσαντο τροπήν: νῦν δὲ προαισθόμενος τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ὁ ὕπατος διὰ τῶν ἀποσταλέντων ἐπὶ τὰς κατασκοπάς, ἀνακλήσει ταχείᾳ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς προνομαῖς ἐσκεδασμένους ἀναλαβών, τάξιν αὐτοῖς ἀπέδωκε τὴν εἰς πόλεμον ἁρμόττουσαν.

[2] For a short time the Volscians permitted their lands to be plundered and laid waste; then, conceiving contempt for the Romans, as they were not present in any great force, they snatched up their ams and set out from the territory of the Antiates in a body to go to the rescue of their lands, having formed their plans with greater precipitancy than regard for their own safety. Now if they had surprised the Romans by appearing unexpectedly to them while they were dispersed, they might have inflicted a severe defeat upon them; but as it was, the consul, being informed of their approach by those he had sent out to reconnoitre, by a prompt recall drew in his men, then dispersed in pillaging, and put them back into the proper order for battle.

[3] τοῖς δὲ Οὐολούσκοις σὺν καταφρονήσει καὶ θάρσει χωροῦσιν, ὡς παρὰ δόξαν ἐφάνη συνεστῶσα ἐν κόσμῳ πᾶσα ἡ τῶν πολεμίων δύναμις, δέος ἐμπίπτει πρὸς τὴν ἀδόκητον ὄψιν, καὶ τοῦ μὲν κοινοῦ τῆς ἀσφαλείας οὐδεμία φροντίς, τῆς δ᾽ ἰδίας ἑκάστῳ σωτηρίας πρόνοια. ὑποστρέψαντες δὴ ὡς εἶχον ἕκαστοι τάχους ἔφευγον ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδούς: καὶ οἱ μὲν πλείους ἀπεσώθησαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ὀλίγον δέ τι στῖφος, ὃ μάλιστα ἦν συντεταγμένον, εἰς ὄρους τινὰ κορυφὴν ἀναδραμὸν καὶ θέμενον ἐνταῦθα τὰ ὅπλα τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα [p. 253] διέμενε: ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις φρουρὰν περιστήσαντος τοῦ ὑπάτου τῷ λόφῳ καὶ πάσας διακλείσαντος ὅπλοις τὰς ἐξόδους, λιμῷ βιασθὲν ὑποχείριον γίνεται καὶ

[3] As for the Volscians, who were advancing contemptuously and confidently, when the entire army of the enemy unexpectedly appeared, drawn up in orderly array, they were struck with fear at the unlooked-for sight, and no longer was there any thought for their common safety, but every man consulted his own. Turning about, therefore, they fled, each with all the speed he could, some one way and some another, and the greater part got back safely to their city. A small body of them, however, which had been best kept in formation, ran up to the top of a hill, and standing to their arms, remained there during the following night; but when in the course of the succeeding days the consul placed a guard round the hill and closed all the exits with armed troops, they were compelled by hunger to surrender and to deliver up their arms.

[4] παραδίδωσι τὰ ὅπλα. ὁ δ᾽ ὕπατος τήν τε λείαν, ὅσῃ ἐπέτυχε, καὶ τὰ λάφυρα καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀποδόσθαι κελεύσας τοῖς ταμίαις, εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀπήνεγκε τὸ ἀργύριον. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀναστήσας τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας ἀπῆγεν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου τελευτῶντος ἤδη τοῦ ἔτους. ἐπιστάντων δὲ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων ἔδοξε τοῖς πατρικίοις ἠρεθισμένον ὁρῶσι τὸν δῆμον καὶ μεταμελόμενον ἐπὶ τῇ Κασσίου καταδίκῃ, διὰ φυλακῆς αὐτὸν ἔχειν, μή τι παρακινήσειε πάλιν εἰς δεκασμῶν ἐλπίδα καὶ κλήρων διανομῆς ὑπαχθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς δημαγωγῆσαι δυνατοῦ τὸ τῆς ὑπατείας λαβόντος ἀξίωμα. ἐφαίνετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ῥᾷστα κωλυθήσεσθαι τούτων τινὸς ὀρεγόμενος, εἰ γένοιτο ὕπατος ἀνὴρ ἥκιστα δημοτικός.

[4] The consul, after ordering the quaestors to sell the booty he had found, together with the spoils and the prisoners, brought the money back to the city. And not long afterwards, withdrawing his forces from the enemy’s country, he returned home with them, as the year was now drawing to its close.

When the election of magistrates was at hand, the patricians, perceiving that the people were exasperated and repented of having condemned Cassius, resolved to guard against them, lest they should create some fresh disturbance when encouraged to hope for bribes and a distribution of allotments by some man skilful in the arts of the demagogue who should have gained the prestige of the consulship. And it seemed to them that the people would be most easily prevented from realizing any of these desires if a man who was at least democratic in his sympathies should become consul.

[5] βουλευσάμενοι δὴ τοῦτο κελεύουσι μετιέναι τὴν ὑπατείαν τὸν ἕτερον τῶν κατηγορησάντων τοῦ Κασσίου, Καίσωνα Φάβιον ἀδελφὸν ὄντα τοῦ τότε ὑπατεύοντος Κοΐντου, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων πατρικίων Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον ἄνδρα ἀριστοκρατικόν. τούτων δὲ μετιόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν κωλύειν μὲν οὐχ οἷοί τ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ δημοτικοί, καταλιπόντες δὲ τὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας ᾤχοντο ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου.

[5] Having come to this decision, they ordered Caeso Fabius, one of the two persons who had accused Cassius, and brother to Quintus, who was consul at the time, and, from among the other patricians, Lucius Aemilius, one of the aristocratic party, to stand for the consulship. When these offered themselves for the office, the plebeians, though they could do nothing to prevent it, did leave the comitia and withdraw from the Field.

[6] τὸ γὰρ τῆς λοχίτιδος ἐκκλησίας κῦρος ἐν ταῖς ψηφοφορίαις περὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ἦν καὶ τὰ πρῶτα τιμήματα ἔχοντας, καὶ σπάνιόν τι ἦν, ὃ ἐπεκύρουν οἱ διὰ μέσου: ὁ δὲ τελευταῖος λόχος, [p. 254] ἐν ᾧ τὸ πλεῖστόν τε καὶ ἀπορώτατον τοῦ δημοτικοῦ μέρος ἐψηφοφόρει, μιᾶς, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴρηταί μοι, τῆς ἐσχάτης ψήφου κύριος ἦν.

[6] For in the centuriate assembly the balance of power in voting lay with the most important men and those who had the highest property ratings, and it was seldom that those of middling fortunes determined a matter; the last century, in which the most numerous and poorest part of the plebeians voted, had but one vote, as I stated before, which was always the last to be called for.

[1] παραλαμβάνουσι δὴ τὴν ὑπατείαν κατὰ τὸ ἑβδομηκοστόν τε καὶ διακοσιοστὸν ἔτος ἀπὸ τοῦ συνοικισμοῦ τῆς Ῥώμης Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος Μαμέρκου υἱὸς καὶ Καίσων Φάβιος Καίσωνος υἱός, ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Νικοδήμου. οἷς κατ᾽ εὐχὴν συνέβη μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πολιτικῆς ἐπιταραχθῆναι διχοστασίας πολέμων τὴν πόλιν περιστάντων ἀλλοεθνῶν.

[83.1] Accordingly, Lucius Aemilius, the son of Mamercus, and Caeso Fabius, the son of Caeso, succeeded to the consulship in the two hundred and seventieth year after the settlement of Rome, when Nicodemus was archon at Athens. It chanced fortunately that their consulship was not disturbed at all by strife, since the state was beset by foreign wars.

[2] ἐν ἅπασι μὲν οὖν ἔθνεσι καὶ τόποις Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ βαρβάρων φιλοῦσιν αἱ τῶν ἔξωθεν κακῶν ἀνάπαυλαι ἐμφυλίους τε καὶ ἐνδήμους ἐγείρειν πολέμους, μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτο πάσχουσιν, ὅσοι πολεμιστὴν καὶ κακόπαθον αἱροῦνται βίον ἐλευθερίας τε καὶ ἡγεμονίας πόθῳ. χαλεπαὶ γὰρ αἱ μαθοῦσαι τοῦ πλείονος ἐφίεσθαι φύσεις ἐξειργόμεναι τῶν συνήθων ἔργων καρτερεῖν: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ φρονιμώτατοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἀεί τινας ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοεθνῶν ἀναζωπυροῦσιν ἔχθρας, κρείττονας ἡγούμενοι τῶν ἐντοπίων πολέμων τοὺς ἀλλοδαπούς.

[2] Now in all nations and places, both Greek and barbarian, respites from evils from abroad are wont to provoke civil and domestic wars; and this happens especially among those peoples who choose a life of warfare and its hardships from a passion for liberty and dominion. For natures which have learned to covet more than they have find it difficult, when restrained from their usual employments, to remain patient, and for this reason the wisest leaders are always stirring up the embers of some foreign quarrels in the belief that wars waged abroad are better than those fought at home.

[3] τότε δ᾽ οὖν, ὥσπερ ἔφην, κατὰ δαίμονα τοῖς ὑπάτοις συνέπεσον αἱ τῶν ὑπηκόων ἐπαναστάσεις. Οὐολοῦσκοι γάρ, εἴτε τῇ πολιτικῇ Ῥωμαίων κινήσει πιστεύσαντες ὡς ἐκπεπολεμωμένου τοῦ δημοτικοῦ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τέλει, εἴτε τῆς προτέρας ἥττης ἀμαχητὶ γενομένης αἰσχύνῃ παροξυνθέντες, εἴτ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεσι πολλαῖς οὔσαις μέγα φρονήσαντες,

[3] Be that as it may, at the time in question, as I said, the uprisings of the subject nations occurred very fortunately for the consuls. For the Volscians, either relying on the domestic disquiet of the Romans, in the belief that the plebeians had been brought to a state of war with the authorities, or stung by the shame of their former defeat received without striking a blow, or priding themselves on their own forces, which were very numerous, or induced by all these motives, resolved to make war upon the Romans.

[4] εἴτε διὰ ταῦτα πάντα πολεμεῖν [p. 255] Ῥωμαίοις διέγνωσαν, καὶ συναγαγόντες ἐξ ἁπάσης πόλεως τὴν νεότητα, μέρει μέν τινι τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὰς Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων πόλεις ἐστράτευσαν, τῇ δὲ λοιπῇ, ἣ πλείστη τ᾽ ἦν καὶ κρατίστη, τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις σφῶν ἥξοντας δέχεσθαι ἤμελλον. ταῦτα μαθοῦσι Ῥωμαίοις ἔδοξε διχῇ νέμειν τὰς δυνάμεις καὶ τῇ μὲν ἑτέρᾳ τὴν Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχειν, τῇ δ᾽ ἑτέρᾳ τὴν Οὐολούσκων λεηλατεῖν.

[4] And assembling the youth from every city, they marched with one part of their army against the cities of the Hernicans and Latins, while with the other, which was very numerous and powerful, they proposed to await the forces which should come against their own cities. The Romans, being informed of this, determined to divide their army into two bodies, with one of which they would keep guard over the territory of the Hernicans and Latins and with the other lay waste that of the Volscians.

[1] διακληρωσαμένων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων τὰς δυνάμεις, ὡς ἔστιν αὐτοῖς ἔθος, τὸ μὲν ἐπικουρεῖν μέλλον τοῖς συμμάχοις στράτευμα Καίσων Φάβιος παρέλαβε, θάτερον δὲ Λεύκιος ἔχων ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀντιατῶν ἦγε πόλιν. γενόμενος δὲ πλησίον τῶν ὁρίων καὶ κατιδὼν τὰς τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεις, τότε μὲν ἀντικατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἐπὶ λόφου, ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἐξιόντων εἰς τὸ πεδίον τῶν πολεμίων θαμινὰ καὶ προκαλουμένων εἰς μάχην, ἡνίκα τὸν οἰκεῖον ἔχειν καιρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν, ἐξῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις: καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν παρακλήσει τε πολλῇ καὶ ἐπικελεύσει χρησάμενος, ἐκέλευσε σημαίνειν τὸ πολεμικόν: καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται τὸ σύνηθες ἀλαλάξαντες ἀθρόοι κατὰ σπείρας τε καὶ κατὰ λόχους συνέβαλλον.

[84.1] The consuls having drawn lots for the armies according to their custom, the army that was to aid their allies fell to Caeso Fabius, while Lucius at the head of the other marched upon Antium. When he drew near the border and caught sight of the enemy’s army, he encamped for the time opposite to them upon a hill. In the days that followed the enemy frequently came out into the plain, challenging the consul to fight; and when he thought he had the suitable opportunity, he led out his army. Before they engaged, he exhorted and encouraged his troops at length, and then ordered the trumpets to sound the charge; and the soldiers, raising their usual battle-cry, attacked in close array both by cohorts and by centuries.

[2] ὡς δὲ τὰς λόγχας καὶ τὰ σαυνία καὶ ὅσα εἶχον ἑκηβόλα ἐξανάλωσαν, σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη συρράττουσιν ἀλλήλοις ἴσῃ τόλμῃ τε καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἑκάτεροι χρώμενοι: ἦν τε, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἔφην, παραπλήσιος αὐτοῖς ὁ τοῦ ἀγῶνος τρόπος, καὶ οὔτε ἡ σοφία καὶ ἡ ἐμπειρία Ῥωμαίων περὶ τὰς μάχας, ᾗ χρώμενοι τὰ πολλὰ ἐπεκράτουν, [p. 256] οὔτε τὸ καρτερικὸν καὶ ταλαίπωρον ἐν τοῖς πόνοις διὰ πολλῶν ἠσκημένον ἀγώνων ἐπεκράτει: τὰ γὰρ αὐτὰ καὶ περὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἦν, ἐξ οὗ Μάρκιον ἡγεμόνα Ῥωμαίων οὐ τὸν ἀφανέστατον στρατηλάτην ἔσχον: ἀλλ᾽ ἀντεῖχον ἑκάτεροι τῆς χώρας, ἐν ᾗ τὸ πρῶτον ἔστησαν οὐχ ὑφιέμενοι.

[2] After they had used up all their spears and javelins with the rest of their missile weapons, they drew their swords and rushed upon each other, both sides showing equal intrepidity and eagerness for the struggle. Their manner of fighting, as I said before, was similar, and neither the skill and experience of the Romans in engagements, because of which they were generally victorious, nor their steadfastness and endurance of toil, acquired in many battles, now gave them any advantage, since the same qualities were possessed by the enemy also from the time that they had been commanded by Marcius, not the least distinguished general among the Romans; but both sides stood firm, without quitting the ground on which they had first taken their stand.

[3] ἔπειτα κατὰ μικρὸν οἱ Οὐολοῦσκοι ὑπεχώρουν ἐν κόσμῳ τε καὶ τάξει δεχόμενοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. στρατήγημα δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἦν, ἵνα διασπάσωσί τ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰς τάξεις καὶ ἐξ ὑπερδεξιοῦ γένωνται χωρίου.

[3] Afterwards the Volscians began to retire, a little at a time, but in order and keeping their ranks, while receiving the Romans’ onset. But this was a ruse designed to draw the enemy’s ranks apart and to secure a position above them.

[1] οἱ δ᾽ ὑπολαβόντες αὐτοὺς ἄρχειν φυγῆς ἠκολούθουν βάδην μὲν ἀπιοῦσι καὶ αὐτοὶ σὺν κόσμῳ ἑπόμενοι, ἐπειδὴ δὲ δρόμῳ χωροῦντας ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα ἐθεάσαντο, ταχείᾳ καὶ αὐτοὶ διώξει καὶ ἀσυντάκτῳ χρώμενοι. οἱ δὲ δὴ τελευταῖοί τε καὶ ὀπισθοφυλακοῦντες λόχοι νεκρούς τ᾽ ἐσκύλευον, ὡς κεκρατηκότες ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τῆς χώρας ἐτράποντο.

[85.1] The Romans, supposing that they were beginning flight, kept pace with them as they slowly withdrew, they too maintaining good order as they followed, but when they saw them running toward their camp, they also pursued swiftly and in disorder; and the centuries which were last and guarded the rear fell to stripping the dead, as if they had already conquered the enemy, and turned to plundering the country.

[2] μαθόντες δ᾽ οἱ Οὐολοῦσκοι ταῦτ᾽ οἵ τε δόξαν παρασχόντες φυγῆς, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἐρύμασι τοῦ χάρακος ἐπλησίασαν, ὑποστραφέντες ἔστησαν, καὶ οἱ καταλειφθέντες ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσαντες ἐξέδραμον ἀθρόοι κατὰ πολλὰ μέρη: γίνεταί τ᾽ αὐτῶν παλίντροπος ἡ μάχη: οἱ μὲν γὰρ διώκοντες ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ φεύγοντες ἐδίωκον. ἔνθα πολλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ Ῥωμαίων θνήσκουσιν οἷα εἰκὸς ὠθούμενοι κατὰ πρανοῦς χωρίου καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ὀλίγοι κυκλωθέντες.

[2] When the Volscians perceived this, not only did those who had feigned flight face about and stand their ground as soon as they drew near the ramparts of their camp, but those also who had been left behind in the camp opened the gates and ran out in great numbers at several points. And now weight fortune of the battle was reversed; for the pursuers fled and the fugitives pursued. Here many brave Romans lost their lives, as may well be imagined, being driven down a declivity as they were and surrounded a few by many.

[3] ἀδελφὰ δὲ τούτοις ἔπασχον, ὅσοι πρὸς σκῦλά τε καὶ [p. 257] ἁρπαγὰς τραπόμενοι τὸ ἐν κόσμῳ τε καὶ τάξει ὑποχωρεῖν ἀφῃρέθησαν: καὶ γὰρ καὶ οὗτοι καταληφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων οἱ μὲν ἐσφάγησαν, οἱ δ᾽ αἰχμάλωτοι ἐλήφθησαν. ὅσοι δὲ τούτων τε καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους ἀπαραχθέντων διεσώθησαν, ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας τῶν ἱππέων αὐτοῖς ἐπιβοηθησάντων, ἀπῆλθον ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα. ἐδόκει τ᾽ αὐτοῖς συλλαβέσθαι τοῦ μὴ πασσυδὶ διαφθαρῆναι χειμὼν πολὺς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καταρραγεὶς καὶ σκότος, οἷον ἐν ταῖς βαθείαις ὁμίχλαις γίνεται, ὃ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὄκνον τῆς ἐπὶ πλέον διώξεως παρέσχεν οὐ δυναμένοις τὰ πόρρω καθορᾶν.

[3] And a like fate was suffered by those who had turned to despoiling the dead and to plundering and now found themselves deprived of the opportunity of making an orderly and regular retreat; for these too were overtaken by the enemy, and some of them were killed and others taken prisoner. As many as came through safely, both of these and of the others, who had been driven from the hill, returned to their camp when the horse came to their relief late in the day. It seemed, moreover, that their escape from utter destruction had been due in part to a violent rainstorm that burst from the sky and to a darkness like that occurring in thick mists, which made the enemy reluctant to pursue them any farther, since they were unable to see things at a distance.

[4] τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ ἀναστήσας τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ ὕπατος ἀπῆγε σιγῇ καὶ ἐν κόσμῳ, λαθεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους προνοούμενος: καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ πόλει λεγομένῃ Λογγόλᾳ περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν, γήλοφον ἱκανὸν ἐρύκειν τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἐκλεξάμενος. ἔνθα ὑπομένων τούς τε ὑπὸ τραυμάτων κάμνοντας ἀνεκτᾶτο θεραπείαις, καὶ τοὺς ἀδημονοῦντας ἐπὶ τῇ παραδόξῳ τοῦ πάθους αἰσχύνῃ παραμυθούμενος ἀνελάμβανε.

[4] The following night the consul broke camp and led his army away in silence and in good order, taking care to escape the notice of the enemy; and late in the afternoon he encamped near a town called Longula, having chosen a hill strong enough to keep off any who might attack him. While he remained there, he employed himself both in restoring with medical attention those who suffered from wounds and in raising the spirits of those who were disheartened at the unexpected disgrace of defeat by speaking words of encouragement to them.

[1] Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐν τούτοις ἦσαν: Οὐολοῦσκοι δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ ἡμέρα τ᾽ ἐγένετο καὶ ἔγνωσαν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκλελοιπότας τὸν χάρακα, προσελθόντες κατεστρατοπέδευσαν. σκυλεύσαντες δὲ τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων νεκροὺς καὶ τοὺς ἡμιθνῆτας, οἷς σωθήσεσθαι ἐλπὶς ἦν, ἀνελόμενοι ταφάς τε ποιησάμενοι τῶν σφετέρων νεκρῶν, [p. 258] εἰς τὴν ἐγγυτάτω πόλιν Ἄντιον ἀνέζευξαν: ἔνθα παιανίζοντες ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ καὶ θύοντες ἐν ἅπασιν ἱεροῖς εἰς εὐπαθείας καὶ ἡδονὰς ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἐτράποντο.

[86.1] While the Romans were thus occupied, the Volscians, as soon as it was day and they learned that the enemy had left their entrenchments, came up and made camp. Then, having stripped the dead, taken up those whom, though half dead, there was hope of saving, and buried their own men, they retired to Antium, the nearest city; and there, signing songs of triumph for their victory and offering sacrifices in all their temples, they devoted themselves during the following days to merry-making and pleasures.

[2] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῆς τότε νίκης διέμειναν καὶ μηδὲν ἐπεξειργάσαντο, καλὸν ἂν αὐτοῖς εἰλήφει τέλος ὁ ἀγών. Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ οὐκ ἂν ὑπέμειναν ἔτι προελθεῖν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἐπὶ πολέμῳ, ἀγαπητὸν δ᾽ ἂν ἦν, εἰ ἀπῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας, κρείττονα τοῦ προδήλου θανάτου τὴν ἄδοξον ἡγησάμενοι φυγήν. νῦν δὲ τοῦ πλείονος ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς προτέρας νίκης δόξαν ἀπέβαλον.

[2] Now if they had rested content with their present victory and had attempted nothing further, their struggle would have had a glory end. For the Romans would not have dared to come out again from their camp to give battle, but would have been glad to withdraw from the enemy’s country, considering inglorious flight better than certain death. But as it was, the Volscians, aiming at still more, threw away the glory of their former victory.

[3] ἀκούοντες γὰρ παρά τε κατασκόπων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἀποδεδρακότων, ὅτι κομιδῇ τ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ σωθέντες Ῥωμαίων ὀλίγοι καὶ τούτων οἱ πλείους τραυματίαι, πολλὴν αὐτῶν ἐποιήσαντο καταφρόνησιν, καὶ αὐτίκα τὰ ὅπλα ἁρπάσαντες ἔθεον ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς. πολὺ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄνοπλον αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως εἵπετο κατὰ θέαν τοῦ ἀγῶνος καὶ ἅμα ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγήν τε καὶ ὠφέλειαν.

[3] For hearing both from scouts and from those who escaped from the enemy’s camp that the Romans who had saved themselves were very few, and the greater part of these wounded, they conceived great contempt for them, and immediately seizing their arms, ran to attack them. Many unarmed people also followed them out of the city to witness the struggle and at the same time to secure plunder and booty.

[4] ἐπεὶ δὲ προσβαλόντες τῷ λόφῳ τόν τε χάρακα περιέστησαν καὶ τὰ περισταυρώματα διασπᾶν ἐπεχείρουν, πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς πεζοὶ μαχόμενοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ χωρίου φύσιν ἐξέδραμον ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἔπειτα τούτων κατόπιν οἱ καλούμενοι τριάριοι πυκνώσαντες τοὺς λόχους: οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν στρατευομένων, οἷς τὰ στρατόπεδα [p. 259] ἐπιτρέπουσι φυλάττειν, ὅταν ἐξίωσιν εἰς τὴν μάχην, καὶ ἐφ᾽ οὓς τελευταίους, ὅταν ἀθρόα γένηται τῶν ἐν ἀκμῇ φθορά, σπανίζοντες ἑτέρας ἐπικουρίας καταφεύγουσι διὰ τὴν ἀνάγκην. οἱ δ᾽ Οὐολοῦσκοι

[4] But when, after attacking the hill and surrounding the camp, they endeavoured to pull down the palisades, first the Roman horse, obliged, from the nature of the ground, to fight on foot, sallied out against them, and, behind the horse, those they call the triarii, with their ranks closed. These are the oldest soldiers, to whom they commit the guarding of the camp when they go out to give battle, and they fall back of necessity upon these as their last hope when there has been a general slaughter of the younger men and they lack other reinforcements.

[5] κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐδέξαντο τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ διέμενον ἐκθύμως ἀγωνιζόμενοι, ἔπειτα διὰ τὴν τοῦ χωρίου φύσιν μειονεκτοῦντες ὑπεχώρουν, καὶ τέλος ὀλίγα μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ οὐκ ἄξια λόγου ἐργασάμενοι, πλείω δ᾽ αὐτοὶ παθόντες κακὰ ὑπεχώρησαν εἰς τὸ πεδίον. ἔνθα καταστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ἐξέταττον τὴν δύναμιν καὶ προὐκαλοῦντο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς μάχην, οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀντεξῄεσαν.

[5] The Volscians at first sustained their onset and continued to fight stubbornly for a long time; then, being at a disadvantage because of the nature of the ground, they began to give way and at last, after inflicting slight and negligible injuries upon the enemy, while suffering more themselves, they retired to the plain. And encamping there, during the following days they repeatedly drew up in order of battle, challenging the Romans to fight; but these did not come out against them.

[6] ὡς δὲ τοῦτ᾽ εἶδον καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν οἱ Οὐολοῦσκοι συνεκάλουν ἐκ τῶν πόλεων δυνάμεις καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς ἐξελοῦντες πολυχειρίᾳ τὸ φρούριον: ῥᾳδίως τ᾽ ἂν ἐξειργάσαντο μέγα ἔργον ὑπάτου τε καὶ Ῥωμαϊκῆς δυνάμεως ἢ βίᾳ κρατήσαντες ἢ καὶ ὁμολογίαις: οὐδὲ γὰρ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἔτι εὐπόρει τὸ χωρίον: ἔφθη δὲ πρότερον ἐπικουρία Ῥωμαίοις ἐλθοῦσα, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐκωλύθησαν οἱ Οὐολοῦσκοι τὸ κάλλιστον ἐπιθεῖναι τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος.

[6] When the Volscians saw this, they held them in contempt, and summoning forces from their cities, made preparations to capture the stronghold by their very numbers. And they might easily have performed a great exploit by taking both the consul and the Roman army either by force or even by capitulation, since the place was no longer well supplied with provisions either; but reinforcements came in time to the Romans, thus preventing the Volscians from bringing the war to the most glorious conclusion.

[7] ὁ γὰρ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Καίσων Φάβιος μαθών, ἐν αἷς ἦν τύχαις ἡ παραταξαμένη Οὐολούσκοις δύναμις, ἐβούλετο μὲν ὡς εἶχε τάχους ἅπασαν ἄγων τὴν δύναμιν εὐθὺς ἐπιέναι τοῖς πολιορκοῦσι τὸ φρούριον. ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἐγίνετο αὐτῷ θυομένῳ τε καὶ οἰωνοῖς χρωμένῳ τὰ ἱερὰ καλά, ἀλλ᾽ [p. 260] ἠναντιοῦτο πρὸς τὰς ἐξόδους αὐτοῦ τὸ δαιμόνιον, αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέμεινε, τὰς δὲ κρατίστας ἐπιλεξάμενος σπείρας ἀπέστειλε τῷ συνάρχοντι.

[7] It seems that the other consul, Caeso Fabius, learning to what straits the army had been reduced which had been arrayed against the Volscians, proposed to march as quickly as possible with all his forces and fall at once upon those who were besieging the stronghold. Since, however, the victims and omens were not favourable when he offered sacrifice and consulted the auspices, but the gods opposed his setting out, he himself remained behind, but chose out and sent his best cohorts to his colleague.

[8] αἱ δὲ διά τ᾽ ὀρῶν ἀφανῶς καὶ νύκτωρ τὰ πολλὰ ποιησάμεναι τὰς ὁδοὺς εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὸν χάρακα τοὺς πολεμίους λαθοῦσαι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Αἰμίλιος θρασύτερος ἐγεγόνει τῇ παρουσίᾳ τῶν συμμάχων, οἱ δὲ πολέμιοι τῷ τε πλήθει τῷ σφετέρῳ εἰκῆ πίσυνοι καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπεξιέναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς μάχην ἐπαρθέντες ἀνέβαινον ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος πυκνώσαντες τοὺς λόχους: καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι παρέντες αὐτοὺς ἀναβῆναι καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν καὶ πολλὰ πονεῖν περὶ τῷ σταυρώματι ἐάσαντες, ἐπειδὴ τὰ σημεῖα ἤρθη τῆς μάχης διασπάσαντες κατὰ πολλὰ μέρη τὸν χάρακα ἐμπίπτουσιν αὐτοῖς: καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰς χεῖρας καταστάντες τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἐμάχοντο, οἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμάτων λίθοις τε καὶ σαυνίοις καὶ λόγχαις τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔβαλλον, βέλος δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἄσκοπον ἦν πεπιλημένων γ᾽ ἐν βραχεῖ χωρίῳ πολλῶν.