BOOK X

[1] μετὰ δὲ τούτους ὀλυμπιὰς μὲν ἦν ὀγδοηκοστή, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Τορύμβας Θεσσαλὸς ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Φρασικλέους: ὕπατοι δὲ ἀπεδείχθησαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Πόπλιος Οὐολούμνιος καὶ Σερούιος Σολπίκιος Καμερῖνος. οὗτοι στρατιὰν μὲν οὐδεμίαν ἐξήγαγον οὔτε ἐπὶ τιμωρίας ἀναπράξει τῶν ἀδικούντων σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους οὔθ᾽ ὡς διὰ φυλακῆς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἕξοντες: τῶν δ᾽ ἐντὸς τείχους κακῶν πρόνοιαν ἐποιοῦντο, μή τι δεινὸν ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τῇ βουλῇ συστὰς ἐξεργάσηται.

[1.1] The year after their consulship occurred the eightieth Olympiad (the one at which Torymbas, a Thessalian, won the foot-race), Phrasicles being archon at Athens; and Publius Volumnius and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus were chosen consuls at Rome. These men led no army into the field, either to take revenge on those who had injured the Romans themselves as well as their allies or to keep guard over their possessions, but they devoted their attention to the domestic evils, fearing lest the populace might organize against the senate and work some mischief.

[2] ἐταράττετο γὰρ αὖθις ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων ἀναδιδασκόμενος, ὅτι πολιτειῶν κρατίστη τοῖς ἐλευθέροις ἐστὶν [p. 2] ἡ ἰσηγορία, καὶ κατὰ νόμους ἠξίου διοικεῖσθαι τά τε ἰδιωτικὰ καὶ τὰ δημόσια. οὔπω γὰρ τότε ἦν οὔτ᾽ ἰσονομία παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις οὔτ᾽ ἰσηγορία, οὐδ᾽ ἐν γραφαῖς ἅπαντα τὰ δίκαια τεταγμένα: ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν ἀρχαῖον οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν ἔταττον τοῖς δεομένοις τὰς δίκας, καὶ

[2] For they were being stirred up again by the tribunes and instructed that the best of political institutions for free men is an equality of rights; and they demanded that all business both private and public should be carried on according to laws. For at that time there did not exist as yet among the Romans an equality either of laws or of rights, nor were all their principles of justice committed to writing; but at first their kings had dispensed justice to those who sought it, and whatever they decree was law.

[3] τὸ δικαιωθὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τοῦτο νόμος ἦν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπαύσαντο μοναρχούμενοι, τοῖς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπατεύουσιν ἀνέκειτο τά τε ἄλλα τῶν βασιλέων ἔργα καὶ ἡ τοῦ δικαίου διάγνωσις, καὶ τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ ὁτουδήτινος ἐκεῖνοι τὰ δίκαια οἱ διαιροῦντες ἦσαν.

[3] After they ceased to be governed by kings, along with the other functions of royalty that of determining what justice is devolved upon the annual consuls, and it was they who decided what was just between litigants in any matter whatsoever.

[4] τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τοῖς τρόποις τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀριστίνδην ἀποδεικνυμένων ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀκόλουθα ἦν: κομιδῇ δ᾽ ὀλίγα τινὰ ἐν ἱεραῖς ἦν βύβλοις ἀποκείμενα, ἃ νόμων εἶχε δύναμιν, ὧν οἱ πατρίκιοι τὴν γνῶσιν εἶχον μόνοι διὰ τὰς ἐν ἄστει διατριβάς, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ ἐμπορευόμενοί τε καὶ γεωργοῦντες διὰ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν εἰς ἄστυ καταβαίνοντες ἐπὶ τὰς ἀγορὰς ἄπειροι ἔτι ἦσαν.

[4] These decisions as a rule conformed to the character of the magistrates, who were appointed to office on the basis of good birth. A very few of them, however, were kept in sacred books and had the force of laws; but the patricians alone were acquainted with these, because they spent their time in the capital, while the masses, who were either merchants or husbandmen and came down to the capital only for the markets at intervals of many days, were as yet unfamiliar with them.

[5] τὸ δὲ πολίτευμα τοῦτο πρῶτος μὲν ἐπείρασεν εἰσαγαγεῖν Γάιος Τερέντιος δημαρχῶν ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι ἔτει, ἀτελὲς δὲ ἠναγκάσθη καταλιπεῖν τοῦ τε πλήθους ὄντος ἐπὶ στρατοπέδων καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπίτηδες ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ γῇ τὰς δυνάμεις κατασχόντων, ἕως ὁ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῖς παρέλθῃ χρόνος. [p. 3]

[5] The first attempt to introduce this measure establishing an equality of rights was made by Gaius Terentius in the preceding year, while he was tribune; but he was forced to leave the business unfinished because the plebeians were then in the field and the consuls purposely detained the armies in the enemy’s country till their term of office expired.

[1] τότε δ᾽ αὐτὸ παραλαβόντες οἱ περὶ Αὖλον Οὐεργίνιον δήμαρχοι τελειῶσαι ἐβούλοντο: ἵνα δὲ μὴ τοῦτο γένοιτο μηδὲ κατὰ νόμους ἀναγκασθεῖεν πολιτεύεσθαι, πάντα ἐπιμηχανώμενοι διετέλουν οἵ τε ὕπατοι καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν οἱ πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ πόλει δυνάμενοι: βουλαί τε πολλαὶ καὶ ἐκκλησίαι συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο πεῖραί τε παντοῖαι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἄδηλον ἅπασιν ἦν, ὅτι μεγάλη τις καὶ ἀνήκεστος ἐξ ἐκείνης τῆς φιλονεικίας ἀναστήσεται τῇ πόλει συμφορά.

[2.1] At the time in question Aulus Verginius and the other tribunes took up the measure and wished to carry it through. But in order to prevent this from happening and that the magistrates might not be compelled to conduct the government in accordance with laws, the consuls, the senate and all the rest of the citizens of greatest influence in the commonwealth kept resorting to all manner of devices. There were many sessions of the senate and continual meetings of the assembly, and attempts of all kinds were made by the magistrates against one another; from all of which it was manifest to everyone that some great and irreparable mischief to the commonwealth would arise out of this contention.

[2] συνήπτετο δὲ τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις λογισμοῖς καὶ τὰ θεῖα δείματα προσγενόμενα, ὧν ἔνια οὔτ᾽ ἐν δημοσίαις εὑρίσκετο γραφαῖς οὔτε κατ᾽ ἄλλην φυλαττόμενα μνήμην οὐδεμίαν.

[2] To these human reasonings were added the terrible portents sent by the gods, some of which were neither found recorded in the public archives nor were the memory of them preserved by any other means.

[3] ὅσα μὲν γὰρ ἐν οὐρανῷ σέλα φερόμενα καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάψεις ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς μένουσαι τόπου γῆς τε μυκήματα καὶ τρόμοι συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο, μορφαί τ᾽ εἰδώλων ἄλλοτ᾽ ἀλλοῖαι δἰ ἀέρος φερόμεναι καὶ φωναὶ ταράττουσαι διάνοιαν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ πάντα ὅσα τούτοις ὅμοια συνέπιπτεν, εὑρίσκετο καὶ πάλαι ποτὲ γεγονότα ἧττον τε καὶ μᾶλλον: οὗ δὲ ἄπειροί τε καὶ ἀνήκοοι ἔτι ἦσαν καὶ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μάλιστα ἐταράχθησαν, τοιόνδ᾽ ἦν: νιφετὸς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ κατέσκηψεν εἰς γῆν πολὺς οὐ χιόνα καταφέρων, ἀλλὰ σαρκῶν θραύσματα ἐλάττω τε καὶ μείζω.

[3] As for all the flashes shooting through the sky and outbursts of fire continuing in one place, the rumblings of the earth and its continual tremblings that occurred, the spectres, now of one shape and now of another, flitting through the air and voices that disturbed men’s minds, and everything else of that nature which took place, all these manifestations were found to have occurred in times past as well, to either a greater or lesser degree. But a prodigy which they were unfamiliar with as yet and had never heard of, and the one which caused them the greatest terror was this: There descended upon the earth from heaven what appeared to be a heavy snowstorm, only it brought down, instead of snow, pieces of flesh, some smaller and some larger.

[4] τούτων τὰ μὲν πολλὰ μετάρσια προσπετόμεναι πτηνῶν [p. 4] ὅσαι εἰσὶν ἀγέλαι τοῖς στόμασιν ἥρπαζον, τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἐνεχθέντα ἐν αὐτῇ τε τῇ πόλει καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἀγροὺς μέχρι πολλοῦ χρόνου κείμενα ἦν οὔτε χρόαν μεταβάλλοντα, οἵαν ἴσχουσι παλαιούμεναι σάρκες, οὔτε σηπεδόνι διαλυόμενα, ὦζέ τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν πονηρόν.

[4] Most of these while still in mid air were seized by flocks of birds of every kind, which flew up and snatched them in their beaks; but those pieces which fell to the ground, both in the city itself and in the country, lay there a long time without either changing to such a colour as pieces of flesh acquire with time, or becoming rotten, and no bad smell was given off by them.

[5] τοῦτο τὸ τέρας οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι μάντεις οὐχ οἷοί τ᾽ ἦσαν συμβαλεῖν: ἐν δὲ τοῖς Σιβυλλείοις εὑρέθη χρησμοῖς, ὅτι πολεμίων ἀλλοεθνῶν παρελθόντων εἰς τὸ τεῖχος ἀγὼν ὑπὲρ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ καταλήψεται τὴν πόλιν, ἄρξει δὲ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς πολέμου στάσις ἐμφύλιος, ἣν χρῆν ἀρχομένην ἐξελαύνοντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ θεοὺς παραιτουμένους θυσίαις τε καὶ εὐχαῖς ἀποτρέψαι τὰ δεινά: καὶ

[5] The native soothsayers were unable to conjecture the meaning of this prodigy; but in the Sibylline books it was found that the city would be involved in a struggle to prevent the enslavement of its citizens after foreign enemies had penetrated inside the walls, and that this war against the foreigners would begin with civil strife, which they must banish from the city in its inception, invoking the gods by sacrifices and prayers to avert the dangers; then they would gain the victory over their enemies.

[6] κρείττους ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐξηνέχθη ταῦτ᾽ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος, ἱερὰ μὲν πρῶτον ἔθυσαν, οἷς ἡ τούτων ἐπιμέλεια ἀνέκειτο, θεοῖς ἐξακεστηρίοις τε καὶ ἀποτροπαίοις, ἔπειτα συναχθέντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον οἱ σύνεδροι παρόντων καὶ τῶν δημάρχων ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τε καὶ σωτηρίας τῆς πόλεως ἐσκόπουν.

[6] When this had been announced to the multitude, the priests who were in charge of such matters first sacrificed victims to the gods who remedy and avert evils; after which the senate assembled in the senate-house, the tribunes being also present, and considered means of safeguarding and preserving the commonwealth.

[1] τὸ μὲν οὖν καταλύσασθαι τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγκλήματα καὶ μιᾷ χρήσασθαι γνώμῃ περὶ τῶν κοινῶν, ὡς ὑπετίθεντο οἱ χρησμοί, πάντες ὡμολόγουν: ὅπως δ᾽ ἂν τοῦτο γένοιτο καὶ ἀπὸ τίνων ἀρξαμένων εἴκειν τοῖς ἑτέροις τὸ διάφορον παύσαιτο στασιάζον, οὐ [p. 5]

[3.1] As for putting an end to their mutual recriminations and acting with unanimity concerning public affairs, as the oracles advised, all were in agreement; but how this was to be brought about, and which party should take the first step by yielding to the other the point at issue and thus put an end to the dissension, caused them no little embarrassment.

[2] μικρὰν αὐτοῖς παρεῖχεν ἀπορίαν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὕπατοι καὶ οἱ τῆς βουλῆς προεστῶτες τοὺς εἰσφέροντας καινὰ πολιτεύματα δημάρχους καὶ καταλύειν ἀξιοῦντας τὸν πάτριον τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον αἰτίους ἀπέφαινον τῆς ταραχῆς. οἱ δὲ δήμαρχοι σφᾶς μὲν αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἔλεγον ἀνάξιον δρᾶν οὔτε ἄδικον οὔτε ἀσύμφορον εὐνομίαν εἰσάγειν βουλομένους καὶ ἰσηγορίαν: τοὺς δὲ ὑπάτους καὶ τοὺς πατρικίους αἰτίους ἔσεσθαι τῆς στάσεως ἔλεγον ἀνομίαν αὔξοντας καὶ πλεονεξίαν καὶ

[2] For the consuls and the leaders of the senate declared that the tribunes who were proposing new measures and demanding the overthrow of the time-honoured constitution were to blame for the disturbance. On the other hand, the tribunes denied that they were asking for anything that was either unjust or disadvantageous when they wished to introduce a good system of laws and equality of rights, but declared that the consuls and the patrician would be to blame for the dissension if they increased the spirit of lawlessness and greed and emulated the usual practices of tyrants.

[3] ζηλοῦντας τὰ τῶν τυράννων ἔθη. ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια παρ᾽ ἑκατέρων ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐλέγετο, καὶ προὔβαινε διὰ κενῆς ὁ χρόνος: ἐν ᾧ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν οὔτε δημοσίων οὔτε ἰδίων οὐδὲν ἐτελεῖτο. ὡς δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο τῶν προὔργου, λόγων μὲν ἐκείνων καὶ κατηγοριῶν, ἃς ἐποιοῦντο κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς, οἱ δήμαρχοι ἀπέστησαν: συναγαγόντες δὲ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὑπέσχοντο τῷ δήμῳ νόμον εἰσοίσειν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἠξίουν.

[3] These and many like reproaches were uttered by each side for many days and the time passed in vain; meanwhile no business in the city, either public or private, was being brought to completion. When nothing worth while was being accomplished, the tribunes desisted from the kind of harangues and accusations they were wont to make against the senate; and calling an assembly of the populace, they promised them to bring in a law embodying their demands.

[4] ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους τὸν λόγον οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀναβαλόμενοι τὸν παρασκευασθέντα νόμον ἀνέγνωσαν: κεφάλαια δὲ αὐτοῦ τάδε ἦν: ἄνδρας αἱρεθῆναι δέκα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου συναχθείσης ἀγορᾶς ἐννόμου τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τε καὶ φρονιμωτάτους, οἷς ἐστι πλείστη πρόνοια τιμῆς τε καὶ δόξης ἀγαθῆς: τούτους δὲ συγγράψαντας τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων νόμους τῶν τε κοινῶν καὶ τῶν ἰδίων [p. 6] εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐξενεγκεῖν: τοὺς δὲ συγγραφησομένους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν νόμους κεῖσθαι ἐν ἀγορᾷ ταῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἀποδειχθησομέναις ἀρχαῖς καὶ τοῖς ἰδιώταις ὅρους τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαίων.

[4] This being approved of by the populace, they read without further delay the law which they had prepared, the chief provisions of which were as follows: That ten men should be chosen by the people meeting in a legitimate assembly, men who were at once the oldest and the most prudent and had the greatest regard for honour and a good reputation; that these men should draw up the laws concerning all matters both public and private and lay them before the people; and that the laws to be drawn up by them should be exposed in the Forum for the benefit of the magistrates who should be chosen each year and also of persons in private station, as a code defining the mutual rights of citizens.

[5] τοῦτον προθέντες τὸν νόμον ἐξουσίαν ἔδοσαν τοῖς βουλομένοις αὐτοῦ κατηγορεῖν, ἀποδείξαντες τὴν τρίτην ἀγοράν. ἦσαν δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ οὐχ οἱ φαυλότατοι τῶν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου, πρεσβύτεροι καὶ νέοι, κατήγοροι τοῦ νόμου, λόγους διεξιόντες ἐκ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας καὶ παρασκευῆς: καὶ

[5] After the tribunes had proposed this law, they gave leave to all who so desired to speak against it, appointing the third market-day for this purpose. Many in fact — and those not the least important of the senators, both old and young — did speak against the law, delivering speeches that were the result of much thought and preparation; and this went on for many days.

[6] τοῦτ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἐγίνετο συχνάς. ἔπειτα οἱ δήμαρχοι δυσχεραίνοντες ἐπὶ τῇ διατριβῇ τοῦ χρόνου λόγον μὲν οὐδένα ἔτι τοῖς κατηγόροις τοῦ νόμου προέθεσαν, ἡμέραν δὲ ἀποδείξαντες, ἐν ᾗ κυρώσειν αὐτὸν ἔμελλον, παρεῖναι τοὺς δημότας εἰς αὐτὴν παρεκάλουν ἀθρόους, ὡς οὐκέτι ταῖς μακραῖς δημηγορίαις ἐνοχληθησομένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐποίσοντας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τὴν ψῆφον κατὰ φυλάς. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ὑποσχόμενοι διέλυσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν.

[6] Then the tribunes, chafing at the loss of time, would no longer permit the opponents of the law to speak against it, but appointing a day for ratifying it, urged the plebeians to be present in force, assuring them that they should not be bored by any more long harangues but should give their votes by tribes concerning the law. After making these promises the tribunes dismissed the assembly.

[1] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἵ τε ὕπατοι καὶ τῶν πατρικίων οἱ πλεῖστον δυνάμενοι τραχύτερον ἤδη αὐτῶν προσιόντες καθήπτοντο λέγοντες, ὡς οὐκ ἐπιτρέψουσιν αὐτοῖς νόμους εἰσηγεῖσθαι καὶ τούτους ἀπροβουλεύτους. συνθήκας γὰρ εἶναι κοινὰς πόλεων τοὺς νόμους, οὐχὶ μέρους τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν οἰκούντων. τοῦ τε πονηροτάτου ὀλέθρου καὶ ἀνηκέστου καὶ οὐδ᾽ εὐσχήμονος ἀρχὴν ἀπέφαινον εἶναι πόλεσί τε καὶ οἴκοις, ὅταν τὸ

[4.1] After this the consuls and the most influential of the patricians, going to the tribunes, upbraided them more harshly than before, saying that they would not permit them to propose laws, and especially laws not recommended by a preliminary decree of the senate. For laws were compacts of states affecting all alike, and not of a single portion of the residents of states. They further pointed out that it is the first step in the most wicked, irremediable and indecent ruination for both states and households when the worst element prescribes laws for the best.

[2] κάκιστον τῷ κρατίστῳ νομοθετῇ. ποίαν δὲ ὑμεῖς, [p. 7] ἔφασαν, ὦ δήμαρχοι, νόμων εἰσφορᾶς ἢ ἀναιρέσεως ἐξουσίαν ἔχετε; οὐκ ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς μὲν δικαίοις ταύτην τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐλάβετε, τοῖς δ᾽ ἀδικουμένοις ἢ κατισχυομένοις τῶν πενήτων βοηθεῖν ᾐτήσασθε τοὺς δημάρχους, ἄλλο δὲ μηδὲν πολυπραγμονεῖν; εἰ δ᾽ οὖν καὶ πρότερον ἦν τις ὑμῖν δύναμις, ἣν οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου βιασάμενοι ἡμᾶς ἐλάβετε, ὑποκατακλινομένης ἑκάστῳ πλεονεκτήματι τῆς βουλῆς, οὐχὶ καὶ ταύτην νῦν ἀπολωλέκατε τῇ μεταβολῇ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν;

[2] “And what authority,” they asked, “have you, tribunes, to introduce or to abrogate laws? Did you not receive this magistracy from the senate upon explicit terms? Did you not ask that the tribunes might come to the assistance of those of the poor who were injured and oppressed, but should meddle with nothing else? But, be that as it may, even if you previously possessed some power which you had wrongfully extorted from us, because the senate weakly gave in to each encroachment of yours, have you not lost even this power now through the changed character of your elections?

[3] οὔτε γὰρ βουλῆς δόγμα ὑμᾶς οὐκέτι ἀποδείκνυσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, οὔτε αἱ φρᾶτραι τὴν ψῆφον ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐπιφέρουσιν, οὔτε ἱερὰ προθύεται τοῖς θεοῖς πρὸ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν, ἃ κατὰ νόμους ἐχρῆν ἐπιτελεῖσθαι, οὔτε ἄλλο τῶν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβῶν ἢ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ὁσίων οὐθὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ὑμετέρας γίνεται. τίνος οὖν ὑμῖν ἔτι μέτεστι τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ σεβασμοῦ δεομένων, ὧν ἕν τι καὶ ὁ νόμος ἦν, ἐξαρνησαμένοις ἅπαντα τὰ νόμιμα;

[3] For neither a decree of the senate appoints you any longer to the magistracy, nor do the curiae give their votes concerning you, nor are there offered up to the gods before your election the sacrifices appointed by the laws, nor is anything else done in connexion with your magistracy that is holy in the eyes of the gods or right in the sight of men. What share have you, then, any longer in any of the things that are holy and call for reverence — of which the law was one — now that you have renounced everything lawful?”

[4] ταῦτά τε δὴ τοῖς δημάρχοις ἔλεγον οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ νέοι αὐτῶν καθ᾽ ἑταιρίας διεξιόντες ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπιεικεστέρους τῶν δημοτῶν ὁμιλίαις ἀνελάμβανον κεχαρισμέναις, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπειθεῖς καὶ ταραχώδεις ἀπειλαῖς κατεπλήττοντο κινδύνων, εἰ μὴ συμφρονήσειαν: ἤδη δέ τινας τῶν πάνυ ἀπόρων καὶ ἀπερριμμένων, οἷς οὐθενὸς τῶν κοινῶν παρὰ τὰ ἴδια κέρδη φροντὶς ἦν, παίοντες ὥσπερ ἀνδράποδα ἀνεῖργον ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς. [p. 8]

[4] These were the arguments that the older and the young patricians, going about the city in organized groups, used with the tribunes. The more fair-minded of the plebeians they sought to win over by friendly intercourse, and the refractory and turbulent they attempted to terrify with threats of dangers which they would incur unless they came to their senses. Indeed, in the case of some who were very poor and abject and cared naught for the public interests in comparison with their own advantage, they drove them out of the Forum with blows as if they had been slaves.

[1] ὁ δὲ πλείστους τε περὶ αὑτὸν ἔχων ἑταίρους καὶ μέγιστον τῶν τότε νέων δυνάμενος Καίσων Κοίντιος ἦν, υἱὸς Λευκίου Κοιντίου τοῦ καλουμένου Κικιννάτου, ᾧ γένος τ᾽ ἦν ἐπιφανὲς καὶ βίος οὐθενὸς δεύτερος, ἀνὴρ ὀφθῆναί τε κάλλιστος νέων καὶ τὰ πολέμια πάντων λαμπρότατος φύσει τε περὶ λόγους κεχρημένος ἀγαθῇ: ὃς ἐν τῷ τότε χρόνῳ πολὺς ἔρρει κατὰ τῶν δημοτικῶν οὔτε λόγων φειδόμενος, ὧν βαρὺ τοῖς ἐλευθέροις ἀκούειν, οὔτ᾽ ἔργων ἀκολούθων τοῖς λόγοις ἀπεχόμενος. οἱ μὲν οὖν πατρίκιοι τίμιον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις εἶχον καὶ μένειν παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ ἠξίουν αὐτοὶ παρασχεῖν τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ὑπισχνούμενοι: οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ δήμου πάντων δὴ μάλιστα αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ἐμίσουν.

[5.1] But the person who was attended with the largest number of followers and had the most influence of all the young men at that time was Caeso Quintius, the son of Lucius Quintius called Cincinnatus, a man of both illustrious birth and of a fortune inferior to none, the handsomest of youths to look upon, distinguished above all others in warfare, and possessing a natural talent for speaking. This he freely indulged at that time against the plebeians; and he neither spared words hard for free men to listen to nor refrained from deeds that matched his words. For these reasons the patricians held him in great esteem and urged him to continue on his dangerous course, promising to afford him impunity; but the plebeians hated him above all men.

[2] τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα ἔγνωσαν οἱ δήμαρχοι πρῶτον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι, ὡς καταπληξόμενοι τοὺς λοιποὺς τῶν νέων καὶ προσαναγκάσοντες σωφρονεῖν. γνόντες δὲ ταῦτα καὶ παρασκευασάμενοι λόγους τε καὶ μάρτυρας πολλοὺς εἰσάγουσιν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ δίκην ἀδικήματος δημοσίου, θανάτου τιμησάμενοι τὴν δίκην. παραγγείλαντες δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρεῖναι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἐπειδὴ καθῆκεν ὁ χρόνος, ὃν ἔταξαν τῇ δίκῃ, συναγαγόντες ἐκκλησίαν μακροὺς ἐποιήσαντο κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγους, διεξιόντες ὅσα βίᾳ διαπεπραγμένος ἐτύγχανεν εἰς τοὺς δημότας, ὧν τοὺς πεπονθότας αὐτοὺς παρῆγον μάρτυρας.

[2] This man the tribunes determined to remove out of the way first, expecting to terrify the rest of the youths and compel them to act sensibly. Having come to this decision and got ready their accusations and numerous witnesses, they brought him to trial for a crime against the state, for which they fixed death as the penalty. When they had summoned him to appear before the populace and the day they had appointed for the trial had come, they called an assembly and delivered lengthy speeches against him, enumerating all the acts of violence he had committed against the plebeians and presenting as witnesses the victims of his acts in person.

[3] ὡς δὲ παρέδωκαν τὸν λόγον, αὐτὸ μὲν τὸ μειράκιον οὐχ ὑπήκουε καλούμενον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπολογίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἠξίου τοῖς ἰδιώταις αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ ὧν ᾐτιῶντο παθεῖν [p. 9] κατὰ τὸν νόμον ὑπέχειν δίκας, ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τῆς κρίσεως γινομένης: ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ χαλεπῶς φέροντας τὴν αὐθάδειαν τοῦ μειρακίου τοὺς δημοτικοὺς ὁρῶν ἀπελογεῖτο τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ψευδῆ τε καὶ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς συγκείμενα κατὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποδεικνύς:

[3] When they gave him leave to speak, the youth himself, being called upon to make his defence, refused, but asked the right to give satisfaction to the private persons themselves for the injuries of which they accused him, the hearing to take place before the consuls. His father, however, observing that the plebeians were offended by the haughtiness of the youth, endeavoured to excuse him by showing that most of the accusations were false and deliberately invented against his son;

[4] ὅσα δ᾽ οὐκ ἐνῆν ἀρνήσασθαι μικρὰ καὶ φαῦλα καὶ οὐκ ἄξια δημοσίας ὀργῆς εἶναι λέγων καὶ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἢ δι᾽ ὕβριν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας μειρακιώδους γεγονότα ἐπιδεικνύμενος, δι᾽ ἣν πολλὰ μὲν αὐτῷ συμβῆναι δρᾶσαι τῶν ἀβουλήτων ἐν ἁψιμαχίαις, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἴσως καὶ παθεῖν, οὔτε ἡλικίας ἐν τῷ κρατίστῳ

[4] that the instances which he could not deny were slight and trivial and not deserving the resentment of the public, and that not even these had proceeded from design or insolence, but from a youthful ambition which had led him to do many unpremeditated things in scrimmages — perhaps to suffer many too — since he was neither at the prime of life nor at the best age for clear judgement.

[5] ὄντι οὔτε φρονήσεως ἐν τῷ καθαρωτάτῳ. ἠξίου τε τοὺς δημοτικοὺς μὴ μόνον ὀργὴν μὴ ἔχειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἥμαρτεν εἰς ὀλίγους, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριν εἰδέναι περὶ ὧν ἅπαντας εὖ ποιῶν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις διετέλεσε, τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις ἐλευθερίαν κτώμενος, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι ἡγεμονίαν, ἑαυτῷ δὲ εἴ ποτε ἁμάρτοι τι φιλανθρωπίαν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ βοήθειαν. καὶ διεξῄει τάς τε στρατείας πάσας καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἅπαντας, ἐξ ὧν ἀριστεῖα καὶ στεφάνους παρὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἔλαβε, πολιτῶν τε ὁπόσων ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ὑπερήσπισε καὶ

[5] And he asked the plebeians not only to entertain no resentment for the offences which he had committed against a few, but even to feel grateful for the services he had constantly rendered to them all in the wars while trying to secure liberty for his fellow citizens in private life, supremacy for his country, and for himself, if he should be guilty of any offence, friendly consideration and succour from the people generally. He proceeded to enumerate all the campaigns and all the battles in which he had received from his generals rewards of valour and crowns, how many citizens he had shielded in battle, and how often he had been the first man to scale the enemy’s walls.

[6] τείχεσι πολεμίων ὁσάκις πρῶτος ἐπέβη. τελευτῶν δ᾽ εἰς οἴκτους κατέβαινε καὶ δεήσεις, ἀντὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἐπιεικείας βίου τε, ὃς ἐμαρτυρεῖτο αὐτῷ πάσης καθαρὸς διαβολῆς, μίαν ἀπαιτῶν παρὰ τοῦ δήμου χάριν, φυλάξαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῷ. [p. 10]

[6] And at last he ended with appeals to their compassion and with entreaties; in consideration of his fairness toward all men and of his life in general, which stood approved as free from all reproach, he asked of the people one single favour — to safeguard his son for him.

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ἥδετο πάνυ τοῖς λόγοις καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τὸ μειράκιον τῷ πατρὶ πρόθυμος ἦν. ὁ δὲ Οὐεργίνιος ὁρῶν, ὅτι μὴ δόντος ἐκείνου δίκην ἀφόρητον ἔσται τὸ θράσος τῶν αὐθαδῶν μειρακίων, ἀνίσταται καί φησιν:

[6.1] The people were exceedingly pleased with this speech and were eager to grant the life of the youth to his father. But Verginius, perceiving that if he were not punished the boldness of the headstrong youths would become intolerable, rose up and said:

[2] σοὶ μέν, ὦ Κοίντιε, ἥ τε ἄλλη μαρτυρεῖται πᾶσα ἀρετὴ καὶ ἡ πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς εὔνοια, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν τὸ τιμᾶσθαί σοι πάρεστιν. ἡ δὲ τοῦ μειρακίου βαρύτης καὶ ἡ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς ὑπερηφανία παραίτησιν ἢ συγγνώμην οὐδεμίαν ἐπιδέχεται: ὅστις ὑπὸ τοῖς σοῖς ἤθεσι τραφεὶς οὕτως οὖσι δημοτικοῖς καὶ μετρίοις, ὡς ἅπαντες ἴσμεν, τῶν μὲν σῶν ὑπερεῖδεν ἐπιτηδευμάτων, τυραννικὴν δὲ αὐθάδειαν καὶ βαρβάρων ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν ἠγάπησε, καὶ πονηρῶν ἔργων ζῆλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν εἰσαγήοχεν.

[2] “As for you, Quintius, not only all your other merits, but also your goodwill toward the plebeians is amply attested, and for these you have received honour. But the offensive behaviour of this youth and his haughtiness toward us all admit of no palliation or pardon; for though nurtured in your principles, which are so democratic and moderate, as we are all aware, he despised your ways of life and grew fond of a tyrannical arrogance and a barbarian insolence, and has introduced into our commonwealth an emulation of base deeds.

[3] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐλάνθανέ σε τοιοῦτος ὤν, νῦν ὅτ᾽ ἔγνωκας ἀγανακτεῖν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν δίκαιος ἂν εἴης: εἰ δὲ συνῄδεις τε καὶ συνέπραττες οἷς προεπηλάκιζε τὴν τῶν πενήτων πολιτῶν τύχην, πονηρὸς ἄρα καὶ αὐτὸς ἦσθα, καὶ ἡ τῆς καλοκἀγαθίας δόξα οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου σοι περιγέγονεν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅτι ἠγνόεις αὐτὸν οὐκ ὄντα τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἄξιον, ἐγώ σοι τοῦτ᾽ ἔχω μαρτυρεῖν. ἀπολύων δέ σε τοῦ τότε συναδικεῖν ἡμᾶς μέμφομαι τοῦ

[3] If, therefore, you were unaware hitherto of his character, now that you know it, you ought in justice to be indignant on our account; but if you were privy to and took part in the foul abuse he was wont to pour out upon the unhappy lot of the poor citizens, then you too were base and did not deserve the reputation for uprightness that has come to you. But that you did not know him to be unworthy of your excellence I myself can bear you witness. Nevertheless, though I acquit you of joining with him in injuring us at that time, I blame you for not joining with us now in resenting those injuries.

[4] νῦν ἡμῖν μὴ συναγανακτεῖν. ἵνα δὲ μᾶλλον μάθῃς, ἡλίκον ἄρα τῇ πόλει κακὸν ἐπιτρέφων ἐλάνθανες, ὡς ὠμὸν καὶ τυραννικὸν καὶ οὐδὲ φόνου πολιτικοῦ καθαρόν, ἄκουσον αὐτοῦ φιλότιμον ἔργον καὶ ἀντιπαρεξέτασον [p. 11] αὐτῷ τὰς ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀριστείας: καὶ ὑμῶν ὅσοι συνεπαθεῖτε ἀρτίως οἰκτιζομένῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ σκοπεῖτε, εἰ ἄρα καλῶς ὑμῖν ἔχει τοιούτου φείσασθαι πολίτου.

[4] And that you may know better how great a bane you have reared up unwittingly against the commonwealth, how cruel and tyrannical and not even free from the murder of his fellow citizens, listen to an ambitious exploit of his and balance it against the rewards of valour he received in the wars. And as many of you plebeians as were just now affected with the compassion which this man endeavoured to arouse, consider whether it is after all well for you to spare such a citizen.”

[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀνίστησιν ἐκ τῶν συναρχόντων Μάρκον Οὐολούσκιον καὶ λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν, ἃ σύνοιδε τῷ μειρακίῳ. σιωπῆς δὲ γενομένης καὶ πολλῆς ἐξ ἁπάντων προσδοκίας μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν ὁ Οὐολούσκιος εἶπεν:

[7.1] Having spoken thus, he asked Marcus Volscius, one of his colleagues, to rise up and tell what he knew about the youth. When all had become silent and full of expectation, Volscius, after a short pause, said:

[2] ἐγὼ μάλιστα ἐβουλόμην ἄν, ὦ πολῖται, δίκην ἰδίαν, ἣν ὁ νόμος δίδωσί μοι, παρὰ τούτου λαβεῖν δεινὰ καὶ πέρα δεινῶν πεπονθώς: κωλυθεὶς δὲ τούτου τυχεῖν διὰ πενίαν καὶ ἀσθένειαν καὶ τὸ τῶν πολλῶν εἷς εἶναι, νῦν γ᾽ ἡνίκα ἔξεστί μοι τὸ τοῦ μάρτυρος σχῆμα, ἐπειδὴ οὐ τὸ τοῦ κατηγόρου, λήψομαι. ἃ δὲ

[2] “I should have preferred, citizens, to receive from this man private satisfaction, such as the law affords me, for the terrible and worse than terrible wrongs I have suffered; but having been prevented from obtaining this by reason of poverty and lack of influence and because of my being one of the common crowd, now, when it is possible, I shall take the rôle of a witness, since I can not take that of an accuser. Hear from me, then, the things I have suffered, how cruel, how irreparable they were.

[3] πέπονθα, ὡς ὠμὰ καὶ ἀνήκεστα, ἀκούσατέ μου. ἀδελφὸς ἦν μοι Λεύκιος, ὃν ἐγὼ πάντων ἀνθρώπων μᾶλλον ἠγάπησα. οὗτός μοι συνεδείπνει παρὰ φίλῳ, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀναστάντες τῆς ἐχομένης νυκτὸς ᾠχόμεθα. διεληλυθόσι δ᾽ ἡμῖν τὴν ἀγορὰν περιτυγχάνει Καίσων οὑτοσὶ κωμάζων σὺν ἑτέροις ἀγερώχοις μειρακίοις. καὶ οὗτοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔσκωπτόν τε καὶ ὕβριζον εἰς ἡμᾶς, οἷα μεθύοντες ἂν νέοι καὶ αὐθάδεις ὡς ἂν εἰς ταπεινοὺς καὶ πένητας ὑβρίσαιεν, ὡς δ᾽ ἠγανακτοῦμεν πρὸς αὐτούς, ἐλεύθερον ῥῆμα εἰς τοῦτον εἶπε. δεινὸν [p. 12] δ᾽ ἡγησάμενος οὑτοσὶ Καίσων ἀκοῦσαί τι, ὧν οὐκ ἐβούλετο, προσδραμὼν αὐτῷ παίων καὶ λακτίζων καὶ πᾶσαν ἄλλην ὠμότητα καὶ ὕβριν ἐνδεικνύμενος ἀποκτείνει.

[3] I had a brother, Lucius, whom I loved above all men. He and I supped with a friend and afterwards, as night came on, we rose and departed. When we had passed through the Forum, Caeso here fell in with us as he was revelling with other insolent youths. At first they laughed at us and abused us, as young men when drunk and arrogant are apt to abuse the humble and poor; and when we were vexed at them, Lucius spoke out frankly to this man. But Caeso here, thinking it outrageous to have anything said to him that he did not like, ran up to him, and beating and kicking him and showing every other form of cruelty and abuse, killed him.

[4] ἐμοῦ δὲ κεκραγότος καὶ ἀμυνομένου τοσαῦτα ὅσα ἐδυνάμην, ἐκεῖνον ἤδη νεκρὸν κείμενον ἀφεὶς ἐμὲ πάλιν ἔπαιε καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐπαύσατο, πρὶν ἀκίνητόν τε καὶ ἄφωνον εἶδεν ἐρριμμένον, δόξας εἶναι νεκρόν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οὗτος μὲν ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο χαίρων ὥσπερ ἐπὶ καλῷ ἔργῳ: ἡμᾶς δὲ οἱ παραγενόμενοι μετὰ ταῦτα αἵματι πεφυρμένους αἴρουσι καὶ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀπεκόμισαν, τὸν μὲν ἀδελφόν μου Λεύκιον νεκρόν, ὥσπερ ἔφην, ἐμὲ δὲ ἡμιθανῆ καὶ ἐλπίδας ἔχοντα τοῦ ζῆν ὀλίγας.

[4] And when I cried out and was doing all I could to defend him, Caeso, leaving my brother Lucius where he already lay dead, fell to beating me in turn, and ceased not until he saw me cast down upon the ground motionless and speechless, so that he took me to be dead. After that he went away rejoicing, as if over a noble deed. As for us, some persons who came along later took us up, covered with blood, and carried us home, my brother being dead, as I said, and I half dead and having little hope of living.

[5] ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐγένετο Ποπλίου Σερουιλίου καὶ Λευκίου Αἰβουτίου τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐχόντων, ὅτε ἡ μεγάλη νόσος κατέλαβε τὴν πόλιν, ἧς ἀπελαύσαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀμφότεροι. τότε μὲν οὖν δίκην οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ ἦν μοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν τεθνηκότων ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ὑπάτων: Λευκίου δὲ Λοκρητίου καὶ Τίτου Οὐετουρίου παραλαβόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν ὑπὸ δίκην ἐκωλύθην διὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ἐκλελοιπότων ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ὑπάτων τὴν πόλιν.

[5] This happened in the consulship of Publius Servilius and Lucius Aebutius, when the city was attacked by the great pestilence, which both of us caught. At that time, therefore, it was not possible for me to obtain justice against him, since both consuls were dead; then, when Lucius Lucretius and Titus Veturius had succeeded to the office, I wished to bring him to trial, but was prevented by the war, both consuls having left the city.

[6] ὡς δὲ ἀνέστρεψαν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας, πολλάκις αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν καλῶν, ὁσάκις προσέλθοιμι — καὶ ταῦτα δὴ πολλοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ἴσασι — πληγὰς ἐλάμβανον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἃ πέπονθα, ὦ δημόται, μετὰ πάσης ἀληθείας εἰρημένα πρὸς ὑμᾶς. [p. 13]

[6] After they returned from the campaign, I often cited him to appear before those magistrates, but as often as I approached them — as many of the citizens know — I received blows from him. These are the things I have suffered, plebeians, and I have related them to you with complete truthfulness.”

[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ κραυγή τε ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἐγένετο καὶ ὁρμὴ πολλῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς δίκην. ἀλλ᾽ οἵ τε ὕπατοι ἐμποδὼν ἐγένοντο καὶ τῶν δημάρχων οἱ πλείους πονηρὸν ἔθος οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσάγειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον οὐ βουλόμενον ἀποστερεῖν λόγου τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγωνιζομένους.

[8.1] After he had finished speaking, an outcry arose from those who were present and many rushed to take vengeance out of hand; but they were prevented both by the consuls and also by the majority of the tribunes, who were unwilling to introduce a pernicious custom into the commonwealth. Indeed, the most honourable element among the plebeians too was unwilling to deprive of a defence those who were in jeopardy of their lives.

[2] τότε μὲν οὖν ἐπέσχε τὴν τῶν θρασυτέρων ὁρμὴν ἡ τοῦ δικαίου πρόνοια, καὶ ἀναβολὴν ἔλαβεν ἡ δίκη, οὐ μικρᾶς ἐμπεσούσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ ζητήσεως ὑπὲρ τοῦ σώματος, εἴτ᾽ ἐν δεσμοῖς αὐτὸ δεῖ φυλάττεσθαι τέως, εἴτ᾽ ἐγγυητὰς δοῦναι τῆς ἀφίξεως, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ἠξίου: καὶ ἡ βουλὴ συνελθοῦσα ἐψηφίσατο χρήμασι διεγγυηθὲν ἐλεύθερον εἶναι τὸ σῶμα μέχρι δίκης.

[2] Upon this occasion, therefore, a regard for justice restrained the impulse of the bolder spirits, and the trial was put off; though no small contest and questioning arose concerning the defendant’s person, whether he should be kept in chains in the meantime or should give sureties for his appearance, as his father required. The senate, assembling, ordered that if bail were offered his person should be free till the trial.

[3] τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ συναγαγόντες οἱ δήμαρχοι τὸ πλῆθος, ἐκλιπόντος τοῦ μειρακίου τὴν δίκην, ἐκύρωσαν τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ψῆφον καὶ τοὺς ἐγγυητὰς δέκα ὄντας ἐπράξαντο τὰ περὶ τοῦ σώματος τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως ὁμολογηθέντα χρήματα.

[3] The next day the tribunes assembled the populace and, the youth not appearing for trial, they caused a vote to be passed for his condemnation and compelled his sureties, ten in number, to pay over the sums agreed upon in case of their failure to produce his person.

[4] Καίσων μὲν οὖν τοιαύτῃ περιπεσὼν ἐπιβουλῇ, κατασκευασαμένων ἅπαντα τῶν δημάρχων καὶ Οὐολουσκίου ψευδῆ μαρτυρήσαντος, ὡς ἐγένετο φανερὸν σὺν χρόνῳ, φεύγων εἰς Τυρρηνίαν ᾤχετο: ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς οὐσίας ἀπεμπολήσας καὶ τὰ ὁμολογηθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγγυητῶν χρήματα ἀποδοὺς ἑαυτῷ χωρίον ἓν μικρὸν ὑπολειπόμενος πέραν τοῦ Τεβέριος ποταμοῦ, [p. 14] ἐν ᾧ ταπεινή τις ἦν καλύβη, γεωργῶν αὐτόθι μετὰ δούλων ὀλίγων ἐπίπονον καὶ ταλαίπωρον ἔζη βίον ὑπὸ λύπης τε καὶ πενίας, οὔτε πόλιν ὁρῶν οὔτε φίλους ἀσπαζόμενος οὔθ᾽ ἑορτάζων οὔτ᾽ ἄλλης εὐφροσύνης οὐδεμιᾶς ἑαυτῷ μεταδιδούς.

[4] Caeso, accordingly, having fallen a victim to a plot of this sort — for the tribunes had contrived the whole business and Volscius had borne false witness, as became clear later — went into exile in Tyrrhenia. His father sold the greater part of his estate and repaid the sureties the sums agreed upon, leaving nothing for himself but one small farm lying on the other side of the river Tiber, on which there was an humble cottage; and there, cultivating the farm with the help of a few slaves, he led a laborious and miserable life because of his grief and poverty, neither visiting the city nor greeting his friends nor taking part in the festivals nor allowing himself any other pleasure.

[5] τοῖς μέντοι δημάρχοις πολὺ τὸ παράλογον ἐγένετο τῆς ἐλπίδος. οὐ γὰρ ὅπως ἐπαύσατο ἡ τῶν νέων φιλοτιμία σωφρονισθεῖσα τῇ Καίσωνος συμφορᾷ, πολὺ δὲ χαλεπωτέρα καὶ πλείων ἐγένετο ἔργοις τε καὶ λόγοις καταγωνιζομένη τὸν νόμον: ὥστ᾽ οὐθὲν ἔτι αὐτοῖς ἐξεγένετο διαπράξασθαι δαπανηθέντος εἰς ταῦτα τοῦ χρόνου τῆς ἀρχῆς. ὁ μέντοι δῆμος εἰς τὸν ἐπιόντα πάλιν ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρχοντας ἀπέδειξεν αὐτούς.

[5] The tribunes, however, were greatly disappointed in their expectations; for the contentiousness of the young men, far from being chastened by the unhappy fate of Caeso, grew much more vexatious and excessive as they fought the law with both actions and words. The result was that the tribunes were unable to accomplish anything more, the whole time of their magistracy being taken up with these contests. The populace, however, chose them again as their magistrates for the following year.

[1] Ποπλίου δὲ Οὐαλερίου Ποπλικόλα καὶ Γαΐου Κλαυδίου Σαβίνου τὴν ὑπατικὴν ἐξουσίαν παραλαβόντων κίνδυνος ὅσος οὔπω τὴν Ῥώμην κατέσχεν ἐξ ἀλλοεθνοῦς πολέμου, ὃν παρήγαγεν ἐντὸς τείχους ἡ πολιτικὴ στάσις, ὡς οἵ τε Σιβύλλειοι χρησμοὶ προὔλεγον καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ δαιμονίου φανέντα προεθέσπισε τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ. διηγήσομαι δὲ τήν τε αἰτίαν, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ὁ πόλεμος εἰσῆλθε, καὶ τὰ πραχθέντα τοῖς ὑπάτοις κατὰ τὸν τότε ἀγῶνα.

[9.1] When Publius Valerius Publicola and Gaius Claudius Sabinus had assumed the consular power, a danger greater than ever before came upon Rome from a foreign war; and it was brought upon her by the civil dissension inside the walls, as both the Sibylline oracles and the portents sent by Heaven had foretold the year before. I shall relate not only the cause from which the war arose, but also the action taken by the consuls during that contest.

[2] οἱ παρειληφότες τὸ δεύτερον τὴν δημαρχίαν ἐπὶ τῇ ἐλπίδι τοῦ κυρώσειν τὸν νόμον, ὁρῶντες τῶν τε ὑπάτων τὸν ἕτερον, Γάιον Κλαύδιον, ἔμφυτον τὸ πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς ἔχοντα μῖσος διὰ προγόνων καὶ παρεσκευασμένον ἁπάσῃ μηχανῇ κωλύειν τὰ γινόμενα, τῶν τε νέων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους εἰς ἀπόνοιαν φανερὰν προεληλυθότας, οὓς οὐκ ἐνῆν τῷ βιαίῳ καταγωνίσασθαι, μάλιστα δὲ τοῦ [p. 15] δήμου τὸ πλεῖον ὑποκατακλινόμενον ταῖς θεραπείαις τῶν πατρικίων καὶ προθυμίαν οὐκέτι περὶ τοῦ νόμου τὴν αὐτὴν παρεχόμενον, ἰταμωτέραν ὁδὸν ἔγνωσαν ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα πορεύεσθαι, δι᾽ ἧς καταπλήξονται μὲν τὸν δῆμον, ἀναβαλοῦσι δὲ τὸν ὕπατον.

[2] The men who had assumed tribuneship for the second time in the hope of securing the ratification of the law, observing that one of the consuls, Gaius Claudius, had an inborn hatred of the plebeians, inherited from his ancestors, and was prepared to defeat the plans afoot by every possible means, that the most influential of the youths had reached the point of open desperation, with no possibility of their being subdued by forcible means, and above all, that most of the populace were yielding to the blandishments of the patricians and no longer exhibiting the same zeal for the law, resolved to take a bolder course toward their goal, by which they expected to dumbfound the populace and unseat the consul.

[3] πρῶτον μὲν κατεσκεύασαν φήμας λέγεσθαι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν παντοδαπάς: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ καθεζόμενοι δι᾽ ὅλης ἡμέρας συνήδρευον ἐν τῷ φανερῷ, μεταδιδόντες οὐθενὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν οὔτε βουλεύματος οὔτε λόγου. ἐπεὶ δὲ καιρὸς ἐπιτήδειος ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς εἶναι πράττειν τὰ βεβουλευμένα, πλασάμενοι γράμματα καὶ ταῦτα παρασκευάσαντες ἀναδοθῆναι σφίσιν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀγνῶτος καθημένοις ἐν ἀγορᾷ, ὡς διῆλθον αὐτά, παίοντες τὰ μέτωπα καὶ

[3] First, then, they caused all manner of rumours to be spread throughout the city; afterwards they sat in council publicly throughout the whole day from early morning without admitting any outsiders to their counsels and discussions. Then, when it seemed to them to be the proper time for putting their plans into execution, they forged letters and contrived to have these delivered to them by an unknown person as they sat in the Forum; and as soon as they had perused them, they sprang up, beating their foreheads and assuming downcast countenances.

[4] κατηφεῖς τὰς ὄψεις ποιήσαντες ἀνίστανται. πολλοῦ δὲ συνδραμόντος ὄχλου καὶ μέγα τι κακὸν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐνεῖναι γεγραμμένον μαντευομένου σιωπὴν προκηρύξαντες εἶπον: ἐν ἐσχάτοις ἐστὶν ὑμῖν κινδύνοις, ὦ πολῖται, τὸ δημοτικόν: καὶ εἰ μὴ θεῶν τις εὔνοια προείδετο τῶν ἄδικα πάσχειν μελλόντων, εἰς δεινὰς ἂν ἅπαντες ἤλθομεν συμφοράς. αἰτούμεθα δὲ ὑμᾶς βραχὺν ἐπισχεῖν χρόνον, ἕως τῇ βουλῇ δηλώσωμεν τὰ προσαγγελθέντα καὶ μετὰ κοινῆς γνώμης πράξωμεν τὰ

[4] And when a large crowd had flocked together and was conjecturing that some dreadful intelligence was contained in the letters, they ordered the heralds to proclaim silence and then said: “Your plebeians are in the gravest peril, citizens; and if some benevolence of the gods had not provided for those who were on the point of suffering injustice, we should all have fallen into dire calamities. We ask you to have a little patience till we acquaint the senate with the information we have received and after consulting with them take the necessary measures.”

[5] δέοντα. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντες ᾤχοντο πρὸς τοὺς ὑπάτους. ἐν ὅσῳ δὲ ἡ βουλὴ συνήγετο χρόνῳ, πολλοὶ καὶ παντοδαποὶ λόγοι κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐγίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ἐκ [p. 16] παρασκευῆς ἃ παρηγγέλλετο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων κατὰ συστροφὰς λαλούντων, τῶν δέ, ἃ μάλιστα ἐδεδοίκεσαν μὴ γένηται, ταῦτα ὡς ἀπηγγελμένα τοῖς δημάρχοις λεγόντων.

[5] Having spoken this, they went to the consuls. While the senate was assembling, many reports of all kinds circulated in the Forum, as some persons, by previous arrangement, talking in groups, retailed the stories suggested to them by the tribunes, and others named the things they most dreaded to have happen as the matters that had been reported to the tribunes.

[6] ἔφη δ᾽ ὁ μέν τις Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Οὐολούσκους ὑποδεξαμένους Καίσωνα Κοίντιον τὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου καταδικασθέντα ᾑρῆσθαι στρατηγὸν αὐτοκράτορα τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πολλὰς δυνάμεις ἀγείραντα μέλλειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλαύνειν: ὁ δέ τις ἀπὸ κοινῆς γνώμης τῶν πατρικίων τὸν ἄνδρα κατάγεσθαι ξενικαῖς δυνάμεσιν, ἵνα ἡ φυλακὴ καταλυθείῃ νῦν τε καὶ εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον τῶν δημοτικῶν: ὁ δέ τις οὐχ ἅπαντας εἶναι τοὺς πατρικίους ἔφη τοὺς ταῦτα βεβουλευμένους,

[6] One said that the Aequians and the Volscians, having received Caeso Quintius, the man condemned by the populace, had chosen him general of both nations with absolute power, had raised numerous forces, and were upon the point of marching on Rome; another said that by the concerted plan of the patricians he was being brought back by foreign troops in order that the magistracy which was the guardian of the plebeians might be abolished now and forever; and still another said that not all the patricians had decided on this course, but only the young men.

[7] ἀλλὰ μόνους τοὺς νέους. ἐτόλμων δέ τινες λέγειν, ὅτι καὶ ἐντὸς τῆς πόλεως ὁ ἀνὴρ εἴη κρυπτόμενος καὶ μέλλοι καταλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν τόπων τοὺς ἐπικαιροτάτους. ὅλης δὲ κραδαινομένης ἐπὶ τῇ προσδοκίᾳ τῶν δεινῶν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ πάντων ἀλλήλους ἐχόντων δι᾽ ὑποψίας καὶ φυλακῆς, οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι τὴν βουλὴν ἐκάλουν, οἱ δὲ δήμαρχοι παρελθόντες ἐδείκνυσαν τὰ προσαγγελλόμενα. ἦν δὲ ὁ τοὺς λόγους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ποιούμενος Αὖλος Οὐεργίνιος καὶ ἔλεξε τοιάδε:

[7] Some ventured to state that Caeso was actually inside the city, in hiding, and was about to seize the most advantageous positions. While the whole city was shaken by expectation of these calamities and all men suspected and were on their guard against one another, the consuls assembled the senate, and the tribunes, going in, acquainted them with the reports that were being received. The one who addressed them on behalf of the others was Aulus Verginius, and he spoke as follows:

[1] ὅσον μὲν χρόνον οὐθὲν ἀκριβὲς ἡμῖν ἐφαίνετο τῶν προσαγγελλομένων δεινῶν, ἀλλὰ φῆμαι μετέωροι, καὶ τὸ βεβαιῶσον αὐτὰς οὐθὲν ἦν, ὠκνοῦμεν, ὦ βουλή, φέρειν τοὺς περὶ αὐτῶν λόγους εἰς μέσον, ταραχάς τε ὑποπτεύοντες ἔσεσθαι μεγάλας, [p. 17] οἷα εἰκὸς ἐπὶ δεινοῖς ἀκούσμασι, καὶ δι᾽ εὐλαβείας ἔχοντες, μὴ ταχύτερα δόξωμεν ὑμῖν βεβουλεῦσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ φρονιμώτερα.

[10.1] “As long as there seemed to us to be nothing definite about the dangers that were being reported, but there were only vague rumours and nothing to confirm them, we were reluctant, senators, to lay before you the reports about them, both because we suspected there would be great disturbances, as would be likely in a time of dreadful rumours, and also because we were afraid of appearing to you to have acted with greater precipitancy than prudence.

[2] οὐ μὴν ὀλιγωρίᾳ γ᾽ αὐτὰ παραδόντες ἀφήκαμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅση δύναμις ἡμῖν ἦν ἐπιμελῆ ζήτησιν ἐποιούμεθα τῆς ἀληθείας. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ τοῦ δαιμονίου πρόνοια, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἀεὶ σωζόμεθα κοινῇ, καλῶς ποιοῦσα τὰ κεκρυμμένα βουλεύματα καὶ τὰς ἀνοσίους ἐπιχειρήσεις τῶν θεοῖς ἐχθρῶν εἰς φῶς ἄγει, καὶ γράμματα πάρεστιν ἡμῖν, ἃ δεδέγμεθα νεωστὶ παρὰ ξένων εὔνοιαν ἡμῖν ἐνδεικνυμένων, οὓς ὕστερον ἀκούσεσθε, καὶ συντρέχει τε καὶ συνᾴδει τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπιστελλομένοις τὰ ἐνθένδε μηνυόμενα, καὶ τὰ πράγματα οὐκέτι μέλλησιν οὐδ᾽ ἀναβολὴν ἐν χερσὶν ὄντα ἐπιδέχεται, πρὶν εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐξενεγκεῖν, ὑμῖν πρώτοις ὥσπερ ἐστὶ δίκαιον ἀπαγγεῖλαι διέγνωμεν αὐτά.

[2] We did not, however, ignore or neglect these reports, but inquired with all possible diligence into the truth of them. And since the divine providence, by which our commonwealth is ever preserved, is rightly bringing to light the hidden plans and wicked attempts of those who are enemies to the gods; since we have letters, just now received from foreign friends, who thus show their goodwill to us and whose names you shall later hear; since information given here at home coincides and agrees with the reports sent in from outside; and since these matters no longer admit of delay or postponement, being at our very doors, we have decided to report them to you, as is proper, before laying them before the populace.

[3] ἴστε δὴ συνωμοσίαν ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ γεγενημένην ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἀφανῶν, ἐν οἷς ἐνεῖναι μέν τι λέγεται μέρος οὐ πολὺ καὶ τῶν εἰς τόδε συλλεγομένων τὸ συνέδριον πρεσβυτέρων, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἐκ τῶν ἔξω τῆς βουλῆς ἱππέων, οὓς οὔπω καιρὸς οἵτινές εἰσιν ὑμῖν λέγειν.

[3] Know, then, that a conspiracy has been formed against the populace by men of prominence, among whom, it is said, there is a small number — not many — even of the older men who meet in this chamber, though the larger number are knights who are not members of the senate, whose names it is not yet the time to tell you.

[4] μέλλουσι δ᾽ οὖν, ὡς πυνθανόμεθα, σκοταίαν φυλάξαντες νύκτα κοιμωμένοις ἡμῖν ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἡνίκα οὔτε προιδεῖν τι τῶν γινομένων οὔτε φυλάξασθαι καθ᾽ ἓν γενόμενοι δυνάμεθα: ἐπιπεσόντες δὲ ταῖς οἰκίαις τούς τε δημάρχους ἡμᾶς κατασφάττειν καὶ τῶν δημοτῶν ἄλλους τοὺς ἐναντιωθέντας ποτὲ αὐτοῖς περὶ [p. 18] ἐλευθερίας ἢ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐναντιωσομένους. ὅταν δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκποδὼν ποιήσωνται, τότ᾽ ἤδη κατὰ πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἡγοῦνται διαπράξασθαι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν τὰ λοιπὰ ἀναιρεθῆναι διὰ κοινοῦ ψηφίσματος τὰς γενομένας ὑμῖν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ὁμολογίας.

[4] They intend, now, as we learn, to take advantage of a dark night and attack us while we are asleep, when we can neither provide against anything that is taking place nor get together in a body to defend ourselves, and, rushing into our houses, to cut the throats, not only of us tribunes, but of all the other plebeians also who have ever opposed them in defence of their liberty or may oppose them for the future.

[5] ὁρῶντες δέ, ὅτι ξενικῆς αὐτοῖς χειρὸς εἰς τὰ πράγματα δεῖ κρύφα παρασκευασθείσης καὶ οὐδὲ ταύτης μετρίας, ἄνδρα προσειλήφασιν εἰς ταῦτα τῶν ὑμετέρων φυγάδων Καίσωνα Κοίντιον ἡγεμόνα, ὃν ἐπὶ φόνοις πολιτῶν καὶ διαστάσει τῆς πόλεως ἐξελεγχθέντα διεπράξαντό τινες τῶν ἐνθάδε μὴ δοῦναι δίκην, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθῷον ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, κάθοδόν τε πράξειν ὑπέσχηνται καὶ ἀρχὰς προτείνονται καὶ τιμὰς καὶ ἄλλους μισθοὺς τῆς ὑπουργίας.

[5] And after they have made away with us, they believe that then at last they will easily bring about the abrogation, by a unanimous vote on your part, of the compacts you made with the populace. But perceiving that they need for their purpose a body of foreign troops secretly got in readiness — and that no moderate force — they have to this end adopted as their leader one of your exiles, Caeso Quintius, a man whom, though convicted of the murder of his fellow citizens and of raising a sedition in the state, some of the members of this body contrived to save from paying the penalty, letting him go out of the city unharmed, and have promised to restore him to his country and are offering him magistracies and honours and other rewards for his help.

[6] κἀκεῖνος ὑπέσχηται στρατιὰν αὐτοῖς Αἰκανῶν καὶ Οὐολούσκων ἄξειν ἐπίκουρον, ὅσης ἂν δεηθῶσιν: ἥξει τε οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπαγόμενος τοὺς εὐτολμοτάτους κρύφα κατ᾽ ὀλίγους εἰσάγων καὶ σποράδας, ἡ δ᾽ ἄλλη δύναμις, ὅταν οἱ τοῦ δήμου προεστηκότες ἡμεῖς διαφθαρῶμεν, ἐπὶ τὸ ἄλλο πλῆθος τῶν πενήτων χωρήσει, ἐάν τινες ἄρα περιέχωνται τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[6] And he on his part has promised to bring to their assistance as large a force of the Aequians and Volscians as they shall ask for. He himself will soon appear at the head of the most daring, whom he will introduce into the city secretly, a few at a time and in small bodies; the rest of the force, as soon as we who are the leaders of the populace are destroyed, will fall next upon the rest of the poor, if any of them cling to their liberty.

[7] ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἃ βεβούλευνται ὑπὸ σκότους καὶ μέλλουσι δρᾶν, ὦ βουλή, δεινὰ καὶ ἀνόσια ἔργα, οὔτε θεῖον φοβηθέντες χόλον οὔτε ἀνθρωπίνην ἐντραπέντες νέμεσιν. [p. 19]

[7] These are the dreadful and wicked plans, senators, which they have concocted under cover of darkness and intend to carry out without either fearing the anger of the gods or heeding the indignation of men.

[1] ἐν τοσούτῳ δὴ κινδύνῳ σαλεύοντες ἱκέται γινόμεθα ὑμῶν, ὦ πατέρες, ἐπισκήπτοντες θεούς τε καὶ δαίμονας, οἷς κοινῇ θύομεν, καὶ πολέμων ὑπομιμνήσκοντες, οὓς πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους σὺν ὑμῖν ἠράμεθα, μὴ περιιδεῖν ὠμὰ καὶ ἀνόσια ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν παθόντας ἡμᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαμῦναί τε καὶ συναγανακτῆσαι τιμωρίας ἡμῖν συνεισπράξαντας παρὰ τῶν ταῦτα βουλευσαμένων τὰς προσηκούσας, μάλιστα μὲν παρὰ πάντων, εἰ δὲ μή γε, παρὰ τῶν ἀρξάντων τῆς ἀθεμίτου συνωμοσίας.

[11.1] “Being tossed about on such a rough sea of perils, fathers, we come to you as suppliants, calling to witness the gods and lesser divinities to whom we sacrifice in common; and reminding you of the many great wars we have waged side by side with you, we implore you not to allow us to suffer this cruel and wicked fate at the hands of our enemies, but to assist us and share our indignation, joining with us in exacting suitable punishment from those who have formed these designs — from all of them preferably, but if that may not be, then at least from the authors of this nefarious conspiracy.

[2] πρῶτον δὲ πάντων ἀξιοῦμεν ὑμᾶς, ὦ βουλή, ψηφίσασθαι πρᾶγμα, ὅπερ ἐστὶ δικαιότατον, τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν μηνυομένων ζήτησιν ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τῶν δημάρχων γίνεσθαι. χωρὶς γὰρ τοῦ δικαίου καὶ ἀκριβεστάτας ἀνάγκη γίνεσθαι ζητήσεις, ἃς ἂν οἱ κινδυνεύοντες ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν ποιήσωνται.

[2] First of all we ask, senators, that you will pass a measure that is in every respect just, to the effect that the investigation of the matters of which we have been informed shall be conducted by us, the tribunes. For, apart from the justice of this request, those investigations are bound to be strictest which are made by those whose own lives soldier in danger.

[3] εἰ δέ τινες ὑμῶν εἰσιν οἷοι μηδὲ καθ᾽ ἓν εὐγνωμονεῖν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου λέγοντας ἀντιτάττεσθαι, ἡδέως ἂν πυθοίμην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ τῷ δυσχεραίνουσι τῶν ἀξιουμένων καὶ τί μέλλουσιν ὑμᾶς πείθειν: πότερα μηδεμίαν ποιεῖσθαι ζήτησιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεριδεῖν ἔργον οὕτω μέγα καὶ μιαρὸν ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ συνιστάμενον; καὶ τίς ἂν τοὺς ταῦτα λέγοντας ὑγιαίνειν φήσειεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ συνδιεφθάρθαι καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῆς συνωμοσίας, ἔπειτα ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν δεδιότας, ἵνα μὴ γένωνται καταφανεῖς, ἀποσπεύδειν τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἐξέτασιν; οἷς οὐκ ἂν δικαίως προσέχοιτε δήπου τὸν νοῦν.

[3] If there are any among you who are not disposed to show a conciliatory spirit at all, but oppose every man who speaks in favour of the populace, I should like to inquire of them what there is in our demands that displeases them and what course they intend to recommend to you. Will it be to make no investigation whatever, but to ignore so awful and abominable a plot that is forming against the populace? Yet who would say that those who take that line are honest, and are not rather tainted with the same corruption and sharers in the conspiracy, and then, because they are afraid they will be discovered, vigorously oppose the inquiry into the truth? To such, surely, you would not rightly pay any heed.

[4] ἢ τῆς διαγνώσεως τῶν μηνυομένων οὐχ ἡμᾶς εἶναι κυρίους ἀξιώσουσιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τοὺς [p. 20] ὑπάτους; τί οὖν τὸ κωλύον ἔσται τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς προεστηκότας τοῦ δήμου λέγειν, ἐάν τινες ἐκ τῶν δημοτικῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις καὶ τῇ βουλῇ συστάντες πράττωσι τὴν τοῦ συνεδρίου κατάλυσιν, ὅτι τὴν περὶ τῶν δημοτῶν ἐξέτασιν αὐτοὺς δίκαιόν ἐστι ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀνειληφότας τὴν τοῦ δήμου φυλακήν; τί οὖν ἐκ τούτου συμβήσεται; μηδεμίαν πώποτε γενέσθαι ζήτησιν περὶ μηθενὸς πράγματος ἀπορρήτου.

[4] Or will they demand that those who are to have authority to determine the truth of these reports shall be, not we, the tribunes, but the senate and the consuls? What, then, is to prevent the leaders of the populace also from saying the same thing in case some plebeians, conspiring against the consuls and the senate, should plot the abolition of the latter — that, namely, the investigation of the plebeians would justly be made by the very men who have assumed the protection of the populace? What, then, will be the consequence of this procedure? Why, that no inquiry will ever be made into any secret matter.

[5] ἀλλ᾽ οὔθ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἂν ταῦτ᾽ ἀξιώσαιμεν: ὕποπτος γὰρ ἡ φιλοτιμία: ὑμεῖς τ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ὀρθῶς ποιοῖτε τοῖς τὰ ὅμοια ἀξιοῦσι καθ᾽ ἡμῶν προσέχοντες τὸν νοῦν, ἀλλὰ κοινοὺς ἡγούμενοι τῆς πόλεως ἐχθρούς. οὐδενὸς μέντοιγε, ὦ βουλή, τοῖς πράγμασιν ὡς τάχους δεῖ. ὁ γὰρ κίνδυνος ὀξύς, καὶ ἡ μέλλησις τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἄωρος ἐν οὐ μέλλουσι δεινοῖς. ὥστ᾽ ἀφέντες τὸ φιλονεικεῖν καὶ λόγους διεξιέναι μακροὺς ψηφίσασθε ὅ τι ἂν δοκῇ κοινῇ συμφέρειν ἤδη.

[5] But, just as we would never make this demand — for partisan zeal arouses suspicion — so you would not be doing right in paying heed to those who insist upon the same course against us; on the contrary, you should look upon them as the common enemies of the state. However, senators, nothing is so necessary in the present juncture as haste; for the danger is acute, and delay in providing for our security is unseasonable in the presence of dangers that delay not. Do you, therefore, putting aside your rivalry and your long harangues, pass at once whatever decree seems conducive to the public good.”

[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ πολλή τις ἔκπληξις κατέσχε τὸ συνέδριον καὶ ἀμηχανία: διελογίζοντό τε καὶ συνελάλουν ἀλλήλοις, ὡς χαλεπὸν ἑκάτερον ἦν, καὶ τὸ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς δημάρχοις ζητήσεις ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ποιεῖσθαι περὶ κοινοῦ καὶ μεγάλου πράγματος, καὶ τὸ μὴ συγχωρεῖν. ὑποπτεύσας δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν γνώμην ἀνέστη τῶν ὑπάτων ἅτερος, Γάιος Κλαύδιος καὶ

[12.1] When he had thus spoken, great consternation and embarrassment came upon the senate. They discussed and talked over with one another the difficulty of either course — either to grant or to refuse the tribunes permission to make investigations by themselves of a matter of general concern and great importance. And one of the consuls, Gaius Claudius, suspecting their intentions, rose up and spoke as follows:

[2] ἔλεξε τοιάδε: οὐ δέδοικα, Οὐεργίνιε, μή με ὑπολάβωσιν [p. 21] οὗτοι κοινωνὸν εἶναι τῆς συνωμοσίας, ἣν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πράττεσθαι λέγετε, ἢ τὰ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ δεδιότα ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν τινος ἐνόχου ταῖς αἰτίαις ὄντος ἀνεστάναι τἀναντία ὑμῖν ἐροῦντα: ὁ γὰρ βίος ἀπολύει με πάσης ὑποψίας τοιαύτης. ἃ δὲ νομίζω τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συμφέρειν, ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου καὶ δίχα πάσης εὐλαβείας ἐρῶ.

[2] “I am not afraid, Verginius, that these men here will imagine that I am an accomplice in the conspiracy which you say is being formed against you and the populace, and that then, out of fear for myself or for some relation of mine who is guilty of this charge, I have risen to oppose you; for the whole course of my life clears me of any suspicion of the sort. But what I consider to be advantageous for both the senate and the people I will say in all good faith and without reservation.

[3] πολλοῦ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ παντὸς ἁμαρτάνειν δοκεῖ μοι Οὐεργίνιος, εἴ τινα ὑπείληφεν ἡμῶν ἐρεῖν, ἢ ὡς ἀνεξέταστον ἀφεῖσθαι δεῖ πρᾶγμα οὕτως ὂν μέγα καὶ ἀναγκαῖον, ἢ ὡς οὐ δεῖ κοινωνεῖν οὐδὲ παρεῖναι τῇ ζητήσει τοὺς ἀνειληφότας τὴν τοῦ δήμου ἀρχήν. οὐθεὶς οὔτε ἠλίθιός ἐστιν οὕτως οὔτε τῷ δήμῳ κακόνους, ὥστε ταῦτα λέγειν.

[3] Verginius seems to me to be greatly, or rather totally, mistaken if he imagines that any of us will same either that a matter of so great importance and necessity ought to be left uninvestigated or that the magistrates of the populace ought not to take part in or be present at the inquiry. No man is so foolish or so ill-disposed toward the populace as to say that.

[4] τί οὖν, εἴ τις ἔροιτό με, παθών, ἃ συγχωρῶ καί φημι δίκαια εἶναι, τούτοις ἀντιλέξων ἀνέστην, καὶ τί βούλεταί μου ὁ λόγος, ἐγὼ νὴ Δία φράσω πρὸς ὑμᾶς. παντὸς οἴομαι δεῖν πράγματος, ὦ βουλή, τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς πρώτας ὑποθέσεις τοὺς εὖ φρονοῦντας ἀκριβῶς σκοπεῖν: οἷαι γὰρ ἂν αὗται τύχωσιν οὖσαι, τοιούτους ἀνάγκη γίνεσθαι καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτῶν λόγους.

[4] If, then, anyone should ask me what possessed me to rise up to oppose those measures which I agree to and admit to be just, and what my purpose is in speaking, by Heaven I will tell you. I believe, senators, that sensible men ought to examine minutely the beginnings and basic principles of every measure; for of whatever nature these may be, such also must be all discussion about them.

[5] φέρε δή, τίς ἡ τοῦδε τοῦ πράγματος ὑπόθεσίς ἐστι καὶ τί τὸ βούλευμα τῶν δημάρχων, ἀκούσατέ μου. οὐκ ἐνῆν τούτοις οὐδέν, ὧν ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ πράττειν ἐπιβαλλόμενοι διεκωλύθησαν, ἐπιτελέσασθαι νῦν ὑμῶν τε ἐναντιουμένων αὐτοῖς ὡς πρότερον καὶ [p. 22] τοῦ δήμου μηκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως συναγωνιζομένου. συνιδόντες δὴ τοῦτο ἐσκόπουν, ὅπως ἂν ὑμεῖς τ᾽ ἀναγκασθείητε παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῖς εἶξαι, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἅπαντα ὅσ᾽

[5] Well then, learn from me what the basic principle of this measure is and what the purpose of the tribunes is. These men would not be able to carry out now any of the undertakings they were prevented from accomplishing last year if both you were to oppose them as before and the populace were no longer to espouse their quarrel with the same zeal. Since they were aware of these difficulties, they considered by what means not only you might be compelled to yield to them contrary to your judgement, but the populace also might be forced to assist them in everything they should desire.

[6] ἂν ἀξιῶσι συμπράττειν. ἀληθῆ μὲν οὖν καὶ δικαίαν ὑπόθεσιν οὐδεμίαν εὕρισκον, δι᾽ ἧς ἑκάτερον τούτοις ἔσται, πολλὰ δὲ βουλεύματα πειράζοντες καὶ στρέφοντες ἄνω καὶ κάτω τὸ πρᾶγμα τελευτῶντες ἐπὶ τοιοῦτον δή τινα λογισμὸν ἦλθον: αἰτιασώμεθα συνίστασθαί τινας ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐπὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου, καὶ σφάττειν διεγνωκέναι τοὺς παρέχοντας αὐτῷ τὸ ἀσφαλές.

[6] But finding no true or just basis for gaining both these ends, after trying various plans and turning the matter this way and that, they at last hit upon some such reasoning as this: ‘Let us accuse some prominent men of a conspiracy to overthrow the power of the populace and of having decided to cut the throats of those who assure the safety of the populace.

[7] καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ πολλοῦ παρασκευάσαντες λέγεσθαι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὅταν ἤδη πιστὰ εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς δόξῃ — δόξει δὲ διὰ τὸ δέος — ἐπιστολὰς μηχανησώμεθα πολλῶν παρόντων ἡμῖν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀγνῶτος ἀναδοθῆναι: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐλθόντες ἐπὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἀγανακτῶμέν τε καὶ σχετλιάζωμεν καὶ τοῦ ζητεῖν τὰ προσηγγελμένα αἰτῶμεν τὴν ἐξουσίαν.

[7] And after we have contrived to have these reports talked about for a long time throughout the city and when the multitude at last believe them to be trustworthy — and they will do so because of their fear — let us devise a way to have letters delivered to us in the presence of many by an unknown person. Then let us go to the senate, express our indignation, make angry complaints and demand authority to investigate the reports.

[8] ἐάν τε γὰρ ἀντιλέγωσιν ἡμῖν οἱ πατρίκιοι, ταύτην ληψόμεθα τοῦ διαβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἀφορμήν, καὶ οὕτως ἅπαν τὸ δημοτικὸν ἠγριωμένον αὐτοῖς ἕτοιμον ἡμῖν εἰς ἃ βουλόμεθα ὑπάρξει: ἐάν τε συγχωρῶσι, τοὺς γενναιοτάτους ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ πλεῖστα ἡμῖν ἐναντιωθέντας πρεσβυτέρους τε καὶ νέους ἐλαύνωμεν, ὡς εὑρηκότες ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐνόχους.

[8] For if the patricians oppose our demand, we will seize this opportunity to malign them before the populace, and by this means the whole body of the plebeians will become enraged against them and will be ready to support us in everything we desire; and, on the other hand, if they grant it, let us banish those of them who are of the most noble birth and have opposed us the most, both older men and young, as persons we have discovered to be guilty of the charge.

[9] ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἄρα τὰς καταγνώσεις δεδιότες ἢ συμβήσονται πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τῷ μηθὲν ἔτι ἀντιπράττειν ἢ καταλιπεῖν ἀναγκασθήσονται τὴν πόλιν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου πολλὴν ποιήσομεν ἐρημίαν τοῦ ἀντιπάλου. [p. 23]

[9] These men, then, in their fear of being condemned, will either come to terms with us to make no further opposition or else will be compelled to leave the city. By this means we shall thoroughly devastate the opposition.’

[1] ταῦτα τὰ βουλεύματα ἦν αὐτῶν, ὦ βουλή, καὶ τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον ὃν ἑωρᾶτε συνεδρεύοντας αὐτούς, οὗτος ὁ δόλος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑφαίνετο ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ὑμῶν, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ δίκτυον κατὰ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπλέκετο. καὶ ὅτι ἀληθῆ ταῦτ᾽

[13.1] “These were their plans, senators, and during the time you saw them holding sessions this plot was being spun by them against the best of your members and this net was being woven against the noblest of the knights. To prove that this is true requires very few words on my part.

[2] ἐστί, βραχέος μοι πάνυ δεῖ λόγου. φέρε γὰρ εἴπατέ μοι, Οὐεργίνιε, οἱ τὰ δεινὰ πεισόμενοι, παρὰ τίνων ἐδέξασθε τὰ γράμματα ξένων; τῶν ποῦ κατοικούντων, ἢ πόθεν ὑμᾶς εἰδότων, ἢ πῶς τἀνθάδε συνεδρευόμενα ἐπισταμένων; τί ἀναβάλλεσθε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖν αὐτοὺς ὑπισχνεῖσθε, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πάλαι λέγετε; τίς δ᾽ ὁ τὰ γράμματα κομίσας ὑμῖν ἀνήρ ἐστι; τί οὐ κατάγετε αὐτὸν εἰς μέσον, ἵν᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου πρῶτον ἀρξώμεθα ζητεῖν, εἴτε ἀληθῆ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, εἴτε ὡς ἐγώ φημι πλάσματα ὑμέτερα;

[2] For come, tell me, Verginius and you others who are to suffer these dreadful evils, who are the foreign friends from whom you received the letters? Where do they live? How did they become acquainted with you? Or by what means do they know what is being discussed here? Who do you defer naming these man and keep promising to do it later on, instead of having named them long since? And who is the man who brought the letters to you? Why do you not bring him before us, that we may begin first of all with him to pursue the inquiry whether these reports are true or, as I maintain, your own fictions?

[3] αἱ δὲ δὴ συνᾴδουσαι τοῖς ξενικοῖς γράμμασι μηνύσεις παρὰ τῶν ἐνθάδε τίνες τ᾽ εἰσὶ καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων γενόμεναι; τί κρύπτετε τὰς πίστεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εἰς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἄγετε; ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι τῶν μήτε γενομένων μήτε ἐσομένων ἀδύνατον εὑρεθῆναι πίστιν.

[3] And the informations that come from persons here, which you say agree with the foreign letters, what are they and by whom given? Why do you conceal the proofs and not ring them to light? But I suspect it is impossible to find proof of such things as neither have happened nor will happen.

[4] ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ βουλή, μηνύματα οὐ κατὰ τούτων συνωμοσίας, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ὑμῶν δόλου καὶ πονηρᾶς γνώμης, ᾗ κέχρηνται κρύψαντες οὗτοι: τὰ γὰρ πράγματα αὐτὰ βοᾷ. αἴτιοι δ᾽ ὑμεῖς οἱ τὰ πρῶτα ἐπιτρέψαντες αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸ ἀνόητον τῆς ἀρχῆς μεγάλῃ καθοπλίσαντες ἐξουσίᾳ, ὅτε Κοίντιον Καίσωνα τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ [p. 24] κρίνειν ἐπ᾽ αἰτίαις ψευδέσιν εἰάσατε, καὶ τοσοῦτον φύλακα τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ἀναρπαζόμενον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν περιείδετε. τοιγαροῦν οὐκέτι μετριάζουσιν οὐδὲ καθ᾽ ἕνα τῶν εὐγενῶν περικόπτουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθρόους ἤδη περιβαλόντες τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἐλαύνουσιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως:

[4] These are indications, senators, not of a conspiracy against the tribunes here, but of treachery and an evil purpose against you which these men have been secretly cherishing. For the facts themselves cry aloud. But you senators are to blame for this, since you made the first concessions to them and armed their senseless magistracy with great power when you permitted Caeso Quintius to be tried by them last year on false charges and permitted so great a defender of the aristocracy to be destroyed by them.

[5] καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς οὐδ᾽ ἀντειπεῖν αὐτοῖς ἀξιοῦσιν οὐθένα ὑμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ὑποψίας καὶ διαβολὰς ἄγοντες ὡς κοινωνοῦντα τῶν ἀπορρήτων δεδίττονται καὶ μισόδημον εὐθὺς εἶναί φασι, καὶ προλέγουσιν ἥκειν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ὑφέξοντα τῶν ἐνθάδε ῥηθέντων δίκας.

[5] For this reason they no longer show any moderation nor do they lop off the men of birth one by one, but are already rounding up the good men en masse and expelling them from the city. And, in addition to all the other evils, they demand that no one of you even speak in opposition to them, but by exposing him to suspicions and accusations as an accomplice in those secret plots they try to terrify him and promptly call him an enemy of the populace and cite him to appear before their assembly to stand trial for what he has said here.

[6] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων ἕτερος ἔσται καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότερος τοῖς λόγοις, νυνὶ δὲ συντεμῶ τὸν λόγον καὶ παύσομαι τὰ πλείω διατεινόμενος: φυλάττεσθαι ὑμῖν παραινῶ τούσδε τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς συνταράττοντας τὴν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλων ἐκφέροντας ἀρχὰς κακῶν καὶ οὐκ ἐνθάδε μὲν ταῦτα λέγω, πρὸς δὲ τὸν δῆμον ἀποκρύψομαι, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖ παρρησίᾳ δικαίᾳ χρήσομαι, διδάσκων ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐπικρέμαται δεινόν, ὅτι μὴ κακοὶ καὶ δόλιοι προστάται πολεμίων ἔργα ἐν προσποιήματι φίλων διαπραττόμενοι.

[6] But another occasion will be more suitable for discussing this matter. For the present I will curtail my remarks and will cease running on at greater length, merely advising you to guard against these men as disturbers of the commonwealth and as publishing the germs of great evils. And not here alone do I say these things, while intending to conceal them from the populace; on the contrary, I shall there also employ a frankness that is merited, showing them that no mischief hangs over their heads unless it be wicked and deceitful leaders who under the guise of friendship are doing the deeds of enemies.”

[7] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ ὑπάτου κραυγή τε καὶ πολὺς ἔπαινος ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐδὲ λόγου τοῖς δημάρχοις ἔτι μεταδόντες διέλυσαν τὸν σύλλογον. ἔπειθ᾽ ὁ μὲν Οὐεργίνιος ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν κατηγόρει τῆς τε βουλῆς καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων, ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος ἀπελογεῖτο [p. 25] τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους διεξιών, οὓς εἶπεν ἐπὶ τῆς βουλῆς. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπιεικέστεροι τῶν δημοτικῶν κενὸν ὑπώπτευον εἶναι τὸν φόβον, οἱ δ᾽ εὐηθέστεροι πιστεύοντες ταῖς φήμαις ἀληθῆ: ὅσοι δὲ κακοήθεις ἦσαν ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ μεταβολῆς ἀεὶ δεόμενοι, τοῦ μὲν ἐξετάζειν τἀληθὲς ἢ ψεῦδος οὐκ εἶχον πρόνοιαν, ἀφορμὴν δὲ διχοστασίας ἐζήτουν καὶ θορύβου.

[7] When the consul had thus spoken, there was shouting and much applause by all present; and without even permitting the tribunes to reply, they dismissed the session. Then Verginius, calling an assembly of the populace, inveighed against both the senate and the consuls, and Claudius defended them, repeating the same things he had said in the senate. The more fair-minded among the plebeians suspected that their fear was unwarranted, while the more simple-minded, giving credence to the reports, thought it real; but all among them who were ill-disposed and were forever craving a change did not have the foresight to examine into the truth or falsehood of the reports, but sought an occasion for sedition and tumult.

[1] ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ ταραχῇ τῆς πόλεως οὔσης ἀνήρ τις ἐκ τοῦ Σαβίνων ἔθνους πατέρων τε οὐκ ἀφανῶν καὶ χρήμασι δυνατός, Ἄππιος Ἑρδώνιος ὄνομα, καταλῦσαι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ἐπεβάλετο εἴθ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τυραννίδα κατασκευαζόμενος εἴτε τῷ Σαβίνων ἔθνει πράττων ἀρχὴν καὶ κράτος εἴτ᾽ ὀνόματος ἀξιωθῆναι βουλόμενος μεγάλου. κοινωσάμενος δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν φίλων ἣν εἶχε διάνοιαν καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἀφηγησάμενος, ἐπειδὴ κἀκείνοις ἐδόκει συνήθροιζε τοὺς πελάτας καὶ τῶν θεραπόντων οὓς εἶχεν εὐτολμοτάτους: καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου χρόνου συγκροτήσας δύναμιν ἀνδρῶν τετρακισχιλίων μάλιστα, ὅπλα τε καὶ τροφὰς καὶ τἆλλα ὅσων δεῖ πολέμῳ πάντα εὐτρεπισάμενος,

[14.1] While the city was in such turmoil, a man of the Sabine race, of no obscure birth and powerful because of his wealth, Appius Herdonius by name, attempted to overthrow the supremacy of the Romans, with a view either of making himself tyrant or of winning dominion and power for the Sabine nation or else of gaining against name for himself. Having revealed his purpose to many of his friends and explained to them his plan for executing it, and having received their approval, he assembled his clients and the most daring of his servants and in a short time got together a force of about four thousand men. Then, after supplying them with arms, provisions and everything else that is needed for war, he embarked them on river-boats and,

[2] εἰς σκάφας ποταμηγοὺς ἐνεβάλετο. πλεύσας δὲ διὰ τοῦ Τεβέριος ποταμοῦ προσέσχε τῆς Ῥώμης κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον, ἔνθα τὸ Καπιτώλιόν ἐστιν οὐδ᾽ ὅλον στάδιον ἀπέχον τοῦ ποταμοῦ. ἦσαν δὲ μέσαι τηνικαῦτα νύκτες, καὶ πολλὴ καθ᾽ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ἡσυχία, ἣν συνεργὸν λαβὼν ἐξεβίβασε τοὺς ἄνδρας κατὰ σπουδὴν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀκλείστων πυλῶν: [p. 26] εἰσὶ γάρ τινες ἱεραὶ πύλαι τοῦ Καπιτωλίου κατά τι θέσφατον ἀνειμέναι, Καρμεντίδας αὐτὰς καλοῦσιν: ἀναβιβάσας τὴν δύναμιν εἶχε τὸ φρούριον. ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν ὠσάμενος, — ἔστι δὲ τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ

[2] sailing down the river Tiber, landed at that part of Rome where the Capitol stands, not a full stade distant from the river. It was then midnight and there was profound quiet throughout the entire city; with this to help him he disembarked his men in haste, and passing through the gate which was open (for there is a certain sacred gate of the Capitol, called the porta Carmentalis, which by the direction of some oracle is always left open), he ascended the hill with his troops and captured the fortress.

[3] προσεχής, — κἀκείνης ἐγεγόνει κύριος. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῦ γνώμη μετὰ τὸ κρατῆσαι τῶν ἐπικαιροτάτων τόπων τούς τε φυγάδας εἰσδέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς δούλους εἰς ἐλευθερίαν καλεῖν καὶ χρεῶν ἄφεσιν ὑπισχνεῖσθαι τοῖς ἀπόροις τούς τε ἄλλους πολίτας, οἳ ταπεινὰ πράττοντες διὰ φθόνου καὶ μίσους εἶχον τὰς ὑπεροχὰς καὶ μεταβολῆς ἄσμενοι ἂν ἐλάβοντο, κοινωνοὺς ποιεῖσθαι τῶν ὠφελειῶν. ἡ δὲ θαρρεῖν τε αὐτὸν ἐπαγομένη καὶ πλανῶσα ἐλπίς, ὡς οὐθενὸς ἀτυχήσοντα τῶν προσδοκωμένων, ἡ πολιτικὴ στάσις ἦν, δι᾽ ἣν οὔτε φιλίαν οὔτε κοινωνίαν οὐδεμίαν ὑπελάμβανε τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους ἔτι γενήσεσθαι.

[3] From there he pushed on to the citadel, which adjoins the Capitol, and took possession of that also. It was his intention, after seizing the most advantageous positions, to receive the exiles, to summon the slaves to liberty, to promise the needy an abolition of debts, and to share the spoils with any other citizens who, being themselves of low condition, envied and hated those of lofty station and would have welcomed a change. The hope that both inspired him with confidence and deceived him, by leading him to believe that he should fail of none of his expectations, was based on the civil dissension, because of which he imagined that neither any friendship nor any intercourse would any longer exist between the populace and the patricians.

[4] ἐὰν δὲ ἄρα μηθὲν αὐτῷ τούτων κατὰ νοῦν χωρῇ, τηνικαῦτα Σαβίνους τε πανστρατιᾷ καλεῖν ἐδέδοκτο καὶ Οὐολούσκους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλησιοχώρων ὅσοις ἂν ᾖ βουλομένοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπιφθόνου ἀρχῆς.

[4] And if none of these expectations should turn out according to his wish, he had resolved in that event to call in not only the Sabines with all their forces, but also the volscians and as many from the other neighbouring peoples as desired to be delivered from the hated domination of the Romans.

[1] συνέβη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων διαμαρτεῖν ὧν ἤλπισεν οὔτε δούλων αὐτομολησάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν οὔτε φυγάδων κατελθόντων οὔτε ἀτίμων καὶ καταχρέων τὸ ἴδιον κέρδος ἀντὶ τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος ἀλλαξαμένων, τῆς τε ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίας οὐ λαβούσης χρόνον ἱκανὸν εἰς παρασκευὴν τοῦ πολέμου: τρισὶ γὰρ ἢ τέτταρσι ταῖς πρώταις ἡμέραις τέλος εἰλήφει τὰ πράγματα [p. 27] μέγα δέος καὶ πολλὴν ταραχὴν Ῥωμαίοις παρασχόντα.

[15.1] It so happened, however, that all his hopes were disappointed; for neither the slaves deserted to him nor did the exiles return nor did the unfranchised and the debtors seek their private advantage at the expense of the public good, and the reinforcements from outside did not have time enough to prepare for war, since within three or four days all told the affair was at an end, after causing the Romans great fear and turmoil.

[2] ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἑάλω τὰ φρούρια, κραυγῆς ἄφνω γενομένης καὶ φυγῆς τῶν περὶ ἐκείνους οἰκούντων τοὺς τόπους, ὅσοι μὴ παραχρῆμα ἐσφάγησαν, ἀγνοοῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ δεινὸν ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἦν ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα συνέτρεχον, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα χωρία τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἀναπεπταμένους αὐτῆς τόπους πολλοὺς σφόδρα ὄντας, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὰ παρακείμενα πεδία: ὅσοι δ᾽ ἡλικίας ἐν τῷ παρηκμακότι ἦσαν καὶ ῥώμης σώματος ἐν τῷ ἀδυνάτῳ, τὰ τέγη τῶν οἰκιῶν κατεῖχον ἅμα γυναιξὶν ὡς ἀπὸ τούτων ἀγωνιούμενοι πρὸς τοὺς εἰσεληλυθότας: ἅπαντα γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει μεστὰ εἶναι πολέμου.

[2] For upon the capture of the fortresses, followed by a sudden outcry and flight of all those living near those places — save those who were slain at once — the mass of the citizens, not knowing what the peril was, seized their arms and rushed together, some hastening to the heights of the city, others to the open places, which were very numerous, and still others to the plains near by. Those who were past the prime of life and were incapacitated in bodily strength occupied the roofs of the houses together with the women, thinking to fight from there against the invaders; for they imagined that every part of the city was full of fighting.

[3] ἡμέρας δὲ γενομένης ὡς ἐγνώσθη τὰ κεκρατημένα τῆς πόλεως φρούρια καὶ ὅστις ἦν ὁ κατέχων ἀνὴρ τοὺς τόπους, οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι προελθόντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκάλουν τοὺς πολίτας ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα, οἱ δὲ δήμαρχοι προσκαλεσάμενοι τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἔλεγον, ὅτι τῷ μὲν συμφέροντι τῆς πόλεως οὐδὲν ἀξιοῦσι πράττειν ἐναντίον, δίκαιον δὲ ὑπολαμβάνουσιν εἶναι τηλικοῦτον ἀγῶνα μέλλοντα τὸν δῆμον ὑπομένειν ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισι καὶ διωρισμένοις ἐπὶ τὸ

[3] But when it was day and it came to be known what fortresses of the city were taken and who the person was who had possession of them, the consuls, going into the Forum, called the citizens to arms. The tribunes, however, summoned the populace to an assembly and declared that, while they did not care to do anything opposed to the advantage of the commonwealth, they thought it just, when the populace were going to undertake so great a struggle, that they should go and meet the danger upon fixed and definite terms.

[4] κινδύνευμα χωρεῖν. εἰ μὲν οὖν, ἔφασαν λέγοντες, ὑπισχνοῦνταί τε ὑμῖν οἱ πατρίκιοι καὶ πίστεις βούλονται δοῦναι τὰς ἐπὶ θεῶν, ὅτι καταλυθέντος τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου συγχωρήσουσιν ὑμῖν ἀποδεῖξαι νομοθέτας καὶ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐν ἰσηγορίᾳ πολιτεύεσθαι, συνελευθερῶμεν αὐτοῖς τὴν πατρίδα: εἰ δὲ οὐθὲν ἀξιοῦσι [p. 28] ποιεῖν τῶν μετρίων, τί κινδυνεύομεν καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν προιέμεθα μηθενὸς ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντες ἀπολαύσεσθαι;

[4] “If, therefore,” they went on to say, “the patricians will promise you, and are willing to give pledges, confirmed by oaths, that as soon as this war is over they will allow you to appoint lawgivers and for the future to enjoy equal rights in the government, let us assist them in freeing the fatherland. But if they consent to no reasonable conditions, why do we incur danger and give up our lives for them, when we are to reap no advantage?”

[5] ταῦτα λεγόντων αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ δήμου πειθομένου καὶ μηδὲ φωνὴν ὑπομένοντος ἀκούειν τῶν ἄλλο τι παραινούντων ὁ μὲν Κλαύδιος οὐθὲν ἠξίου δεῖσθαι τοιαύτης συμμαχίας, ἥτις οὐχ ἑκούσιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ μισθῷ καὶ οὐδὲ τούτῳ μετρίῳ βοηθεῖν βούλεται τῇ πατρίδι, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔφη τοὺς πατρικίους ἑαυτῶν σώμασι καὶ τῶν συνόντων αὐτοῖς πελατῶν ὁπλισαμένους, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο πλῆθος ἐθελούσιον αὐτοῖς συναρεῖται τοῦ πολέμου, μετὰ τούτων πολιορκεῖν τὰ φρούρια: ἐὰν δὲ μηδ᾽ οὕτως ἀξιόχρεως ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῖς εἶναι δοκῇ, Λατίνους τε καὶ Ἕρνικας παρακαλεῖν, ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀνάγκη, καὶ δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν ὑπισχνεῖσθαι καὶ πάντας μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοιούτων καιρῶν μνησικακοῦντας σφίσι παρακαλεῖν.

[5] While they were speaking thus and the people were persuaded and would not listen to even a word from those who offered any other advice, Claudius declared that he had no use for such allies, who were not willing to come to the aid of the fatherland voluntarily, but only for a reward, and that no moderate one; but the patricians by themselves, he said, taking up arms in their own persons and in the persons of the clients who adhered to them, joined also by any of the plebeians who would voluntarily assist them in the war, must with these besiege the fortresses. And if even so their force should seem to them inadequate, they must call on the Latins and the Hernicans, and, if necessary, must promise liberty to the slaves and invite all sorts of people rather than those who harboured a grudge against them in times like these.

[6] ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Οὐαλέριος ἀντέλεγε πρὸς ταῦτα οὐκ οἰόμενος δεῖν ἠρεθισμένον τὸ δημοτικὸν ἐκπολεμῶσαι τελέως τοῖς πατρικίοις, εἶξαί τε συνεβούλευε τῷ καιρῷ καὶ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἔξωθεν πολεμίους τά γε δίκαια ἀντιτάττειν, πρὸς δὲ τὰς πολιτικὰς διατριβὰς τὰ μέτρια καὶ εὐγνώμονα.

[6] But the other consul, Valerius, opposed this, believing that they ought not to render the plebeians, who were already exasperated, absolutely implacable against the patricians; and he advised them to yield to the situation, and while arraying against their foreign foes the demands of strict justice, to combat the long-winded discourses of their fellow citizens with terms of moderation and reasonableness.

[7] ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῖς πλείοσι τῶν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὰ κράτιστα ἐδόκει λέγειν, προελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ λόγον εὐπρεπῆ διεξελθὼν τελευτῶν τῆς δημηγορίας [p. 29] ὤμοσεν, ἐὰν ὁ δῆμος συνάρηται μετὰ προθυμίας τοῦ πολέμου καὶ καταστῇ τὰ πράγματα τῆς πόλεως, συγχωρήσειν τοῖς δημάρχοις προθεῖναι τῷ πλήθει τὴν περὶ τοῦ νόμου διάγνωσιν, ὃν εἰσέφερον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰσονομίας, καὶ σπουδάσειν, ὅπως ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τέλος ἀχθῇ τὰ δόξαντα τῷ δήμῳ. ἦν δὲ ἄρα οὐθὲν αὐτῷ πεπρωμένον ἐπιτελέσαι τῶν ὁμολογηθέντων πλησίον οὔσης τῆς τοῦ θανάτου μοίρας.

[7] When the majority of the senators decided that this advice was the best, he appeared before the popular assembly and made a decorous speech, at the end of which he swore that if the people would assist in this war with alacrity and conditions in the city should become settled, he would permit the tribunes to lay before the populace for decision the law which they were trying to introduce concerning an equality of laws, and would use his utmost endeavours that their vote should be carried into effect during his consulship. But it was fated, it seems, that he should perform none of these promises, the doom of death being near at hand for him.

[1] λυθείσης δὲ τῆς ἐκκλησίας περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν συνέρρεον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποδειχθέντας ἕκαστοι τόπους, ἀπογραφόμενοί τε πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ὀμνύντες ὅρκον. ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα ὅλην ἀμφὶ ταῦτα ἦσαν, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ λοχαγοί τε προσενέμοντο ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἱερὰς ἐτάττοντο σημείας συνεπιρρέοντος καὶ τοῦ κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς διατρίβοντος ὄχλου.

[16.1] After the assembly had been dismissed in the late afternoon, they all flocked to their appointed places, giving in their names to the generals and taking the military oath. During that day, then, and all the following night they were thus employed. The next day the centurions were assigned by the consuls to their commands and to the sacred standards; and the crowd which lived in the country also in great numbers flocked in.

[2] γενομένων δὲ διὰ τάχους πάντων εὐτρεπῶν μερισάμενοι τὰς δυνάμεις οἱ ὕπατοι κλήρῳ διείλοντο τὰς ἀρχάς. Κλαυδίῳ μὲν οὖν ὁ κλῆρος ἀπέδωκε τὰ πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχειν, μή τις ἔξωθεν ἐπέλθῃ στρατιὰ τοῖς ἔνδον ἐπίκουρος: ὑποψία γὰρ ἅπαντας κατεῖχε μεγάλης σφόδρα κινήσεως, καὶ τὸ ἀντίπαλον ἅπαν ὡς ὁμοῦ συνεπιθησόμενον σφίσιν ἐφοβοῦντο: Οὐαλερίῳ δὲ τὰ φρούρια πολιορκεῖν ὁ δαίμων ἐφῆκεν.

[2] Everything being soon made ready, the consuls divided the forces and drew lots for their commands. It fell to the lot of Claudius to keep guard before the walls, lest some army from outside should come to the relief of the enemy in the city; for everybody suspected that there would be very serious turmoil, and they feared that all their foes would fall upon them at the same time with united forces. To Valerius Fortune assigned the siege of the fortresses.

[3] ἐτάχθησαν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐρύμασιν ἡγεμόνες ὅσα τῆς πόλεως ἐντὸς [p. 30] ἦν καθέξοντες, καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐπὶ τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀγούσας ὁδοὺς ἕτεροι κωλύσεως ἕνεκεν τῶν ἀποστησομένων πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους δούλων τε καὶ ἀπόρων, οὓς παντὸς μάλιστα ἐφοβοῦντο. ἐπικουρικὸν δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔφθασε παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἀφικόμενον, ὅτι μὴ παρὰ Τυσκλάνων μόνον ἐν μιᾷ νυκτὶ ἀκουσάντων τε καὶ παρασκευασαμένων, οὓς ἦγε Λεύκιος Μαμίλιος, ἀνὴρ δραστήριος, ἔχων τὴν μεγίστην ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε ἀρχήν: καὶ συνεκινδύνευον οὗτοι τῷ Οὐαλερίῳ μόνοι καὶ συνεξεῖλον τὰ φρούρια πᾶσαν εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν ἀποδειξάμενοι.

[3] Commanders were appointed to occupy the other strong places also that lay within the city, and others were posted in the streets leading to the Capitol, to prevent the slaves and the poor from going over to the enemy — the thing of which they were most afraid. No assistance reached them in time from any of their allies save only from the Tusculans, who, the same night they heard of the invasion, had made ready to march, their commander being Lucius Mamilius, a man of action, who held the chief magistracy in their city at that time. These alone shared the danger with Valerius and aided him in capturing the fortresses, displaying all goodwill and alacrity.

[4] ἐγένετο δ᾽ ἡ προσβολὴ τοῖς φρουρίοις πανταχόθεν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν πλησίον οἰκιῶν ἀσφάλτου καὶ πίσσης πεπυρωμένης ἀγγεῖα σφενδόναις ἐναρμόττοντες ἐπέβαλλον ὑπὲρ τὸν λόφον: οἱ δὲ συμφοροῦντες αὐτῶν φακέλλους φρυγάνων καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἀποτόμοις τῆς πέτρας βωμοὺς ἐγείροντες ὑψηλοὺς ὑφῆπτον ἀνέμῳ παραδιδόντες τὰς φλόγας ἐπιφόρῳ. ὅσοι δ᾽ ἦσαν ἀνδρειότατοι, πυκνώσαντες τοὺς λόχους ἐχώρουν ἄνω κατὰ

[4] The fortresses were attacked from all sides; some of the attackers, fitting vessels of bitumen and burning pitch to their slings, hurled them over the hills from the roofs of neighbouring houses, and others, gathering bundles of dry faggots, raised lofty heaps of them against the steep parts of the cliff and set them on fire when they could commit the flames to a favourable wind. All the bravest of the troops, closing their ranks, went up by the roads that had been built to the summits.

[5] τὰς χειροποιήτους ὁδούς. ἦν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὔτε τοῦ πλήθους, ᾧ παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἀντιπάλων προεῖχον, ὄφελος οὐθὲν διὰ στενῆς ἀνιοῦσιν ὁδοῦ καὶ πληθούσης προβόλων ἄνωθεν ἐπικαταραττομένων, ἔνθα συνεξισωθήσεσθαι ἔμελλε τῷ πολλῷ τὸ ὀλίγον: οὔτε τῆς παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ ὑπομονῆς, ἣν πολλοῖς % καταστήσαντες πολέμοις [p. 31] εἶχον, οὐδεμία ὄνησις πρὸς ὀρθίους βιαζομένοις σκοπάς. οὐ γὰρ συστάδην μαχομένους ἔδει τὸ εὔτολμον καὶ καρτερικὸν ἀποδείξασθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκηβόλοις χρῆσθαι μάχαις.

[5] But neither their numbers, in which they were greatly superior to the enemy, were of any service to them when they were ascending by a narrow road, full of broken fragments of rock the came crashing down upon them from above, where a small body of men would be a match for a large one; nor was their constancy in dangers, which they had acquired by their training in many wars, of any advantage to them when forcing their way up steep heights. For it was not a situation that called for the display of the daring and perseverance of hand-to-hand fighting, but rather for the tactics of fighting with missiles.

[6] ἦσαν δὲ τῶν μὲν κάτωθεν ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα βαλλομένων βραδεῖαί τε καὶ ἀσθενεῖς, εἰ καὶ τύχοιεν, ὥσπερ εἰκός, αἱ πληγαί: τῶν δ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὕψους κάτω ῥιπτουμένων ὀξεῖαι καὶ καρτεραὶ συνεργούντων τοῖς βλήμασι καὶ τῶν ἰδίων βαρῶν. οὐ μὴν ἔκαμνόν γε οἱ προσβάλλοντες τοῖς ἐρύμασιν, ἀλλὰ διεκαρτέρουν ἀναγκοφαγοῦντες τὰ δεινὰ οὔτε ἡμέρας οὔτε νυκτὸς ἀναπαυόμενοι τῶν πόνων. τέλος δ᾽ οὖν ὑπολιπόντων τοὺς πολιορκουμένους τῶν βελῶν καὶ τῶν σωμάτων ἐξαδυνατούντων τρίτῃ τὰ φρούρια ἐξεπολιόρκησαν ἡμέρᾳ.

[6] Moreover, the blows made by missiles shot from below up to lofty targets were slow on arrival and ineffective, naturally, even if they hit their mark, while the blows of missiles hurled down from above came with high speed and violence, the very weight of the weapons contributing to the force with which they were thrown. Nevertheless, the men attacking the ramparts were not easily discouraged, but bravely endured the hard rations of unavoidable dangers, ceasing not from their toils either by day or by night. At last, when the missiles of the besieged gave out and their strength failed them, the Romans reduced the fortresses on the third day.

[7] ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ πολλοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας ἀπέβαλον, κράτιστον δέ, ὥσπερ πρὸς ἁπάντων ὡμολόγητο, τὸν ὕπατον: ὃς οὐκ ὀλίγα τραύματα λαβὼν οὐδ᾽ ὣς ἀφίστατο τῶν δεινῶν, ἕως ἐπικαταραγεὶς αὐτῷ πέτρος ὑπερμεγέθης ἐπιβαίνοντι τοῦ περιτειχίσματος ἅμα τήν τε νίκην αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο καὶ τὴν ψυχήν. ἁλισκομένων δὲ τῶν φρουρίων ὁ μὲν Ἑρδώνιος — ἦν γὰρ καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος διάφορος καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα γενναῖος — ἄπιστόν τι χρῆμα περὶ αὑτὸν ποιήσας νεκρῶν ὑπὸ πλήθους βελῶν ἀποθνήσκει, τῶν δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ φρούρια καταλαβομένων ὀλίγοι μέν τινες ζῶντες ἑάλωσαν, οἱ δὲ πλείους σφάττοντες [p. 32] ἑαυτοὺς ἢ κατὰ τῶν κρημνῶν ὠθοῦντες διεφθάρησαν.

[7] In this action they lost many brave men, among them the consul, who was universally acknowledged to have been the best of them all; he, even after he had received many wounds, did not retire from danger until a huge rock, crashing down upon him as he was mounting the other wall, snatched from him at once the victory and himself life. As the fortresses were being taken, Herdonius, who was remarkable for his physical strength and brave in action, after piling up an incredible heap of dead bodies about him, perished under a multitude of missiles. Of those who had aided him in seizing the fortresses some few were taken alive, but the greater part either killed themselves with their swords or hurled themselves down the cliffs.

[1] τοῦτο τὸ τέλος λαβόντος τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ πολέμου τὴν πολιτικὴν πάλιν ἀνερρίπιζον οἱ δήμαρχοι στάσιν ἀξιοῦντες ἀπολαβεῖν παρὰ τοῦ περιόντος ὑπάτου τὰς ὑποσχέσεις, ἃς ἐποιήσατο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ τεθνηκὼς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ Οὐαλέριος ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰσφορᾶς τοῦ νόμου. ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος μέχρι μέν τινος παρεῖλκε τὸν χρόνον τοτὲ μὲν καθαρμοὺς τῆς πόλεως ἐπιτελῶν, τοτὲ δὲ θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς χαριστηρίους ἀποδιδούς, τοτὲ δ᾽ ἀγῶσι καὶ θέαις ἀναλαμβάνων τὸ πλῆθος εἰς εὐπαθείας.

[17.1] The war with the brigands being thus ended, the tribunes rekindled the civil strife once more by demanding of the surviving consul the fulfilment of the promises made to them by Valerius, who perished in the fighting, with regard to the introduction of the law. But Claudius for a time kept procrastinating, now by performing lustrations for the city, now by offering sacrifices of thanksgiving to the gods, and again by entertaining the multitude with games and shows.

[2] ὡς δ᾽ αἱ σκήψεις αὐτῷ πᾶσαι κατανάλωντο, τελευτῶν ἔφη δεῖν εἰς τὸν τοῦ τεθνηκότος ὑπάτου τόπον ἕτερον ἀποδειχθῆναι. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ μόνου πραχθέντα οὔτε νόμιμα οὔτε βέβαια ἔσεσθαι, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοῖν ἔννομά τε καὶ κύρια. ταύτῃ διακρουσάμενος αὐτοὺς τῇ προφάσει προεῖπεν ἀρχαιρεσίων ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ τὸν συνάρχοντα ἔμελλεν ἀποδείξειν. ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ χρόνῳ δι᾽ ἀπορρήτων βουλευμάτων οἱ προεστηκότες τοῦ συνεδρίου συνέθεντο κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ὅτῳ παραδώσουσι τὴν ἀρχήν.

[2] When all his excuses had been exhausted, he finally declared that another consul must be chosen in place of the deceased; for he said that the acts performed by him all would be neither legal nor lasting, whereas those performed by two of them would be legitimate and valid. Having put them off with this pretence, he appointed a day for the election, when he would nominate his colleague. In the meantime the leading men of the senate, consulting together in private, agreed among themselves upon the person to whom they would entrust the magistracy.

[3] καὶ ἐπειδὴ ὁ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων ἐνέστη χρόνος, καὶ ὁ κῆρυξ τὴν πρώτην τάξιν ἐκάλεσεν, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸν ἀποδειχθέντα τόπον οἵ τ᾽ ὀκτωκαίδεκα λόχοι τῶν ἱππέων καὶ οἱ τῶν πεζῶν ὀγδοήκοντα τῶν τὸ μέγιστον τίμημα ἐχόντων Λεύκιον Κοίντιον Κικιννᾶτον ἀποδεικνύουσιν ὕπατον, οὗ τὸν υἱὸν Καίσωνα Κοίντιον εἰς ἀγῶνα θανάτου καταστήσαντες οἱ δήμαρχοι τὴν πόλιν ἠνάγκασαν [p. 33] ἐκλιπεῖν: καὶ οὐδεμιᾶς ἔτι κληθείσης ἐπὶ τὴν ψηφοφορίαν τάξεως — τρισὶ γὰρ ἦσαν λόχοις πλείους οἱ διενέγκαντες τὴν ψῆφον λόχοι τῶν ὑπολειπομένων — ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἀπῄει συμφορὰν βαρεῖαν ἡγούμενος, ὅτι μισῶν αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ἐξουσίας ὑπατικῆς ἔσται κύριος, ἡ βουλὴ δὲ ἔπεμπε τοὺς παραληψομένους τὸν ὕπατον καὶ ἄξοντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν.

[3] And when the day appointed for the election had come and the herald had called the first class, the eighteen centuries of knights together with the eighty centuries of foot, consisting of the wealthiest citizens, entering the appointed place, chose as consul Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, whose son Caeso Quintius the tribunes had brought to trial for his life and compelled to leave the city. And no other class being called to vote — for the centuries which had voted were three more in be than the remaining centuries — the populace departed, regarding it as a grievous misfortune that a man who hated them was to be possessed of the consular power. Meanwhile the senate sent men to invite the consul and to conduct him to the city to assume his magistracy.

[4] ἔτυχε δὲ τηνικαῦτα ὁ Κοίντιος ἄρουράν τινα ὑπεργαζόμενος εἰς σποράν, αὐτὸς ἀκολουθῶν τοῖς σχίζουσι τὴν νειὸν βοιδίοις ἀχίτων, περιζωμάτιον ἔχων καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ πῖλον. ἰδὼν δὲ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων εἰς τὸ χωρίον εἰσιόντων τό τε ἄροτρον ἐπέσχε καὶ πολὺν ἠπόρει χρόνον, οἵτινές τε εἶεν καὶ τίνος δεόμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἥκοιεν: ἔπειτα προσδραμόντος τινὸς καὶ κελεύσαντος κοσμιώτερον ἑαυτὸν ποιῆσαι παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν καλύβη καὶ

[4] It chanced that Quintius was just then ploughing a piece of land for sowing, he himself following the gaunt oxen that were breaking up the fallow; he had no tunic on, wore a small loin-cloth and had a cap upon his head. Upon seeing a crowd of people come into the field he stopped his plough and for a long time was at a loss to know who they were or what they wanted of him; then, when some one ran up to him and bade him make himself more presentable, he went into the cottage and after putting on his clothes came out to them.

[5] ἀμφιεσάμενος προῆλθεν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν παράληψιν αὐτοῦ παρόντες ἠσπάσαντό τε ἅπαντες οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ ὀνόματος, ἀλλ᾽ ὕπατον καὶ τὴν περιπόρφυρον ἐσθῆτα περιέθεσαν τούς τε πελέκεις καὶ τἆλλα παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς παραστήσαντες ἀκολουθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἠξίουν. κἀκεῖνος μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν καὶ δακρύσας τοσοῦτον εἶπεν: ἄσπορον ἄρα μοι τὸ χωρίον ἔσται τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, καὶ κινδυνεύσομεν οὐχ ἕξειν, πόθεν διατραφῶμεν. ἔπειτ᾽ ἀσπασάμενος τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τῶν ἔνδον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι παραγγείλας ᾤχετο εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

[5] Thereupon the men who were sent to escort him all greeted him, not by his name, but as consul; and clothing him with the purple-bordered robe and placing before him the axes and the other insignia of his magistracy, they asked him to follow them to the city. And he, pausing for a moment and shedding tears, said only this: “So my field will go unsown this year, and we shall be in danger of having not enough to live on.” Then he kissed his wife, and charging her to take care of things at home, went to the city.

[6] ταῦτα δὲ οὐχ ἑτέρου τινὸς χάριν εἰπεῖν προήχθην, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα φανερὸν γένηται πᾶσιν, οἷοι τότε ἦσαν οἱ τῆς [p. 34] Ῥωμαίων πόλεως προεστηκότες, ὡς αὐτουργοὶ καὶ σώφρονες καὶ πενίαν δικαίαν οὐ βαρυνόμενοι καὶ βασιλικὰς οὐ διώκοντες ἐξουσίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ διδομένας ἀναινόμενοι: φανήσονται γὰρ οὐδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐοικότες ἐκείνοις οἱ νῦν, ἀλλὰ τἀναντία πάντα ἐπιτηδεύοντες, πλὴν πάνυ ὀλίγων, δι᾽ οὓς ἕστηκεν ἔτι τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀξίωμα καὶ τὸ σώζειν τὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁμοιότητα. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἅλις.

[6] I am led to related these particulars for no other reason than to let all the world see what kind of men the leaders of Rome were at that time, that they worked with their own hands, led frugal lives, did not chafe under honourable poverty, and, far from aiming at positions of royal power, actually refused them when offered. For it will be seen that the Romans of to-day do not bear the least resemblance to them, but follow the very opposite practices in everything — with the exception of a very few by whom the dignity of the commonwealth is still maintained and a resemblance to those men preserved. But enough on this subject.

[1] ὁ δὲ Κοίντιος παραλαβὼν τὴν ὑπατείαν πρῶτον μὲν ἔπαυσε τοὺς δημάρχους τῶν καινῶν πολιτευμάτων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ νόμῳ σπουδῆς προειπών, ὡς εἰ μὴ παύσονται ταράττοντες τὴν πόλιν ἀπάξει Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως στρατείαν κατὰ

[18.1] Quintius, having succeeded to the consulship, caused the tribunes to desist from their new measures and from their insistence upon the proposed law by announcing that if they did not cease disturbing the commonwealth he would give notice of an expedition against the Volscians and would lead all the Romans out of the city.

[2] Οὐολούσκων παραγγείλας. ἐπεὶ δὲ κωλύσειν αὐτὸν ἔλεγον οἱ δήμαρχοι στρατοῦ ποιεῖσθαι καταγραφήν, συναγαγὼν τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν εἶπεν, ὅτι πάντες ὀμωμόκασι τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ὅρκον, ἀκολουθήσειν τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἐφ᾽ οὓς ἂν καλῶνται πολέμους, καὶ μήτε ἀπολείψειν τὰ σημεῖα μήτε ἄλλο πράξειν μηθὲν ἐναντίον τῷ νόμῳ: παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ὑπατικὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτὸς ἔχειν ἔφη κρατουμένους ἅπαντας τοῖς ὅρκοις.

[2] When the tribunes said they would not permit him to enrol an army, he called an assembly of the populace and declared that since they had all taken the military oath, swearing that they would follow the consuls in any wars to which they should be called and would neither desert the standards nor do anything else contrary to law, and since he had assumed the consular power, he held them all bound to him by their oaths.

[3] εἰπὼν δὲ ταῦτα καὶ διομοσάμενος χρήσεσθαι τῷ νόμῳ κατὰ τῶν ἀπειθούντων ἐκέλευσεν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ σημεῖα καταφέρειν: καὶ ἵνα, ἔφη, πᾶσαν ἀπογνῶτε δημαγωγίαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ὑπατείας, οὐ πρότερον ἀναστήσω [p. 35] τὸν στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας, πρὶν ἢ πᾶς ὁ τῆς ἀρχῆς μοι διέλθῃ χρόνος. ὡς οὖν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ χειμάσοντες παρασκευάσασθε τὰ εἰς ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδεια.

[3] Having said this and sworn that he would invoke the law against those who disobeyed, he ordered the standards to be brought out of the temples. “And to the end,” he added, “that you may renounce all agitation by demagogues during my consulship, I will not withdraw the army from the enemy’s country until my whole term of office has expired. Expect therefore, to pass the winter in the field and prepare everything necessary against that time.”

[4] τούτοις καταπληξάμενος αὐτοὺς τοῖς λόγοις ἐπειδὴ κοσμιωτέρους εἶδε γεγονότας καὶ δεομένους ἀφεθῆναι τῆς στρατείας, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔφη χαριεῖσθαι τὰς ἀναπαύλας τῶν πολέμων, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τε μηθὲν ἔτι παρακινεῖν αὐτούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐᾶν αὐτὸν ὡς βούλεται τὴν ἀρχὴν τελεῖσθαι, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τὰ δίκαια διδόναι τε καὶ λαμβάνειν παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων.

[4] Having terrified them with these threats, when he saw that they had become more orderly and begged to be let off from the campaign, he said he would grant them a respite from war upon these conditions, that they create no more disturbances but allow him to administer his office as he wished to the end, and that in their dealings with one another they give as well as receive strict justice.

[1] καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ θορύβου δικαστήριά τε ἀπεδίδου τοῖς δεομένοις ἐκ πολλῶν παρειλκυσμένα χρόνων, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αὐτὸς ἴσως καὶ δικαίως διέκρινε δι᾽ ὅλης ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος καθεζόμενος, εὐπρόσοδόν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν δικαιοδοσίαν ἀφικνουμένοις ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχε καὶ παρεσκεύασεν ἀριστοκρατικὴν οὕτως φανῆναι τὴν πολιτείαν, ὥστε μήτε δημάρχων δεηθῆναι τοὺς διὰ πενίαν ἢ δυσγένειαν ἢ ἄλλην τινὰ ταπεινότητα ὑπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων κατισχυομένους, μήτε καινῆς νομοθεσίας πόθον ἔχειν ἔτι τοὺς ἐν ἰσηγορίᾳ πολιτεύεσθαι βουλομένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπᾶν τε καὶ χαίρειν ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τῇ τότε κατασχούσῃ τὴν πόλιν εὐνομίᾳ.