[1] ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ὀγδοηκοστῆς καὶ τρίτης ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Κρίσων Ἱμεραῖος, ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Φιλίσκου καταλύουσι Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν τῶν δέκα ἀρχὴν ἔτη τρία τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληθεῖσαν. ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἐπεχείρησαν ἐρριζωμένην ἤδη τὴν δυναστείαν ἐξελεῖν, καὶ τίνων ἀνδρῶν ἡγησαμένων τῆς ἐλευθερίας, καὶ διὰ ποίας αἰτίας καὶ προφάσεις, ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβὼν πειράσομαι διελθεῖν ἀναγκαίας ὑπολαμβάνων εἶναι καὶ καλὰς τὰς τοιαύτας μαθήσεις ἅπασι μὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν ἀνθρώποις, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅσοι περὶ τὴν φιλόσοφον θεωρίαν καὶ περὶ τὰς πολιτικὰς διατρίβουσι πράξεις.
[1.1] In the eighty-third Olympiad (the one at which Criso of Himera gained the prize), Philiscus being archon at Athens, the Romans abolished the decemvirate which had governed the commonwealth for three years. I shall now endeavour to relate from the beginning in what manner they attempted to do away with this domination which was already deeply rooted, who the leaders were in the cause of liberty, and what their motives and pretexts were. For I assume that such information is necessary and an excellent thing for almost everyone, but particularly for those who are employed either in philosophical speculation or in the administration of public affairs.
[2] τοῖς τε γὰρ πολλοῖς οὐκ ἀπαρκεῖ τοῦτο μόνον ἐκ τῆς ἱστορίας παραλαβεῖν, ὅτι τὸν Περσικὸν πόλεμον — ἵν᾽ ἐπὶ τούτου ποιήσωμαι τὸν λόγον — ἐνίκησαν Ἀθηναῖοί τε καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δυσὶ ναυμαχίαις καὶ πεζομαχίᾳ [p. 112] μιᾷ καταγωνισάμενοι τὸν βάρβαρον τριακοσίας ἄγοντα μυριάδας αὐτοὶ σὺν τοῖς συμμάχοις οὐ πλείους ὄντες ἕνδεκα μυριάδων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς αἱ πράξεις ἐγένοντο, βούλονται παρὰ τῆς ἱστορίας μαθεῖν, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἀκοῦσαι, δι᾽ ἃς τὰ θαυμαστὰ καὶ παράδοξα ἔργα ἐπετέλεσαν, καὶ τίνες ἦσαν οἱ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἡγεμόνες τῶν τε βαρβαρικῶν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱστορῆσαι, καὶ μηδενὸς ὡς εἰπεῖν ἀνήκοοι γενέσθαι τῶν συντελεσθέντων περὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας.
[2] For most people are not satisfied with learning this alone from history, that the Persian War, to take that as an example, was won by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, who in two battles at sea and one on land overcame the barbarian at the head of three million troops, though their own forces together with their allies did not exceed one hundred and ten thousand; but they wish also to learn from history of the places where those actions occurred, to hear of the causes that enabled those men to perform their wonderful and astonishing exploits, to know who were the commanders of the armies, both Greek and barbarian, and to be left ignorant of not a single incident, one may say, that happened in those engagements.
[3] ἥδεται γὰρ ἡ διάνοια παντὸς ἀνθρώπου χειραγωγουμένη διὰ τῶν λόγων ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα καὶ μὴ μόνον ἀκούουσα τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ πραττόμενα ὁρῶσα. οὐδέ γ᾽ ὅταν πολιτικὰς ἀκούσωσι πράξεις, ἀρκοῦνται τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτὸ καὶ τὸ πέρας τῶν πραγμάτων μαθόντες, ὅτι συνεχώρησαν Ἀθηναῖοι Λακεδαιμονίοις τείχη τε καθελεῖν τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν καὶ ναῦς διατεμεῖν καὶ φρουρὰν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν εἰσαγαγεῖν καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίου δημοκρατίας ὀλιγαρχίαν τῶν κοινῶν ἀποδεῖξαι κυρίαν οὐδὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀγῶνα ἀράμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀξιοῦσι καὶ τίνες ἦσαν αἱ κατασχοῦσαι τὴν πόλιν ἀνάγκαι, δι᾽ ἃς ταῦτα τὰ δεινὰ καὶ σχέτλια ὑπέμεινε, καὶ τίνες οἱ πείσαντες αὐτοὺς λόγοι καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων ῥηθέντες ἀνδρῶν καὶ πάντα, ὅσα παρακολουθεῖ τοῖς πράγμασι, διδαχθῆναι.
[3] For the minds of all men take delight in being conducted through words to deeds and not only in hearing what is related but also in beholding what is done. Nor, indeed, what they hear of political events, are they satisfied with learning the bare summary and outcome of the events, as, for instance, that the Athenians agreed with the Lacedaemonians to demolish the walls of their city, to break up their fleet, to introduce a garrison into their citadel, and, instead of their traditional democratic, to set up an oligarchy to govern the state, and permitted all this without so much as fighting a battle with them; but they at once demand to be informed also of the necessity which reduced the Athenians to submit to such dire and cruel calamities, what the arguments were that persuaded them, and by what men those arguments were urged, and to be informed of all the circumstances that attended those events.
[4] τοῖς δὲ πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἐν οἷς ἔγωγε τίθεμαι καὶ τοὺς φιλοσόφους, ὅσοι μὴ λόγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργων καλῶν ἄσκησιν ἡγοῦνται τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, [p. 113] τὸ μὲν ἥδεσθαι τῇ παντελεῖ θεωρίᾳ τῶν παρακολουθούντων τοῖς πράγμασι κοινὸν ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὑπάρχει: χωρὶς δὲ τῆς ἡδονῆς περιγίγνεται τὸ περὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαίους καιροὺς μεγάλα τὰς πόλεις ἐκ τῆς τοιαύτης ἐμπειρίας ὠφελεῖν, καὶ ἄγειν αὐτὰς ἑκούσας ἐπὶ τὰ συμφέροντα διὰ τοῦ λόγου.
[4] Men who are engaged in the conduct of civil affairs, among whom I for my part include also those philosophers who regard philosophy as consisting in the practice of fine actions rather than of fine words, have this in common with the rest of mankind, that they take pleasure in a comprehensive survey of all the circumstances that accompany events. And besides their pleasure, they have this advantage, that in difficult times they render great service to their countries as the result of the experience thus acquired and lead them as willing followers to that which is to their advantage, through the power of persuasion.
[5] ῥᾷστα γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι τά τε ὠφελοῦντα καὶ βλάπτοντα καταμανθάνουσιν, ὅταν ἐπὶ παραδειγμάτων ταῦτα πολλῶν ὁρῶσι, καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς φρόνησιν μαρτυροῦσι καὶ πολλὴν σοφίαν. διὰ ταύτας δή μοι τὰς αἰτίας ἔδοξεν ἅπαντα ἀκριβῶς διελθεῖν τὰ γενόμενα περὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας,
[5] For men most easily recognize the policies which either benefit or injure them when they perceive these illustrated by many examples; and those who advise them to make use of these are credited by them with prudence and great wisdom. It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have determined to report in accurate detail all the circumstances which attended the overthrow of the oligarchy, in so far as I consider them worthy of notice.
[6] ὅσα δὴ καὶ λόγου τυχεῖν ἄξια ἡγοῦμαι. ποιήσομαι δὲ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν τελευταίων ἀρξάμενος, ἅ δοκεῖ τοῖς πολλοῖς αἴτια γενέσθαι μόνα τῆς ἐλευθερίας, λέγω δὲ τῶν περὶ τὴν παρθένον ἁμαρτηθέντων Ἀππίῳ διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα: προσθήκη γὰρ αὕτη γε καὶ τελευταία τῆς ὁργῆς τῶν δημοτῶν αἰτία μυρίων ἄλλων προηγησαμένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἤρξατο πρῶτον ἡ πόλις ὑπὸ τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ὑβρίζεσθαι. ταῦτα πρῶτον ἐρῶ καὶ διέξειμι πάσας ἐφεξῆς τὰς ἐν τῇ τότε καταστάσει γενηθείσας παρανομίας.
[6] I shall begin my account of them, however, not with the final incidents, which most people regard as the sole cause of the re-establishment of liberty, — I mention the wrongs committed by Appius with regard to the maiden because of his passion for her, — since these were merely an aggravation and a final cause for the resentment of the plebeians, following countless others, but I shall begin with the first insults the citizens suffered at the hands of the decemvirate. These I shall mention first, and then relate in order all the lawless deeds committed under that régime.
[1] πρώτη μὲν οὖν ἦν ἡ δόξασα γενέσθαι τοῦ κατὰ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας μίσους πρόφασις, ὅτι συνύφηναν [p. 114] τὴν δευτέραν ἀρχὴν τῇ προτέρᾳ δήμου τε ὑπεριδόντες καὶ βουλῆς καταφρονήσαντες: ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι τοὺς χαριεστάτους Ῥωμαίων, οἷς οὐ κατὰ γνώμην τὰ πραττόμενα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἦν, οὓς μὲν ἐξήλαυνον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αἰτίας ἐπιφέροντες ψευδεῖς καὶ δεινάς, οὓς δὲ ἀπεκτίννυσαν, κατηγόρους τε αὐτοῖς ὑποπέμποντες ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἑταίρων καὶ τὰς δίκας ταύτας αὐτοὶ δικάζοντες: μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτι τοῖς θρασυτάτοις τῶν νέων, οὓς εἶχον ἕκαστοι περὶ αὑτούς, ἐφῆκαν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν τὰ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων τῇ πολιτείᾳ.
[2.1] The first ground for the hatred against the oligarchy seems to have been this, that its members had joined their second term of office immediately to their first, thus showing alike their scorn of the people and their contempt of the senate. Another was their treatment of the most reputable Romans who were dissatisfied with their actions, some of whom, on the strength of false and heinous accusations, they were expelling from the city and others they were putting to death, suborning some of their own faction to accuse them and themselves trying these cases. But more than anything else was the licence they gave to the most audacious of the young men by whom each of them was always attended, to plunder and pillage the goods of those who opposed their administration.
[2] οἱ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ἁλούσης πολέμῳ κατὰ κράτος τῆς πατρίδος οὐ τὰ χρήματα μόνον ἀφῃροῦντο τοὺς νόμῳ κτησαμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὰς γαμετὰς αὐτῶν τὰς εὐμόρφους παρενόμουν καὶ εἰς θυγατέρας ἐπιγάμους καθύβριζον καὶ πληγὰς τοῖς ἀγανακτοῦσιν ὥσπερ ἀνδραπόδοις ἐδίδοσαν: καὶ παρεσκεύασαν, ὅσοις ἀφόρητα εἶναι τὰ γινόμενα ἐδόκει, καταλιπόντας τὴν πατρίδα γυναιξὶν ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις εἰς τὰς πλησίον ἐξοικίζεσθαι πόλεις, ὑποδεχομένων αὐτοὺς Λατίνων μὲν διὰ τὸ % ἀσθενές, Ἑρνίκων δὲ διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος γενομένην αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἰσοπολιτείαν. ὥσθ᾽, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, τελευτῶντες αὐτοὶ κατελείφθησαν οἱ φιλοτύραννοι, καὶ οἷς μηδεμία τῶν κοινῶν φροντὶς ἦν.
[2] These youths, as if the country had been taken by force of arms, not only stripped the legal owners of their effects, but even violated their wives, when these were beautiful, abused such of their daughters as were marriageable, and when any showed resentment, they beat them like slaves. Thus they bright it about that those who found these proceedings intolerable left their country along with their wives and children and removed to the neighbouring cities, where they were received by the Latins on account of their affinity and by the Hernicans in acknowledgement of the right of citizenship lately granted to them by the Romans. Consequently, as was to be expected, there were in the end none left behind but the friends of tyranny and such as had no concern for the public good.
[3] οὔτε γὰρ οἵ γε πατρίκιοι διέμενον ἐν τῇ πόλει θωπεύειν μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, [p. 115] ἐναντιοῦσθαι δὲ τοῖς πραττομένοις ἀδυνατοῦντες, οὔθ᾽ οἱ καταγραφέντες εἰς τὸ βουλευτικὸν συνέδριον, οὓς ἐπάναγκες ἔδει παρεῖναι ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων οἱ πλείους ἀνασκευασάμενοι πανοικεσίᾳ καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐρήμους ἀφέντες ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς διέτριβον.
[3] For neither the patricians, who were unwilling to flatter the rulers and yet were unable to oppose their actions, remained in the city, nor did those necessary to the magistrates; but the greater part of these also had removed with their entire families and, leaving their houses empty, were now living in the country.
[4] τοῖς δὲ ὀλιγαρχικοῖς καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν αἱ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν ἐγίνοντο φυγαὶ πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων ἕνεκα, μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι τοῖς ἀκολάστοις τῶν νέων πολὺ τὸ αὔθαδες προσεγίνετο μηδ᾽ ὄψει δυναμένοις ἰδεῖν, οὓς ἔμελλον ἀσελγές τι πράττοντες αἰσχύνεσθαι.
[4] The oligarchical faction, however, was pleased with the flight of the most distinguished men, not only for many other reasons, but particularly because it greatly increased the arrogance of the licentious youth not to have before their eyes those persons whose presence would have made them blush whenever they committed any wanton act.
[1] ἐρημουμένης δὲ τοῦ κρείττονος ἔθνους τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ ἐλεύθερον ἅπαν ἀπολωλεκυίας ἀφορμὴν κρατίστην ὑπολαβόντες ἐκεῖνοι οἱ πολέμῳ κρατηθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τάς τε ὕβρεις ἃς ὑβρίσθησαν ἀποτίσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἀπολωλότα ἀναλαβεῖν, ὡς νοσούσης διὰ τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν τῆς πόλεως καὶ οὔτε συστῆναι οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι οὔτ᾽ ἀντιλαβέσθαι τῶν κοινῶν ἔτι δυνησομένης, παρασκευασάμενοι τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐλαύνουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν στρατεύμασι μεγάλοις.
[3.1] Rome being thus deserted by her best element and having lost every vestige of her liberty, the nations which had been conquered by her thought they now had the most favourable opportunity both to avenge the insults they had received and to repair the losses they had sustained, believing that the commonwealth was sick because of the oligarchy and would no longer be able either to assemble its forces or to act in concord or to take hold of the affairs of state; and accordingly they prepared everything that was necessary for war and marched against Rome with large armies.
[2] καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Σαβῖνοι ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὴν ὁμοτέρμονα καὶ πολλῆς γενόμενοι λείας ἐγκρατεῖς φόνον τε πολὺν ἐργασάμενοι τοῦ γεωργικοῦ πλήθους ἐν Ἠρήτῳ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν: διέστηκε δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ἡ πόλις αὕτη τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους πλησίον οὖσα [p. 116]
[2] At one and the same time the Sabines made a raid into that part of the Roman territory that bordered on theirs and, after possessing themselves of much booty and killing large numbers of husbandmen, encamped at Eretum (this town is situated near the river Tiber at the distance of one hundred and forty stades from Rome),
[3] Τιβέρεως ποταμοῦ. Αἰκανοὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Τυσκλάνων γῆν ἐμβαλόντες ὅμορον οὖσαν σφίσι καὶ πολλὰ δῃώσαντες αὐτῆς ἐν Ἀλγιδῷ πόλει τίθενται τὸν χάρακα. ὡς δ᾽ ἤκουσαν οἱ δέκα τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον, τεταραγμένοι συνεκάλουν τὰς ἑταιρείας, καὶ μετὰ τούτων ὅ τι χρὴ πράττειν ἐσκόπουν.
[3] and the Aequians made a raid into the territory of the Tusculans that adjoined their own, and having laid waste much of it, placed their camp at the town of Algidum. When the decemvirs were informed of the attack of their enemies, they were confounded, and assembling their organized bands, they consulted with them what measures they ought to take.
[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν ὑπερόριον ἀποστέλλειν στρατιὰν καὶ μὴ περιμένειν, ἕως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἔλθωσι τὴν πόλιν αἱ τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεις, ἅπασιν ἐδόκει: παρεῖχε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πολλὴν ἀπορίαν, πρῶτον μὲν εἰ πάντας Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα κλητέον καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθομένους τῇ πολιτείᾳ: ἔπειθ᾽ ὁποίαν τινὰ δεήσει τὴν καταγραφὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ποιήσασθαι, πότερον αὐθάδη καὶ μισοπόνηρον οἵας ἔθος ἦν ποιεῖσθαι τοῖς τε βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις, ἢ φιλάνθρωπον καὶ μέτριον.
[4] That they ought to send an army outside their borders and not wait till the enemies’ forces advanced to Rome itself was the opinion of all; but they were in great perplexity, first, whether they should call to arms all the Romans, even those who hated their administration, and second, in what sort of way they should make the levy, whether in an arbitrary and uncompromising manner, as had been the practice of both the kings and the consuls, or with indulgence and moderation.
[5] ἐδόκει τ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνο μικρᾶς εἶναι ζητήσεως ἄξιον, τί τὸ κυρῶσον ἔσται τὴν περὶ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμην καὶ τὴν στρατολογίαν ψηφιούμενον, πότερα τὸ συνέδριον τῆς βουλῆς ἢ τὸ δημοτικὸν πλῆθος ἢ τούτων μὲν οὐδέτερον, ἐπεὶ δι᾽ ὑποψίας ἦν αὐτοῖς ἑκάτερον, αὐτοὶ δὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οἱ δέκα. τέλος δ᾽ οὖν πολλὰ βουλευσάμενοι τὴν βουλὴν ἔγνωσαν συγκαλεῖν καὶ ποιεῖν, ὅπως τόν τε πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἐκείνη ψηφιεῖται καὶ τὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ
[5] They thought that another point also deserved no small consideration, namely, who were to ratify their decisions regarding war and to vote the levy, whether the senate or the plebeians, or neither, since they were suspicious of both, but instead the decemvirs should confirm their own decisions. At last, after long consultation, they concluded to assemble the senate and prevail on that body to vote for war and to allow them to make the levy.
[6] καταγραφὴν ἐπιτρέψει ποιήσασθαι. εἰ γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ [p. 117] συνεδρίου κυρωθείη τούτων ἑκάτερον, πρῶτον μὲν εὐπειθεῖς ἔσεσθαι πάντας ὑπελάμβανον ἄλλως τε καὶ τῆς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας καταλελυμένης, ᾗ μόνῃ κατὰ νόμους ἐξῆν ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐπιταττομένοις: ἔπειτ᾽ αὐτοὶ εἴ τι δόξειν ὑπηρετοῦντες τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τὰ κυρωθέντα ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης πράττοντες κατὰ νόμους ἀνειληφέναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ πολέμου.
[6] For if both these measures were ratified by the senate, they imagined, first, that all would yield ready obedience, particularly since the tribunician power had been suppressed, which alone could legally oppose the orders of those in power; and, in the next place, that if they were subservient to the senate and carried out its orders, they would appear to have received in a legal manner their authority to begin war.
[1] ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι καὶ παρασκευάσαντες ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἑταίρων καὶ συγγενῶν τοὺς ἀγορεύσοντας ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὰς συμφερούσας αὐτοῖς γνώμας καὶ τοῖς μὴ ταὐτὰ προαιρουμένοις ἐναντιωσομένους προῆλθον εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ παραστησάμενοι τὸν κήρυκα τοὺς βουλεύοντας ἐξ ὀνόματος καλεῖν ἐκέλευον.
[4.1] After they had taken this resolution and had prepared those of their friends and relations who were to deliver in the senate the opinions that would further their cause and to oppose those who did not entertain the same sentiments, they went to the Forum, and bringing forward the crier, ordered him to summon the senators by name. But not one of the moderates paid heed to them.
[2] ὑπήκουε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν μετρίων οὐδείς. πολλάκις δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος βοῶντος καὶ παριόντος οὐδενὸς εἰ μὴ τῶν κολακευόντων τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν τὸ κάκιστον τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας μέρος, οἱ μὲν τότ᾽ ὄντες κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐθαύμαζον, εἰ περὶ μηδενὸς πώποτε συγκαλέσαντες τὴν βουλήν, τότε πρῶτον ἔγνωσαν, ὅτι καὶ συνέδριον ἦν τι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὓς ἔδει περὶ τῶν κοινῶν σκοπεῖν.
[2] When the crier shouted repeatedly and no one appeared but the flatterers of the oligarchy, among whom was to be found the most profligate element of the city, everyone who happened to be in the Forum at the time marvelled that the decemvirs, who had never assembled the senate on any account, recognized then for the first time that there was also among the Romans a council of worthy men whose duty it was to consult about the public interests.
[3] οἱ δέκα δὲ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες ἐπεχείρησαν μὲν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν τοὺς βουλευτὰς ἄγειν: πυθόμενοι δὲ τὰς πλείους ἐρήμους ἀφειμένας εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἀνεβάλοντο. ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ [p. 118] χρόνῳ πέμποντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἐκεῖθεν αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν. πληρωθέντος δὲ τοῦ συνεδρίου προελθὼν Ἄππιος, ὁ τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ἡγεμών, ἀπήγγειλεν ὅτι διχόθεν ἀπό τε Αἰκανῶν καὶ Σαβίνων ἐπάγεται τῇ Ῥώμῃ πόλεμος: καὶ διεξῆλθε λόγον ἐκ πολλῆς συγκείμενον ἐπιμελείας, οὗ τέλος ἦν ψηφίσασθαι στρατοῦ καταγραφὴν καὶ διὰ τάχους ποιῆσαι τὴν ἔξοδον, ὡς οὐ διδόντος ἀναστροφὴν τοῦ καιροῦ.
[3] The decemvirs, observing that the senators did not answer to their names, attempted to have them brought from their houses; but learning that the greater part of these had been left empty, they deferred the matter till the next day. In the meantime they sent into the country and summoned them from thence. When the senate-chamber was full, Appius, the chief of the decemvirate, came forward and informed them that war was being made upon Rome from two sides, by the Aequians and by the Sabines. And he delivered a very carefully prepared speech, the upshot of which was to get them to vote for the levying of an army and sending it out speedily, since the crisis admitted of no delay.
[4] ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἀνίσταται Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος ἐπωνυμίαν Ποτῖτος, ἀνὴρ μέγα φρονῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς προγόνοις: πατὴρ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ Οὐαλέριος ἦν ὁ τὸν Σαβῖνον Ἑρδώνιον ἐκπολιορκήσας κατέχοντα τὸ Καπετώλιον, καὶ τὸ μὲν φρούριον ἀνακτησάμενος, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀποθανών: πάππος δὲ πρὸς πατρὸς Ποπλικόλας ὁ τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐκβαλὼν καὶ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν καταστησάμενος.
[4] While he was thus speaking, Lucius Valerius, surnamed Potitus, rose up, a man who thought very highly of himself because of his ancestry; for his father was that Valerius who took the Capitol by siege when it was occupied by Herdonius the Sabine and recovered the fortress, though he himself lost his life in the action, and his grandfather on his father’s side was Publicola, who expelled the kings and established the aristocracy.
[5] παριόντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔτι καταμαθὼν Ἄππιος καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τι λέξειν ἐλπίσας: οὐχ οὗτος ὁ τόπος, εἶπεν, ὦ Οὐαλέριε, σός, οὐδὲ προσήκει σοι νῦν λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν οἵδε οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τιμιώτεροί σου γνώμην ἀγορεύσωσι, τότε καὶ σὺ κληθεὶς ἐρεῖς ὅ τι σοι δοκεῖ: νῦν δὲ σιώπα καὶ κάθησο. ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τούτων, ἔφησεν ὁ Οὐαλέριος, ἀνέστηκα ἐρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἄλλων μειζόνων τε καὶ ἀναγκαιοτέρων, ὑπὲρ ὧν οἴομαι δεῖν πρῶτον ἀκοῦσαι τὴν βουλήν.
[5] Appius, observing him as he was still coming forward and expecting he would say something against him, said: “This is not your turn, Valerius, and it is not fitting for you to speak now. But when these senators who are older and more honoured than you have delivered their opinions, then you also will be called upon and will say what you think proper. For the present be silent and sit down.” “But it is not about these matters that I have risen to speak,” Valerius said, “but about others of greater moment and more urgent, of which I think the senate ought first to hear.
[6] εἴσονται δ᾽ [p. 119] ἐξ ὧν ἂν ἀκούσωσιν οὗτοι, πότερα ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἀναγκαιότερα τοῖς κοινοῖς, ὑπὲρ ὧν ὑμεῖς αὐτοὺς συγκεκλήκατε, ἢ τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ λεχθησόμενα. ἀλλὰ μή μ᾽ ἀποστέρει λόγου βουλευτὴν ὄντα καὶ Οὐαλέριον καὶ περὶ σωτηρίας τῆς πόλεως λέγειν βουλόμενον. ἐὰν δὲ φυλάττῃς τὴν συνήθη πρὸς ἅπαντας αὐθάδειαν, δημάρχους μὲν ποίους ἐπικαλέσομαι; καταλέλυται γὰρ ἡ τῶν κατισχυομένων πολιτῶν βοήθεια ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν.
[6] And from what they shall hear they will know whether these matters for which you decemvirs have assembled them are more necessary to the commonwealth than those which I shall speak about. Well, then, do not refuse the floor to me, who am a senator and a Valerius and one who desires to speak in the interest of the safety of the commonwealth. But if you persist in your usual arrogance toward everybody, what tribunes shall I call upon to assist me? For this relief to oppressed citizens has been abolished by you decemvirs.
[7] καίτοι τίνος ἔλαττον τοῦτο κακόν, ὅτε Οὐαλέριος ὢν Ποτῖτος ὡς εἷς τῶν ἐλαχίστων οὐκ ἔχω τὸ ἴσον, ἀλλὰ δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας δέομαι; οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης ἀπεστερήμεθα, ὑμᾶς τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ παρειληφότας καὶ τὴν ἐκείνης ἐξουσίαν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστεύοντας τῆς πόλεως ἅπαντας καλῶ καὶ οὐκ ἀγνοῶν μέν, ὅτι διὰ κενῆς τοῦτο ποιῶ, φανερὰν δὲ βουλόμενος πᾶσι γενέσθαι τὴν συνωμοσίαν ὑμῶν, ὅτι συγκεχύκατε τὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ μίαν ἅπαντες γνώμην ἔχετε: μᾶλλον δὲ σὲ μόνον ἐπικαλοῦμαι, Κόιντε Φάβιε Οὐιβολανέ, τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς τρισὶν ὑπατείαις κοσμούμενον, εἰ τὸν αὐτὸν νοῦν ἔτι ἔχεις. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνίστασο καὶ βοήθει τοῖς κατισχυομένοις: εἰς σὲ γὰρ ἀποβλέπει τὸ συνέδριον. [p. 120]
[7] And yet what greater wrong is there than this, that I, a Valerius, like a man of the lowest rank, do not enjoy equality, but stand in need of the tribunician power? However, since we have been deprived of that magistracy, I call for assistance upon all of you who together with this man have assumed the power of that magistracy also and exercise dominion over the commonwealth. I am not unaware, to be sure, that I do this in vain, but I desire to make your conspiracy mag to all and show that you have thrown the affairs of the commonwealth into confusion and that you all have the same purpose. Rather, I call upon you alone, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, you who have been honoured with three consulships, in case you still preserve the same sentiments. Rise up, therefore, and relieve the oppressed; for the eyes of the senate are fixed upon you.”
[1] ὡς δὲ ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν, ὁ Φάβιος ἐκάθητο ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης οὐδὲν ἀποκρινόμενος, Ἄππιος δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ δέκα πάντες ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐκώλυον αὐτὸν λέγειν. θορύβου δὲ πολλοῦ κατασχόντος τὸ συνέδριον καὶ τῶν μὲν πλείστων ἀγανακτούντων, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἑταιρείας αὐτοὺς λέγειν ὀρθῶς ἡγουμένων, ἀνίσταται Μάρκος Ὁράτιος ὁ Βαρβᾶτος ἐπικληθεὶς ἀπόγονος Ὁρατίου τοῦ συνυπατεύσαντος Ποπλίῳ Οὐαλερίῳ Ποπλικόλᾳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τῶν βασιλέων, ἀνὴρ καὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ δεινὸς καὶ λέγειν οὐκ ἀδύνατος, Οὐαλερίῳ δ᾽ ἐκ παλαιοῦ φίλος: ὃς οὐκέτι κατασχὼν τὴν χολὴν ἔφησε:
[5.1] When Valerius had spoken thus, Fabius sat still through shame and made no answer; but Appius and all the other decemvirs, leaping up, sought to hinder Valerius from going on. Upon this, a great tumult filled the senate-chamber, the greater part of the senators expressing their resentment, while those who belonged to the decemvirs’ faction justified what they said. Then Marcus Horatius, surnamed Barbatus, a descendant of that Horatius who had been consul with Publius Valerius Publicola after the expulsion of the kings, rose up, a man of great ability in warfare and not lacking in eloquence, and long a friend to Valerius. This man, unable longer to contain his resentment, said:
[2] θᾶττόν μ᾽ ἀναγκάσετε, Ἄππιε, τοὺς χαλινοὺς διαρρῆξαι οὐκέτι μετριάζοντες, ἀλλὰ τὸν Ταρκύνιον ἐκεῖνον ἐνδυόμενοι, οἵ γ᾽ οὐδὲ λόγου τυχεῖν ἐᾶτε τοὺς περὶ σωτηρίας τῶν κοινῶν βουλομένους λέγειν. πότερον ὑμῶν ἐξελήλυθεν ἐκ τῆς διανοίας, ὅτι σώζονται μὲν οἱ Οὐαλερίων ἀπόγονοι τῶν ἐξελασάντων τὴν τυραννίδα, λείπεται δὲ διαδοχὴ τῆς Ὁρατίων οἰκίας, οἷς πάτριόν ἐστιν. ὁμόσε χωρεῖν τοῖς καταδουλουμένοις τὴν πατρίδα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ μόνοις;
[2] “You decemvirs will very soon force me, Appius, to break through all restrain by your want of moderation and by acting the part of the haughty Tarquin, — you who do not even grant a hearing to those who desire to speak in the interest of the safety of the commonwealth. Has it slipped your mind that there still survive the descendants of that Valerius who banished the tyranny and that there are left successors of the house of the Horatii in whom it is hereditary to oppose, both with others and alone, those who would enslave their country?
[3] ἤ τοσαύτην κατεγνώκατε καὶ ἡμῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ῥωμαίων ἀνανδρίαν, ὥστ᾽ ἀγαπήσειν ἐάν τις ἐᾷ ζῆν ἡμᾶς ὁπωσδήποτε, [p. 121] ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας δὲ καὶ παρρησίας μήτ᾽ ἐρεῖν μήτε πράξειν μηθέν; ἢ μεθύετε τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἐξουσίας; ὑμεῖς Οὐαλερίου λόρον ἀφελεῖσθε ἢ τῶν ἄλλων τινὸς βουλευτῶν τίνες ὄντες ἢ ποίαν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντες νόμιμον; οὐκ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπεδείχθητε τῶν κοινῶν προστάται; οὐ παρῴχηκεν ὁ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑμῶν χρόνος; οὐκ ἰδιῶται τῷ νόμῳ γεγόνατε; ταῦτ᾽ εἰς τὸν δῆμον βουλεύεσθε ἐξενεγκεῖν.
[3] Or have you decided that both we and the rest of the Romans have so mean a spirit that we shall be content to be permitted to enjoy life on any terms whatever and will neither say nor do anything in favour of liberty and freedom of speech? Or are you intoxicated with the greatness of your power? Who are you men, of what legal magistracy do you hold, that you are going to deprive Valerius or any other senator of the privilege of speaking? Were you not appointed leaders of the commonwealth for a year? Has not the term of your magistracy expired? Have you not become private citizens by law? Plan to lay these matters before the people.
[4] τί γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὸ κωλῦον ἔσται τὸν βουλόμενον ἡμῶν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συγκαλεῖν, καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὑμῶν, ἣν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ἔχετε, κατηγορεῖν; ἀνάδοτε τοῖς πολίταις ψῆφον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τούτου, πότερα δεῖ μένειν τὴν δεκαδαρχίαν ὑμῶν, ἢ τὰς πατρίους πάλιν ἀποδείκνυσθαι ἀρχάς: κἂν τοῦτο μανεὶς ὁ δῆμος ὑπομείνῃ, πάλιν τὴν αὐτὴν κατάστασιν ἔχετε καὶ κωλύετε λέγειν, ὁπόσα βούλεταί τις ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος. ἄξιοι γὰρ ἂν εἴημεν καὶ ταῦτα καὶ ἔτι χείρονα τούτων πάσχειν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν γενόμενοι καὶ ῥυπαίνοντες αἰσχρῷ βίῳ τὰς ἑαυτῶν τε καὶ τῶν προγόνων ἀρετάς. [p. 122]
[4] For what is going to hinder any of us from assembling them and from challenging the authority which you are exercising contrary to the laws? Permit the citizens to vote upon this very point, whether your decemvirate shall continue or the traditional magistracies be re-established; and if the people are so mad as to submit to the former course, then enjoy once more the same régime and prevent anyone from saying what he wishes in defence of his country. For we should deserve to suffer not only this but even a worse fate if we let ourselves get into your power and sullied by a disgraceful life both our own virtues and those of our ancestors.”
[1] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος οἱ δέκα περιίστανται κεκραγότες καὶ τὴν δημαρχικὴν ἐπανασείοντες ἐξουσίαν καὶ ῥίψειν αὐτὸν ἀπειλοῦντες κατὰ τῆς πέτρας, εἰ μὴ σιωπήσει. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάντες ἀνέκραγον ὡς καταλυομένης σφῶν τῆς ἐλευθερίας, καὶ μεστὸν ἦν ἀγανακτήσεώς τε καὶ θορύβου τὸ συνέδριον.
[6.1] While he was still speaking, the decemvirs surrounded him, crying out, menacing him with the tribunician power, and threatening to throw him down from the rock if he would not be silent. Upon which all cried out, feeling that their liberty was being taken away; and the senate-chamber was full of indignation and turmoil.
[2] τοῖς μέντοι δέκα μετέμελεν εὐθέως τῆς τε κωλύσεως τοῦ λέγειν καὶ τῆς ἀπειλῆς, ὡς ἠρεθισμένην εἶδον ἐπὶ τῷ πράγματι τὴν βουλήν: ἔπειτα προσελθὼν ἐξ αὐτῶν Ἄππιος καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν θορυβούντων βραχὺν ἐπισχεῖν χρόνον, ἐπειδὴ κατέστειλε τὸ ταραττόμενον αὐτῶν:
[2] However, the decemvirs, when they saw that the senators were exasperated at their behaviour, repented promptly both of their having refused permission to speak and of their threat. Then Appius, coming forward, asked those who were creating a divc to have patience a moment; and having quieted their disorder, he said: “Not one of you, senators, do we deprive of the privilege of speaking, provided he speaks at the proper time; but we do restrain those who are too forward and rise up before they are called upon.
[3] οὐδένα ὑμῶν, εἶπεν, ἀποστεροῦμεν, ὦ ἄνδρες βουλευταί, λόγου, ὃς ἂν ἐν τῷ προσήκοντι καιρῷ λέγῃ, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιπολάζοντας καὶ πρὶν ἢ κληθῆναι προεξανισταμένους εἴργομεν. μηδὲν οὖν ἀγανακτεῖτε, καὶ γὰρ Ὁρατίῳ καὶ Οὐαλερίῳ καὶ παντὶ ἄλλῳ γνώμην ἀγορεύειν ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ τόπῳ κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐθισμὸν καὶ κόσμον ἀποδώσομεν, ἐάν γε περὶ ὧν βουλευσόμενοι συνεληλύθατε, περὶ
[3] Be not, therefore, offended. For we shall give leave, not only to Horatius and Valerius, but also to every other senator, to deliver his opinion in his turn according to the ancient custom and decorum, provided they speak about the matters which you have assembled to consider and about no extraneous subject;
[4] τούτων λέγωσι καὶ μηδὲν ἔξω: ἐὰν δὲ δημαγωγῶσιν ὑμᾶς καὶ διαστασιάζωσι τὴν πόλιν τὰ μὴ πρὸς τὸ πρᾶγμα δημηγοροῦντες, οὐδὲν τότε: τὴν δ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τοῦ κωλύειν τοὺς ἀκοσμοῦντας, ὦ Μάρκε Ὁράτιε, παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαβόντες ἔχομεν, ὅτε ἡμῖν καὶ τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ τὴν τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχὴν ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ ὁ χρόνος αὐτῆς οὔπω παρελήλυθεν, ὥσπερ σοι δοκεῖ.
[4] but if they endeavour to seduce you by popular harangues and to divide the commonwealth by speaking of matters that are not to the point, then to none of them ever. As for the power to restrain the disorderly, Marcus Horatius, we do possess it, having received it from the people when they voted to us both the magistracy of the consuls and that of the tribunes; and the term of it has not yet expired, as you think.
[5] οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπεδείχθημεν, οὐδ᾽ εἰς [p. 123] ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον ὡρισμένον, ἀλλ᾽ ἕως ἂν καταστησώμεθα πᾶσαν τὴν νομοθεσίαν. συντελέσαντες οὖν, ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἔχομεν, καὶ κυρώσαντες τοὺς λοιποὺς νόμους, τότ᾽ ἀποθησόμεθα τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ λόγον τῶν πεπραγμένων τοῖς βουλομένοις ὑμῶν ὑφέξομεν. τέως δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐλαττώσομεν οὐδὲ τῆς ὑπατικῆς ἐξουσίας οὐδὲ
[5] For we were not appointed for a year or for any other definite period, but until we should have instituted the whole body of laws. When, therefore, we have completed what we propose and have got the remaining laws ratified, we shall then resign our magistracy and give an account of our actions to any of you who desire it. In the meantime we shall relax nothing either of the consular or of the tribunician power.
[6] τῆς δημαρχικῆς. περὶ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, τίνα χρὴ τρόπον ὡς τάχιστα καὶ κάλλιστα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀμύνασθαι, γνώμας ἀξιῶ παριόντας ὑμᾶς λέγειν, πρώτους μέν, ὥσπερ ἐστὶ σύνηθες καὶ πρέπον ὑμῖν, τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους, ἔπειτα τοὺς μέσους, τελευταίους δὲ τοὺς νεωτάτους.
[6] As to the war, now, in what manner we may repulse our enemies most quickly and gloriously, I ask you to come forward and deliver your opinions — first the oldest members, as is customary and fitting for you, next those of a middle age, and last the youngest.”
[1] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκάλει τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θεῖον Γάιον Κλαύδιον. ὁ δ᾽ ἀναστὰς τοιαύτην διέθετο δημηγορίαν: ἐπειδή με πρῶτον γνώμην ἀποφαίνεσθαι ἀξιοῖ Ἄππιος, ὦ βουλή, τιμῶν διὰ τὸ συγγενές, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προσήκει, καὶ δεῖ με ἃ φρονῶ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Σαβίνους εἰπεῖν, πρὶν ἀποδείξασθαι τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ διάνοιαν, ἐκεῖνο βουλοίμην ἂν ὑμᾶς ἐξετάσαι, τίσιν ἐπαρθέντες ἐλπίσιν Αἰκανοὶ καὶ Σαβῖνοι πόλεμον ἐπενεγκεῖν ἐτόλμησαν ἡμῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπιόντες λεηλατεῖν, οἱ τέως ἀγαπῶντες καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς πολλὴν χάριν εἰδότες, εἴ τις αὐτοὺς εἴα τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἔχειν ἀσφαλῶς. ἐὰν γὰρ τοῦτο μάθητε, καὶ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἥτις ἔσται κρατίστη μαθήσεσθε.
[7.1] Having said this, he proceeded to call first upon his uncle, Gaius Claudius, who, rising up, delivered a speech about as follows:
“Since Appius desires me to deliver my opinion first, senators, showing me this honour because of our relationship, as becomes him, and since I must say what I think concerning the war with the Aequians and the Sabines, I should like, before declaring my own sentiments, to have you inquire what hopes have encouraged the Aequians and Sabines to venture to make war upon us and to invade and lay waste our country, nations which till now were quite satisfied and most grateful to Heaven if they were permitted to enjoy their own land in security. For if you once know what those hopes are, you will also know what means of deliverance from war with these nations will be most effectual.
[2] ἐκεῖνοι τοίνυν ἀκούσαντες, [p. 124] ὅτι σεσάλευται καὶ νοσεῖ τὸ πάτριον ἡμῶν πολίτευμα ἐκ πολλοῦ, καὶ τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν κοινῶν οὔτε ὁ δῆμος εὔνους ἐστὶν οὔτε οἱ πατρίκιοι, καὶ οὐ μάτην ἀκούσαντες — τὸ γὰρ ἀληθὲς οὕτως ἔχει, τὰς δ᾽ αἰτίας ἐπισταμένοις ὑμῖν οὐδὲν δέομαι λέγειν — ὑπέλαβον, εἴ τις ἔξωθεν ἡμᾶς κατάσχοι πόλεμος ἅμα τοῖς ἐντὸς τείχους κακοῖς, καὶ δόξειε ταῖς ἀρχαῖς δύναμιν ἐξάγειν τὴν προπολεμήσουσαν τῆς γῆς, οὔτε τοὺς πολίτας ἐπὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ὅρκον ἅπαντας ἥξειν ἐκ προθυμίας ὡς πρότερον, ἀπεχθῶς διακειμένους πρὸς τὰς ἀρχάς: οὔτε τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ταῖς ἐκ τῶν νόμων τιμωρίαις χρήσεσθαι κατὰ τῶν μὴ παραγενομένων δεδοικότας, μή τι μεῖζον ἐργάσωνται κακόν, τούς τε ὑπακούσαντας καὶ τὰ ὅπλα λαβόντας ἢ καταλείψειν τὰ σημεῖα ἢ παραμένοντας ἐθελοκακήσειν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν.
[2] Well, then, when they heard that our time-honoured constitution has for a long time been shaken and is diseased and that neither the populace nor the patricians are well disposed toward those who are at the head of the commonwealth — and this they heard not without reason, since it is the truth, though I have no need to state the causes to you who are well acquainted with them — they assumed that if any foreign war should come upon us in addition to these domestic evils and the magistrates should resolve to march out with an army in defence of the country, neither the citizens would all present themselves cheerfully, as before, to take the military oath, because of their hostility to the magistrates, nor would these inflict the punishments ordained by law upon those who did not present themselves, lest they should occasion some greater mischief; and that those who did obey and take up arms would either desert the standards or, if they remained, would deliberately play the coward in battle.
[3] ὧν οὐδὲν ἔξω τοῦ εἰκότος ἤλπισαν: ὅταν μὲν γὰρ ὁμονοοῦσα πόλις ἅπτηται πολέμου, καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συμφέρον ἅπασι φαίνηται τοῖς τ᾽ ἄρχουσι καὶ τοῖς ἀρχομένοις, μετὰ προθυμίας ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τὰ δεινὰ χωροῦσι καὶ οὔτε πόνον οὔτε κίνδυνον οὐδένα ὀκνοῦσιν.
[3] And none of these hopes was ill grounded; for when a harmonious state undertakes a war and all, both rulers and ruled, look upon their interests as identical, all go to meet the perils with alacrity and decline no toil or danger;
[4] ὅταν δὲ νοσοῦσα ἐν αὑτῇ, πρὶν ἢ τὰ ἔνδον καταστήσασθαι, τοῖς ὑπαιθρίοις ὁμόσε χωρῇ πολεμίοις, καὶ παραστῇ τῷ μὲν πλήθει λογισμός, ὅτι οὐχ ὑπὲρ οἰκείων ἀγαθῶν κακοπαθοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα βεβαιότερον αὐτῶν ἕτεροι ἄρχωσι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἡγεμόσιν, ὅτι πολέμιον ἔχουσιν οὐχ [p. 125] ἧττον τοῦ ἀντιπάλου τὸ οἰκεῖον, νοσεῖ τὰ ὅλα καὶ πᾶσα ἱκανὴ δύναμις τὰ τοιαῦτα στρατεύματα καταγωνίσασθαι καὶ φθεῖραι.
[4] but when a state which suffers from sickness within itself engages with its enemies outside before composing its internal disorders, and the rank and file stop to consider that they are undergoing hardships, not for their own advantage, but to strengthen the domination of others over them, and the generals reflect that their own army is no less hostile to them than is the foe, everything is diseased and any force is sufficient to defeat and destroy such armies.
[1] ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ βουλή, τὰ Σαβίνων τε καὶ Αἰκανῶν ἐνθυμήματα, οἷς πεπιστευκότες ἐμβεβλήκασιν ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν γῆν. ἐὰν μὲν οὖν ἀγανακτήσαντες τῷ καταφρονεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐπαρθέντων ὡς ἔχομεν ὀργῆς δύναμιν ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ψηφισώμεθα, δέδοικα μὴ ταῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἃ προὔλαβον ἐκεῖνοι συμβῇ,
[8.1] “These, senators, are the reasonings of both the Sabines and the Aequians, and because they believed them to be valid, they have invaded our territory. So if we, showing our resentment at being scorned by them in their exalted state of mind, vote in our present wrathful state to lead out an army against them, I fear that all they anticipated may happen to us, or rather, I know full well that it will come to pass.
[2] μᾶλλον δ᾽ εὖ οἶδα συμβησόμενα. ἐὰν δὲ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τἀναγκαιότατα καταστησώμεθα — ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἥ τ᾽ εὐκοσμία τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τὸ πᾶσι ταὐτὰ συμφέροντα φαίνεσθαι — ἐξελάσαντες μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὴν νῦν ἐπιχωριάζουσαν ὕβριν καὶ πλεονεξίαν, ἀποδόντες δὲ τὸ ἀρχαῖον σχῆμα τῇ πολιτείᾳ, πτήξαντες οἱ νῦν θρασεῖς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν ἥξουσιν ὡς ἡμᾶς οὐκ εἰς μακράν, τάς τε βλάβας % ... θούμενοι καὶ περὶ διαλλαγῶν διαλεξόμενοι, ὑπάρξει τε ἡμῖν ὃ πάντες ἂν εὔξαιντο οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες, χωρὶς ὅπλων διαπεπολεμηκέναι τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλεμον.
[2] But if we establish the conditions that are of primary importance and most necessary — and these are good order on the part of the multitude and the recognition by all citizens that their interests are identical — by banishing from the state the insolence and greed which are now the fashion and by restoring the constitution to its ancient form, these enemies who are now so bold will cower and, hurling their weapons from their hands, will soon come to us to make amends for the injuries they have caused and to treat for peace, and we shall have it in our power — a thing which all men of sense would wish — to have put an end to the war without resorting to arms.
[3] ταῦτα δὴ λογισαμένους ἡμᾶς οἴομαι δεῖν τὴν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολέμου βουλήν, ἐπειδὴ ταραχωδῶς ἡμῖν [p. 126] ἔχει τὰ ἐντὸς τείχους, ἐᾶσαι κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ὑπὲρ ὁμονοίας δὲ καὶ κόσμου πολιτικοῦ προθεῖναι τῷ βουλομένῳ λέγειν. οὐ γὰρ ἐξεγένετο ἡμῖν, πρὶ εἰς τοῦτο καταστῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὑπὸ τῆσδε τῆς ἀρχῆς κληθεῖσι περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πραγμάτων εἴ τι μὴ καλῶς εἶχε τῶν γιγνομένων διαγνῶναι.
[3] In view of these considerations I believe we ought to defer the consideration of the war for the present, since our affairs within the city’s walls are in a turbulent state, and, instead, give leave to everyone who so desires to speak in favour of harmony and good order among our citizens. For we never had the opportunity, until the war brought us to this pass, of deciding in a meeting called by this government about the business of the commonwealth, whether any of the measures being taken were satisfactory.
[4] πολλῆς γὰρ ἂν ἐπιτιμήσεως ἄξιος ἦν, εἴ τις ἐκεῖνον ἀφεὶς τὸν καιρὸν ἐν τούτῳ λέγειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἠξίου: οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔχοι τις εἰπεῖν βεβαίως, ὅτι τοῦτον ὑπερβαλόμενοι τὸν καιρὸν ὡς οὐκ ἐπιτήδειον ἑτέρου δυνησόμεθα τυχεῖν ἐπιτηδειοτέρου. εἰ γὰρ ἐκ τῶν γεγονότων τὰ μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι βούλεταί τις εἰκάζειν, πολὺς ὁ μετὰ τοῦτον ἔσται χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ περὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν κοινῶν συνελευσόμεθα βουλευσόμενοι.
[4] For, had there been such an opportunity, great censure would be deserved by anyone who had neglected that occasion and only at this time saw fit to talk about these matters. Nor could anyone say for certain that, if we let this opportunity pass as unsuitable, we shall be able to find one that is more suitable. For if one cares to judge the future by the past, it will be a long time before we meet again to consider any matter of the public business.
[1] ἀξιῶ δ᾽ ὑμᾶς, Ἄππιε, τοὺς προεστηκότας τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἀπὸ τῶν συμφερόντων οὐχὶ τὸ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἰδίᾳ λυσιτελοῦν ὀφείλοντας σκοπεῖν, ἐάν τι τῶν ἀληθῶν μετὰ παρρησίας, ἀλλὰ μὴ καθ᾽ ἡδονὰς τὰς ὑμετέρας λέγω, μή μοι διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀπεχθάνεσθαι ἐνθυμουμένους, ὅτι οὐκ ἐπὶ λοιδορίᾳ καὶ προπηλακισμῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑμῶν ποιήσομαι τοὺς λόγους, [p. 127] ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα δείξας, ἐν οἵῳ κλύδωνι τὰ πράγματα σαλεύει τῆς πόλεως, τὴν σωτηρίαν καὶ ἐπανόρθωσιν αὐτῶν ἥτις ἔσται φράσω.
[9.1] “I ask this, Appius, of you men who are at the head of the commonwealth and are in duty bound to consult the common interest of all rather than your private advantage, that if I speak some truths with frankness instead of trying to please you, you will not be offended on that account, when you consider that I shall not make my remarks with any intent to abuse and insult your magistracy, but in order to show in how great a sea the affairs of the commonwealth are tossed and to point out what will be both their safety and their reformation.
[2] ἅπασι μὲν γὰρ ἴσως, ὅσοις τῇ πατρίδι ... δωσιν, ἀναγκαῖός ἐστιν ὁ περὶ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων λόγος, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐμοί. πρῶτον μὲν γάρ, ὅτι γνώμης ἄρχειν ἠξίωμαι διὰ τιμήν: αἰσχύνη δὲ καὶ μωρία πολλὴ πρῶτον ἀναστάντα μὴ οὐχ ἃ δεῖ πρῶτον ἐπανορθώσασθαι λέγειν. ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι συμβέβηκεν ὄντι θείῳ πρὸς πατρὸς Ἀππίου τοῦ προεστηκότος τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ἥδεσθαί τε πάντων μάλιστα, ὅταν εὖ τὰ κοινὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιτροπεύηται, καὶ ἀνιᾶσθαι παντὸς ὁτουδήτινος μᾶλλον, ὅταν μὴ καλῶς.
[2] It is perhaps incumbent upon all who . . . for the fatherland to speak of the matters that are for the public interest, and this is true particularly in my case. First, because I have been asked, as an honour due me, to take the lead in expressing my opinion, and it would be a shame, yes a great folly, for the man who rises up first not to mention the things that need to be reformed first. In the next place, because it has fallen to me, as the paternal uncle of Appius, the chief of the decemvirs, both to be pleased more than all others when the commonwealth is well governed by them and to be grieved above anyone else when it is not so governed.
[3] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅτι ταύτην πολιτείας διαδέδεγμαι προαίρεσιν ἐκ προγόνων τὰ κοινὰ συμφέροντα πρὸ τῶν οἰκείων λυσιτελῶν αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ μηδένα κίνδυνον ἴδιον ὑπολογίζεσθαι, ἣν οὐκ ἂν προδοίην ἑκὼν εἶναι δέ μοι ταύτην τοῦ βίου προαίρεσιν καὶ οὐκ ἂν καταισχύναιμι τὰς ἐκείνων τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀρετάς.
[3] Besides these motives, I have inherited it as a political principle from my ancestors to prefer the interests of the public to my own private advantages and to take thought for no personal danger, a principle that I would not willingly betray and thus dishonour the virtues of those men.
[4] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς καθεστώσης πολιτείας, ὅτι πονηρῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει, καὶ δυσχεραίνουσιν ὀλίγου δεῖν πάντες αὐτῇ, μέγιστον ὑμῖν [p. 128] γενέσθω τεκμήριον πάντες οἱ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες ὃ μόνον οὐδ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν, ὅτι φεύγουσιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ὁσημέραι καταλιπόντες τὰς πατρῴας ἑστίας οἱ χαριέστατοι τῶν δημοτικῶν, οἱ μὲν εἰς τὰς πλησιοχώρους πόλεις ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις μετατιθέμενοι τὰς οἰκήσεις, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς πλεῖστον ἀπέχοντας τῆς πόλεως ἀγρούς: καὶ οὐδὲ τῶν πατρικίων πολλοὶ τὰς κατ᾽ ἄστυ ποιοῦνται διατριβὰς ὡς πρότερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων οἱ πλείους τὸν βίον ἔχουσιν ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς.
[4] As to the present form of government, that it is in a bad state and that almost everyone is dissatisfied with it, let this be the strongest proof for you, the one thing you cannot be ignorant of, that the most respectable of the plebeians are daily abandoning their ancestral hearths and fleeing out of the city, some with their wives and children removing to the neighbouring cities and others to country districts that lie farthest from Rome. And even of the patricians not many continue to reside in the city as they formerly did, but the greater part of these also are living in the country.
[5] καὶ τί δεῖ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων λέγειν, ὅτε καὶ τῶν βουλευτῶν ὀλίγοι μέν τινες οἱ κατὰ συγγένειαν ἢ φιλίαν προσήκοντες ὑμῖν ὑπομένουσιν ἐντὸς τείχους, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι τὴν ἐρημίαν ποθεινοτέραν ἡγοῦνται τῆς πατρίδος; ὅτε γοῦν ἐδέησεν ὑμῖν καλέσαι τὴν βουλήν, ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν καθ᾽ ἕνα καλούμενοι συνῆλθον, οἷς πάτριον ἦν ἅμα ταῖς ἀρχαῖς διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχειν τὴν πατρίδα καὶ
[5] Yet why should I speak of the others when only a few even of the senators, and those such as are attached to you either by relationship or friendship, remain within the walls, while the rest regard solitude as more desirable than their native city? At any rate, when you found it necessary to assemble the senate, the members came together only when summoned from their country seats one by one — these men with whom it was a time-honoured custom to keep watch over the fatherland in conjunction with the magistrates and to shirk none of the public business.
[6] μηδενὸς ἀπολείπεσθαι τῶν κοινῶν. ἆρ᾽ οὐν τἀγαθὰ φεύγοντας ὑπολαμβάνετε ἀνθρώπους καταλιπεῖν τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας ἢ τὰ κακά; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οἴομαι τὰ κακά. καίτοι τίνος ἔλαττον οἴεσθ᾽ εἶναι κακὸν πόλει καὶ ταῦτα τῇ Ῥωμαίων, ᾗ πολλῶν οἰκείων δεῖ σωμάτων, εἰ μέλλει βεβαίως καθέξειν τὴν τῶν προσοίκων ἀρχήν, τὸ καταλείπεσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν δημοτικῶν, ἐρημοῦσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν πατρικίων, οὔτε πολέμου κατασχόντος αὐτὴν οὔτε νόσου λοιμικῆς οὔτ᾽ ἄλλης θεηλάτου συμφορᾶς οὐδεμιᾶς; [p. 129]
[6] Do you imagine, then, that it is to flee from their blessings or rather from their evils that men abandon their native lands? For my part, I think it is from their evils. And yet what greater evil do you think there is for a commonwealth, particularly for that of the Romans, which needs many troops of its own nationals if it is to maintain firmly its sovereignty over its neighbours, than to be abandoned by the plebeians and deserted by the patricians, when oppressed neither by war, pestilence nor any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven?
[1] βούλεσθε οὖν ἀκοῦσαι, τίνες εἰσὶν αἱ βιαζόμεναι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καταλιπεῖν αἰτίαι ἱερὰ καὶ τάφους προγόνων καὶ ἐξερημοῦν ἐφέστια καὶ κτήσεις πατέρων καὶ πᾶσαν ἡγεῖσθαι γῆν ἀναγκαιοτέραν τῆς πατρίδος; οὐ γὰρ ἄτερ αἰτίας ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει. ἐγὼ δὴ φράσω πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐκ ἀποκρύψομαι.
[10.1] “Do you wish, then, to hear the reasons that are compelling these men to abandon temples and sepulchres of their ancestors, to desert hearths and possessions of their fathers, and to look upon every land as dearer to them than their own? For these things are not taking place without reason. Well, then, I will inform you and conceal nothing.
[2] κατηγορίαι γίνονται τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑμῶν, Ἄππιε, πολλαὶ καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν: εἰ μὲν ἀληθεῖς ἢ ψευδεῖς οὐδὲν δέομαι ζητεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι, γίνονται δ᾽ οὖν ὅμως. οὐδεὶς δ᾽, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ἔξω τῶν ὑμετέρων ἑταίρων οἰκείως τοῖς παροῦσιν ἔχει πράγμασιν. οἱ μέν γ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ καὶ ἐξ ἀγαθῶν, οἷς προσῆκεν ἱερᾶσθαί τε καὶ ἄρχειν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας καρποῦσθαι τιμάς, ἃς οἱ πατέρες αὐτῶν ἐκαρποῦντο, ἄχθονται τούτων ἀπελαυνόμενοι δι᾽ ὑμᾶς τὰς προγονικὰς ἀξιώσεις ἀπολωλεκότες.
[2] Many charges are being brought against the magistracy of you decemvirs, Appius, and by many people. Whether they are true or false I do not care to inquire at present, but at any rate they are being brought. And not a man, I say, outside of your own partisans is well disposed toward the present state of affairs. For the men of worth, descended from men of worth, who ought to hold the priesthoods and the magistracies and to enjoy the other honours which were enjoyed by their fathers, are indignant when they are excluded from these by you and thus have lost the dignities of their ancestors.
[3] οἱ δὲ τὴν διὰ μέσου τάξιν ἔχοντες ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὴν ἀπράγμονα διώκοντες ἡσυχίαν, χρημάτων τ᾽ ἀδίκους ἁρπαγὰς ἐγκαλοῦσιν ὑμῖν καὶ προπηλακισμοὺς εἰς γαμετὰς ὀδύρονται γυναῖκας καὶ παροινίας εἰς θυγατέρας ἐπιγάμους καὶ
[3] The men of middle rank in the state, who pursue a life of tranquillity free from public duties, accuse you of snatching away their property unjustly and lament the insults you offer to their wedded wives, your drunken licentiousness toward their marriageable daughters, and many other grievous abuses.
[4] ἄλλας ὕβρεις πολλὰς καὶ χαλεπάς. τὸ δὲ πενέστατον τοῦ δημοτικοῦ μέρος οὔτ᾽ ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ἔτι κύριον γινόμενον οὔτε ψηφοφοριῶν οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἐκκλησίας καλούκενον οὔτ᾽ ἄλλης πολιτικῆς φιλανθρωπίας μεταλαμβάνον οὐδεμιᾶς, διὰ ταῦτα πάνθ᾽ ὑμᾶς μισεῖ καὶ τυραννίδα καλεῖ τὴν ἀρχήν. [p. 130]
[4] And the poorest part of the populace, who have no longer the power either of choosing magistrates or of giving their votes upon other occasions, who are not summoned to assemblies and do not share in any other political courtesy, hate you upon all these accounts and call your government a tyranny.
[1] πῶς οὖν ἐπανορθώσετε ταῦτα καὶ παύσεσθε δἰ αἰτίας παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις ὄντες; τοῦτο γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὑπόλοιπον εἰπεῖν. εἰ προβούλευμα τοῦ συνεδρίου ποιήσαντες ἀποδοίητε τῷ δήμῳ διαγνῶναι, πότερον αὐτῷ δοκεῖ πάλιν ὑπάτους τ᾽ ἀποδεικνύναι καὶ δημάρχους καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς τὰς πατρίους, ἢ μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς πολιτείας.
[11.1] “How, then, shall you reform these matters and cease being the object of accusations among your fellow citizens? For this remains to be discussed. You can do so if you will procure a preliminary decree of the senate and restore to the people the right of deciding whether they prefer to appoint consuls, tribunes and the other traditional magistrates once more or to continue under the same form of government as at present.
[2] ἐάν τε γὰρ ἀγαπῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι πάντες ὀλιγαρχούμενοι καὶ μένειν ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐξουσίας ψηφίσωνται, κατὰ νόμον ἕξετε καὶ οὐ βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχήν: ἐάν τε ὑπάτους πάλιν αἱρεῖσθαι βουληθῶσι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ὡς πρότερον, ἀποθήσεσθε νόμῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ οὐ δόξετε ἀκόντων ἄρχειν τῶν ἴσων: τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τυραννικόν, τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ ἑκόντων τὰς ἀρχὰς λαμβάνειν ἀριστοκρατικόν.
[2] For if all the Romans are content to be governed by an oligarchy and vote that you shall continue in possession of the same power, you will hold your magistracy in accordance with law and not by force; whereas, if they wish to choose consuls again and all the other magistrates as aforetime, you will resign your power in a legal manner and avoid the imputation of governing your equals without their consent. For the latter course is tyrannical, but to receive the magistracies with the consent of the governed is the mark of an aristocracy.
[3] τοῦ δὲ πολιτεύματος τούτου πρῶτον οἴομαι δεῖν ἄρξαι σὲ καὶ παῦσαι τὴν ὑπὸ σοῦ κατασταθεῖσαν ὀλιγαρχίαν, Ἄππιε, λυσιτελῆ γέ ποθ᾽ ἡμῖν γενομένην, νῦν δ᾽ ἐπαχθῆ. ἃ δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ πεισθῆναί μοι καὶ ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἐπίφθονον ἐξουσίαν ταύτην κερδανεῖς, ἄκουσον.
[3] And of this measure I think that you, Appius, ought to be the author and thus put an end to the oligarchy instituted by yourself, which was once an advantage to us but is now a grievance. Hear, now, what you will gain by following my advice and resigning this invidious power.
[4] ἐὰν μὲν ὅλον ὑμῶν τὸ ἀρχεῖον ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς γένηται προαιρέσεως, διὰ σὲ πάντες ὑπολήψονται τὸν ἄρξαντα καὶ τούτους γεγενῆσθαι χρηστούς: ἐὰν δ᾽ οὗτοι φιλοχωρῶσιν ἐπὶ τῇ παρανόμῳ δυναστείᾳ, σοὶ μὲν ἅπαντες εἴσονται τὴν χάριν, ὅτι μόνος ἐβουλήθης δίκαια ποιεῖν, τοὺς δὲ μὴ θέλοντας σὺν αἰσχύνῃ καὶ μεγάλῃ βλάβῃ παύσουσι τῆς ἀρχῆς.
[4] If your whole college is actuated by the same principle, everyone will think that it is because of you who set the example that the others too have become virtuous, whereas if these others are too fond of their illegal power, all will feel grateful to you for being the only person who desired to do what was right, and they will force out of office with ignominy and great hurt those who refuse to resign it.
[5] ὁμολογίας δὲ καὶ πίστεις ἀπορρήτους εἴ [p. 131] τινας ἀλλήλοις δεδώκατε θεοὺς ἐγγυητὰς ποιησάμενοι — τάχα γάρ τι καὶ τοιοῦτον ὑμῖν πέπρακται — φυλαττομένας ἀνοσίους εἶναι νόμιζε ὡς κατὰ πολιτῶν καὶ πατρίδος, καταλυομένας δ᾽ εὐσεβεῖς. θεοὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ καλαῖς καὶ δικαίαις παραλαμβάνεσθαι φιλοῦσιν ὁμολογίαις, οὐκ ἐπ᾽ αἰσχραῖς καὶ ἀδίκοις.
[5] And if you have entered into any agreements and given secret pledges to one another, invoking the gods as witnesses, — for it is possible that you may have done something even of this nature, — look upon the observance of these agreements as impious, since they were made against your fellow citizens and your country, and the breaking of them as pious. For the gods like to be called in as partners for the performance of honourable and just agreements, not of those that are shameful and unjust.
[1] εἰ δὲ διὰ φόβον ἐχθρῶν ὀκνεῖς ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, μή σοι κίνδυνοί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπαχθῶσι, καὶ δίκας ἀναγκασθῇς ὑπέχειν τῶν πεπραγμένων, οὐκ ὀρθῶς δέδοικας. οὐ γὰρ οὕτω μικρόθυμος οὐδ᾽ ἀχάριστος ἔσται ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, ὥστε τῶν μὲν ἁμαρτημάτων σου μεμνῆσθαι, τῶν δ᾽ εὐεργεσιῶν ἐπιλελῆσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιπαρεξετάζων τὰ νῦν ἀγαθὰ τοῖς πάλαι κακοῖς ἐκεῖνα μὲν ἡγήσεται συγγνώμης ἄξια, ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐπαίνων.
[12.1] “However, if it is through fear of your enemies that you hesitate to resign your magistracy, lest they should form some dangerous designs against you and you should be compelled to give an account of your actions, your fear is not justified. For the Roman people will be neither so mean-spirited nor so ungrateful as to remember your faults and forget your good services, but offsetting your past errors by your present merits, will look upon the former as deserving of forgiveness and the latter of praise.
[2] ὑπάρξει δέ σοι καὶ τῶν πρὸ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ἔργων πολλῶν καὶ καλῶν ὄντων ὑπομιμνήσκειν τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων χάριν εἰς βοήθειαν καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀπαιτεῖν, ἀπολογίαις τε χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ κατηγορήματα πολλαῖς: τοῦτο μέν, ὡς οὐκ αὐτὸς ἥμαρτες, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἄλλων τις ἀγνοοῦντός σου: τοῦτο δ᾽, ὡς οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἦσθα τὸν πράττοντα κωλύειν ἰσότιμον ὄντα: τοῦτο δ᾽, ὡς ἑτέρου τινὸς ἔργου χρησίμου χάριν ἠναγκάσθης ἀβούλητόν τι ὑπομεῖναι.
[2] You will also have the opportunity of reminding the people of the many fine actions you performed before the establishment of the oligarchy, of claiming the gratitude due for these as a means to assist and save you, and of employing many lines of defence against the charges. For example, that you yourself did not commit the wrong, but one of the others without your knowledge; or that you had no power to restrain the person who did the deed, since he was of equal authority with yourself; or, again, that you were forced to submit to something undesirable for the sake of something else which was useful.
[3] πολὺς γὰρ ἂν εἴη ὁ λόγος, εἰ πάσας ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι βουλοίμην τὰς ἀπολογίας. καὶ οἷς μηδὲν ἀπολόγημα ὑπάρχει μήτε δίκαιον μήτ᾽ ἐπιεικές, ὁμολογοῦντες καὶ παραιτούμενοι [p. 132] πραΰνουσι τὰς τῶν ἠδικημένων ὀργάς, οἱ μὲν εἰς ἄνοιαν ἡλικίας καταφεύγοντες, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλίας, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς μέγεθος ἀρχῆς, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἅπαντας πλανῶσαν τοὺς ἀνθρωπίνους λογισμοὺς τύχην.
[3] Indeed, it would be a long story if I chose to enumerate all the lines of defence open to you. And even those who can make no defence that is either just or plausible, by acknowledging their guilt and craving pardon soften the resentment of the injured parties, some by falling back on the folly of youth, and others on their association with wicked men, some on the greatness of their power, and still others on Fortune that misleads all human calculations.
[4] ἐγώ σοι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀποστάντι ὑπισχνοῦμαι πάντων ἀμνηστίαν ὑπάρξειν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων καὶ διαλλαγὰς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ὡς ἐν κακοῖς εὐπρεπεῖς.
[4] I myself promise you, if you resign your magistracy, that all your faults shall be forgotten and that the people shall be recalled to you upon such terms as in your unfortunate situation will be honourable.
[1] ἀλλὰ δέδοικα, μὴ πρόφασις μὲν οὐκ ἀληθὴς ὁ κίνδυνος ᾖ τοῦ μὴ παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἀρχῆς — μυρίοις γοῦν ὑπῆρξε τυραννίδας ἀποθεμένοις μηδὲν δεινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν παθεῖν — , αἱ δ᾽ ἀληθεῖς ὦσιν αἰτίαι φιλοτιμία κενὴ τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ καλοῦ τῆς δόξης διώκουσα καὶ πόθος ἡδονῶν ὀλεθρίων, ἃς οἱ τυραννικοὶ φέρουσι βίοι.
[13.1] “But I fear that the danger is not the real ground for your not resigning your magistracy — at all events, men without number have been able to lay aside their tyrannies without suffering any harm at the hands of their fellow citizens — but that the true causes are a vain ambition, which pursues the phantom of honour, and a yearning for those pernicious pleasures which the life led by tyrants brings in its train.
[2] εἰ δὲ βούλει μὴ τὰ εἴδωλα καὶ τὰς σκιὰς τῶν τιμῶν καὶ τῶν εὐημεριῶν διώκειν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰς καρποῦσθαι τὰς ἀληθεῖς τιμάς, ἀπόδος τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τιμὰς λάμβανε παρὰ τῶν ἴσων καὶ ζήλου τύγχανε παρὰ τῶν ἐπιγιγνομένων καὶ κλέος ἀθάνατον ἀντὶ τοῦ θνητοῦ σώματος κατάλιπε τοῖς ἐγγόνοις. αὗται γάρ εἰσι βέβαιοι καὶ ἀληθεῖς τιμαὶ καὶ ἀναφαίρετοι χαριέστατοί
[2] If, however, instead of pursuing the vain images and shadows of the honours and enjoyments, you wish to enjoy the real honours themselves, then restore the aristocracy to your country, receive honours from your equals and gain the praise of posterity, and in exchange for your mortal body leave an immortal renown to your descendants. For these are lasting and real honours, which can never be taken from you and afford the greatest pleasure without any regrets.
[3] τε καὶ ἀμεταμέλητοι. τρέφε τὴν ψυχὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς τῆς πατρίδος ἡδόμενος, ὧν οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μοῖρα δόξεις γεγονέναι δυναστείαν βαρεῖαν αὐτῆς ἀφελόμενος. [p. 133] ποίησαι δὲ τούτων παραδείγματα τοὺς προγόνους ἐνθυμηθείς, ὅτι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων οὐδεὶς ἐπεθύμησεν ἐξουσίας δεσποτικῆς οὐδὲ ταῖς ἐπονειδίστοις τοῦ σώματος ἐδούλευσεν ἡδοναῖς. τοιγάρτοι καὶ ζῶσιν αὐτοῖς ὑπῆρχε τιμᾶσθαι καὶ τελευτήσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων ἐπαινεῖσθαι.
[3] Nourish your soul by finding pleasure in your country’ welfare, of which you will be regarded as the chief author by delivering her from a grievous domination. In doing this take your ancestors as your examples, bearing in mind that not one of those men aimed at despotic power or became a slave to the shameful pleasures of the body. For these reasons it was their fortune not only to be honoured while they lived, but after their death to be praised by those who came after them.
[4] μαρτυρεῖται γάρ τοι παρὰ πάντων αὐτοῖς, ὅτι τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας, ἣν ἐκβαλοῦσα τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις κατεστήσατο, βεβαιότατοι φύλακες ἐγένοντο. καὶ μηδὲν τῶν σεαυτοῦ λαμπροτάτων λόγων τε καὶ πράξεων ἐπιλανθάνου. καλαὶ γὰρ αἱ πρῶταί σου τῶν πολιτικῶν ἔργων ὑποθέσεις ἐγένοντο καὶ μεγάλας ἐπέθρεψαν ἡμῖν ἀρετῆς ἐλπίδας, αἷς ἀκολούθως καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πράττειν σ᾽ ἅπαντες ἀξιοῦμεν.
[4] For all bear witness that they were the stoutest guardians of the aristocracy which our state established after banishing the kings. And by no means forget your own most splendid words and deeds. For your first principles of political action were honourable and inspired in us great hopes of your virtue; and we all ask you to act in future in conformity with those principles.
[5] ἀναχώρει δὴ πάλιν εἰς τὴν σεαυτοῦ φύσιν, Ἄππιε τέκνον, καὶ γίνου τῇ προαιρέσει τῶν πολιτευμάτων μὴ τυραννικός, ἀλλ᾽ ἀριστοκρατικὸς καὶ φεῦγε τοὺς πρὸς ἡδονὴν ὁμιλοῦντας, δι᾽ οὓς ἐξέβης τῶν χρηστῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ παρεπλάγχθης τῆς ὀρθῆς ὁδοῦ. οὐ γὰρ ἔχει λόγον, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἂν γένηταί τις ἐξ ἀγαθοῦ κακός, ὑπὸ τούτων πάλιν αὐτὸν ἐκ πονηροῦ γενέσθαι χρηστόν.
[5] Revert, then, once more to your own character, Appius, my son, and in your choice of policies do not espouse the cause of tyranny, but that of the aristocracy; and shun the pleasure-seeking companions who were the cause of your departing from honest practices and of your straying from the straight path. For it is unreasonable to suppose that those through whose influence a man has been changed from good to bad will change him back again from an evil to a virtuous man.
[1] ταῦτά σοι πολλάκις ἐβουλήθην ὑποθέσθαι μόνῳ μόνος εἰς λόγους παραγενόμενος καὶ τὰ μὲν ὡς ἀγνοοῦντα διδάξαι, τὰ δ᾽ ὡς ἁμαρτάνοντα νουθετῆσαι: [p. 134] καὶ παρεγενόμην εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν οὐχ ἅπαξ, ἀπήλασαν δέ με οἱ σοὶ παῖδες ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων οὐ σχολὴν ἄγειν σε λέγοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερά τινα πράττειν ἀναγκαιότερα, εἰ δή τί σοι τῆς πρὸς τὸ γένος εὐσεβείας ἀναγκαιότερον ἦν.
[14.1] “This advice I have often desired to give you, if I could have a private conversation with you, not only by way of instructing one who is ignorant, but also of reproving one who errs; and I have gone more than once to your house. But your servants turned me away, saying that you had no leisure for private matters, but were attending to other more urgent business — if, indeed, anything could be more urgent for you than respect for your family!
[2] τάχα δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπὸ σοῦ κελευσθέντες οἱ παῖδες, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν γνόντες διέκλεισάν με τῆς εἰσόδου, καὶ βουλοίμην οὕτως τἀληθὲς ἔχειν. τὸ πρᾶγμα δή με ἠνάγκασε τοῦτο διαλεχθῆναι ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρὸς σὲ περὶ ὧν ἐβουλόμην, ἐπειδὴ μόνῳ πρὸς μόνον οὐκ ἐξεγένετο. καιρὸν δ᾽ ἔχει πάντη λέγεσθαι τὰ καλὰ καὶ συμφέροντα παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις μᾶλλον, Ἄππιε, ἢ
[2] Perhaps it was not by your command but of their own accord that they barred my entrance, and I could wish that this were the truth of the matter. This experience, then, has forced me to talk to you in the senate about the matters I wished to discuss with you, since I got no opportunity of doing so by ourselves alone; and things that are honourable and advantageous, Appius, may be mentioned seasonably anywhere in public rather than nowhere.
[3] μηδαμῇ. ἀποδεδωκὼς δή σοι τὰ τοῦ γένους ὀφειλήματα μαρτύρομαι θεούς, ὧν ἱερὰ καὶ βωμοὺς κοιναῖς θυσίαις γεραίρομεν οἱ τῆς Ἀππίου γενεᾶς διάδοχοι, καὶ προγόνων δαίμονας, οἷς μετὰ θεοὺς δευτέρας τιμὰς καὶ χάριτας ἀποδίδομεν κοινάς, ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας δὲ τούτους γῆν, ἣ κατέχει τὸν σὸν μὲν πατέρα, ἐμὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφόν, ὅτι σοι παρέσχημαι ψυχήν τε καὶ φωνὴν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ τὰ κράτιστα βουλευομένην, καὶ ἐπανορθῶν τὰς ἀγνοίας σου κατὰ δύναμιν τὴν ἐμὴν ἀξιῶ σε μὴ τοῖς κακοῖς ἰᾶσθαι τὰ κακά, μηδὲ τῶν πλειόνων ὀρεγόμενον καὶ τὰ παρόντα ἀπολέσαι, μηδ᾽ ἵνα τῶν [p. 135] ἴσων τε καὶ κρειττόνων ἄρχῃς ὑπὸ τῶν ἡττόνων τε καὶ κακιόνων ἄρχεσθαι.
[3] Having now performed for you the duty I owe to our family, I protest by the gods, whose temples and altars we who carry on the succession of the Appian family honour with common sacrifices, and by the genii of our ancestors, to whom after the gods we pay the next honours and gratitude in common, and, above all these, by the earth, which holds your father and my brother, that I have put at your disposal both my mind and my voice to give you the best advice. And now, desiring to correct your ignorance as best I may, I ask you not to attempt to cure the evils by evils, nor, by aiming at too much, to lose even what you already have, nor again, by attempting to rule over your equals and your superiors, to be ruled yourself by those who are inferior and baser.
[4] πολλὰ καὶ περὶ πολλῶν ἔτι σοι λέγειν βουλόμενος ὀκνῶ. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰ κρείττω βουλεύματα ὀ θεὸς ἄγει σε, καὶ ταῦτα πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν εἴρηκα, εἰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω, διακενῆς καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἐρῶ. ἔχετε, ὦ βουλή, καὶ ὑμεῖς οἱ προεστηκότες τῆς πόλεως, τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τῆς καταλύσεως καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει θορύβων τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως. εἰ δέ τις ἕτερα τούτων κρείττω ἐρεῖ, τὰ βέλτιστα νικάτω.
[4] I should like to say much more to you upon many subjects, but hesitate to do so. For if God is leading you to better resolutions, even this that I have said is more than sufficient; but if to worse, then what I have still to say will also be said in vain. You now have my opinion, senators, and you who are at the head of the commonwealth, concerning the means both of putting an end to the war and of reforming the civil disorders. If anyone, however, shall offer better advice than this, let the best prevail.”
[1] τοιαῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος Κλαυδίου καὶ πολλὴν ἐλπίδα τῷ συνεδρίῳ παρασχόντος, ὡς ἀποθησομένων τῶν δέκα τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἄππιος μὲν πρὸς ταῦτα οὐδὲν ἠξίωσεν εἰπεῖν: ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ὀλιγαρχῶν προελθὼν Κορνήλιος Μάρκος: ἡμεῖς μέν, ἔφησεν, ὦ Κλαύδιε, περὶ τῶν ἰδίων συμφερόντων αὐτοὶ διαγνωσόμεθα τῆς σῆς οὐδὲν δεόμενοι βουλῆς. καὶ γὰρ ἡλικίας ἐν τῇ φρονιμωτάτῃ ἐσμέν, ὥστε μηδὲν τῶν διαφερόντων ἀγνοεῖν, καὶ φίλων οὐ σπανίζομεν, οἷς, ἐάν τι δέῃ,
[15.1] After Claudius had spoken thus and given the senate great reason to hope that the decemvirs would resign their power, Appius did not see fit to make any answer to his advice. But Marcus Cornelius, one of the other members of the oligarchy, advanced and said: “We, Claudius, shall ourselves decide about our own interests without any need of your advice. For we are of the age best qualified for prudence, so that we are ignorant of nothing that concerns us, and we do not lack for friends whom we may take as advisers if necessary.
[2] συμβούλοις χρησόμεθα. παῦσαι δὴ πρᾶγμα ποιῶν ἄωρον, ἀνὴρ πρεσβύτερος οὐ δεομένοις συμβουλῆς γνώμας ἀποδεικνύμενος. τῷ Ἀππίῳ δ᾽ εἴ τι βούλει παραινεῖν ἢ λοιδορεῖσθαι — τοῦτο γὰρ ἀληθέστερον — ὅταν ἐξέλθῃς ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου, λοιδορήσῃ. νῦν δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Σαβίνους πολέμου, περὶ οὗ κέκλησαι γνώμην ἀποδειξόμενος, ὅ τι σοι φαίνεται [p. 136] λέγε καὶ παῦσαι τὰ ἔξω τοῦ πράγματος φλυαρῶν.
[2] Cease, then, doing an unseasonable thing in expressing your opinions as an older man to those who do not need advice. As for Appius, if you wish to give him any admonition or abuse — for this is the truer form of it — when you have left the senate-chamber, you may abuse him. For the present, state what you think about the war with the Aequians and Sabines, the matter regarding which you have been called upon to deliver your opinion, and cease talking idly of things that are beside the point.”
[3] μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνίσταται πάλιν ὁ Κλαύδιος κατηφὴς καὶ μεστοὺς ἔχων τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς δακρύων καί φησιν: Ἄππιος μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἀποκρίσεως ἄξιον ἡγεῖταί με, ὦ βουλή, τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θεῖον ἐναντίον ὑμῶν: ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπέκλεισέ μοι, καὶ τουτὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἄβατον ὥσπερ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ ποιεῖ. εἰ δὲ χρὴ
[3] After him Claudius rose up again, with downcast countenance and with tears in his eyes, and said: “Appius does not think me, his uncle, worthy even of an answer, senators, in your presence; but, just as he shut his own house against me, so he does everything in his power to render the senate-chamber here inaccessible to me likewise. And if I must speak the truth, I am even driven out of the city.
[4] τἀληθὲς λέγειν, καὶ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξελαύνομαι. οὐκέτι γὰρ ἂν αὐτὸν ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασι δυναίμην ὁρᾶν ἀνάξιον γεγονότα τῶν προγόνων καὶ τυραννικὴν ἐζηλωκότα παρανομίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνασκευασάμενος ἅπαντα τὰ ἐμὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐμοὺς εἰς Σαβίνους ἄπειμι, πόλιν οἰκήσων Ῥήγιλλον, ἐξ ἧς τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ἐστι, καὶ μενῶ τὸν λοιπὸν ἐκεῖ χρόνον, ἕως ἂν οὗτοι κατέχωσι τὴν καλὴν ταύτην ἀρχήν. ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ οἷα μαντεύομαι περὶ τὴν δεκαδαρχίαν γένηται — γενήσεται δ᾽ οὐκ εἰς μακράν —
[4] For I could on longer bear the sight of him, now that he has become unworthy of his ancestors and has emulated the lawlessness of tyrants, but removing all my effects and my household to the Sabines, I shall live at Regillum, the city from which our family comes, and shall remain there for the future as long as these men continue in possession of this fine magistracy. But when the fate I foresee shall have overtaken the decemvirate — and it will overtake them soon — I shall then return.
[5] τότε παρέσομαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ τοσαῦτα: περὶ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου ταύτην ὑμῖν, ὦ βουλή, γνώμην ἀποδείκνυμαι, μηδὲν ψηφίζεσθαι περὶ μηδενὸς πράγματος, ἕως ἀποδειχθῶσι νέαι ἀρχαί. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ πολὺν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου κινήσας ἔπαινον ἐπὶ τῷ γενναίῳ καὶ φιλελευθέρῳ τῆς γνώμης ἐκάθισε. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀναστὰς Λεύκιος Κοίντιος ὁ καλούμενος Κικιννᾶτος [p. 137] καὶ Τίτος Κοίντιος Καπετωλῖνος καὶ Λεύκιος Λουκρήτιος καὶ πάντες ἑξῆς οἱ πρωτεύοντες δέκα τοῦ συνεδρίου τῇ Κλαυδίου γνώμῃ προσετίθεντο.
[5] So much concerning myself. As to the war, I give you this advice, senators, to pass no vote concerning anything whatever until new magistrates are appointed.” After he had thus spoken and received great applause from the senate for the noble spirit and the love of liberty that his words breathed, he sat down. And after him Lucius Quintius, surnamed Cincinnatus, Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, Lucius Lucretius, and all the leading men of the senate rose up one after another and supported the motion of Claudius.
[1] ἐφ᾽ ᾧ διαταραχθέντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον ἐβουλεύσαντο μηκέτι καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ βουλῆς ἀξίωσιν συμβούλους καλεῖν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οἰκειότητα καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἑταιρίαν. καὶ παρελθὼν Μάρκος Κορνήλιος ἀνίστησι Λεύκιον Κορνήλιον τὸν ἀδελφόν, ὃς Κοίντῳ Φαβίῳ Οὐιβουλανῷ συνυπάτευσε τὸ τρίτον ὑπατεύοντι, δραστήριον ἄνδρα καὶ πολιτικοὺς διεξελθεῖν λόγους οὐκ ἀδύνατον.
[16.1] Appius and his colleagues, being disturbed at this, resolved no longer to call upon others for advice according to their age or senatorial rank, but according to their friendship and attachment to themselves. And Marcus Cornelius, coming forward, asked Lucius Cornelius to rise, — his brother, who had been colleague to Quintus Fabius Vibulanus in his third consulship, a man of action and not without eloquence in political debates. This man, rising up, spoke as follows:
[2] οὗτος ἀναστὰς ἔλεξε τοιάδε: θαυμαστὸν μὲν ἦν καὶ τοῦτ᾽, ὦ βουλή, εἰ ταύτην ἔχοντες ἄνθρωποι τὴν ἡλικίαν ἔχουσιν, οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ γνώμην ἀποφηνάμενοι καὶ πρωτεύειν ἀξιοῦντες τῶν συνέδρων, τὴν ἐκ τῶν πολιτικῶν προσκρουσμάτων ἀπέχθειαν ἀδιάλλακτον πρὸς τοὺς προεστηκότας τῆς πόλεως, οὓς ἐχρῆν% οἷόν τε δεῖ φυλάττειν, καὶ τοῖς νέοις παραινεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν ἀγῶνας, καὶ μὴ πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ φίλους ἡγεῖσθαι τοὺς περὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀντιπάλους.
[2] This also was surprising, senators, that men of the age of those who preceded me in declaring their opinions and claim to be the foremost men of the senate, think fit to maintain unrelenting their enmity, derived from political clashes, toward those who are at the head of the commonwealth, when they ought to be exhorting the young men also to engage from the highest motive in competition for noble rewards, and to regard, not as enemies, but as friends, those who are their rivals in striving for the public good.
[3] πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι τούτου θαυμασιώτερόν ἐστιν, εἰ τὰς ἰδίας ἀπεχθείας [p. 138] ἐπὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως πράγματα μεταφέρουσι καὶ συναπολέσθαι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἐχθροῖς βούλονται μᾶλλον ἢ σωθῆναι μετὰ πάντων τῶν φίλων. ὑπερβολὴν γὰρ ἀνοίας τούτοις καὶ οὐ πόρρω θεοβλαβείας πεποιήκασιν οἱ πρόεδροι τῆς βουλῆς ἡμῶν.
[3] And much more surprising still than this it is that they transfer their private animosities to the affairs of the commonwealth and choose rather to perish with their enemies than to be saved with all their friends. This is an excess of folly and not far from a Heaven-sent madness which the presiding officers of our senate have been guilty of.
[4] οὗτοι γὰρ ἀγανακτοῦντες, ὅτι μετιόντας αὐτοὺς τὴν τῶν δέκα ἀρχήν, ἧς αὐτοὶ νῦν κατηγοροῦσιν, ἐνίκησαν ἐν ἀρχαιρεσίαις ἐπιτηδειότεροι φανέντες, ἀεὶ πολεμοῦσιν αὐτοῖς πόλεμον ἀδιάλλακτον, καὶ εἰς τοῦθ᾽ ἥκουσιν εὐηθείας, μᾶλλον δὲ μανίας, ὥσθ᾽, ἵνα τούτους διαβάλλωσι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὅλην ὑπομένουσιν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν πατρίδα:
[4] For these men, displeased because others who appeared more worthy defeated them at the election when they were candidates for the decemvirate, — a magistracy which they themselves now inveigh against, — continually wage an unrelenting war against them and have come to this pitch of folly, or rather of madness, that in order to slander these men to you they are willing to overthrow the whole country.
[5] οἵ γ᾽ ὁρῶντες μὲν ἀνάστατον τὴν χώραν ἡμῶν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων γενομένην, ὁρῶντες δὲ ὅσον οὔπω καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοὺς ἐλεύσεσθαι — τὸ γὰρ διὰ μέσου χωρίον οὐ πολύ — ἀντὶ τοῦ παρακαλεῖν καὶ παρορμᾶν τοὺς νέους ἐπὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀγῶνα, καὶ αὐτοὶ πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ καὶ σπουδῇ βοηθεῖν, ὅση γοῦν ἐν τοῖς τηλικούτοις ἐστὶν ἰσχύς, περὶ πολιτείας κόσμου νῦν ἀξιοῦσιν ὑμᾶς σκοπεῖν καὶ νέας ἀρχὰς ἀποδεικνύναι καὶ πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς κακῶς ποιεῖν: καὶ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο δύνανται συνιδεῖν, ὅτι γνώμας ἀσυμφόρους εἰσφέρουσι, μᾶλλον δ᾽ εὐχὰς ἀδυνάτους ἔχουσιν. [p. 139]
[5] For although they see that our land has been laid waste by our enemies and though they see that these foes will come almost immediately against Rome (the distance separating us is not great), instead of exhorting and urging the young men to fight for their country and going themselves to her relief with all alacrity and enthusiasm, so far at least as there is strength in men so aged, they ask you now to consider the form of government, to create new magistrates, and to do everything rather than injure the enemy; and they cannot see even this itself, that they are introducing inopportune motions, or rather uttering impracticable wishes.
[1] σκοπεῖτε γὰρ οὑτωσί: προβούλευμα γενήσεται τῆς βουλῆς ὑπὲρ ἀρχαιρεσιῶν, ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξοίσουσιν οἱ δέκα τὰ βουλευθέντα εἰς τὸν δῆμον ὁρίσαντες ἀγορὰν τὴν ἀπὸ ταύτης τρίτην. πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἀληθῶς γένοιτό τι τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ψηφιζομένων κύριον, ἐὰν μὴ κατὰ νόμους γένηται; ἔπειθ᾽ ὅταν αἱ φυλαὶ διενέγκωσι τὴν ψῆφον, τότε αἱ νέαι % παραιτοῦνται τὴν πόλιν ἀρχαὶ
[17.1] “For consider the matter in this light. There will be a preliminary vote of the senate for the election of magistrates; then the decemvirs will lay this resolution before the people after appointing the third market-day thereafter for its consideration. For how can anything that is voted by the people become really valid if it is not done in accordance with the laws? Then, after the tribes have given their votes, the new magistrates will take over the administration of the commonwealth and propose to you the consideration of the war.
[2] καὶ προθήσουσιν ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ πολέμου σκοπεῖν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεταξὺ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν χρόνοις τοσούτοις οὖσιν, ἐὰν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἔλθωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ προσαγάγωσι τοῖς τείχεσι, τί ποιήσομεν, Κλαύδιε; ἐροῦμεν αὐτοῖς νὴ Δία: μείναθ᾽, ἕως ἂν ἀποδείξωμεν ἑτέρας ἀρχάς. Κλαύδιος γὰρ ἡμᾶς ἔπεισε περὶ μηδενὸς ἄλλου πράγματος μήτε προβουλεύειν μήτ᾽ εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐκφέρειν μήτε δυνάμεις καταγράφειν, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ περὶ
[2] During the interval before the election, which will be such a long one, if our enemies march up to the city and approach the walls, what are we going to do, Claudius? We shall say to them, by heaven: ‘Wait until we have appointed other magistrates. For Claudius persuaded us neither to pass a preliminary decree concerning any other matter nor to lay anything else before the people nor to enrol forces until we have settled everything relating to the magistracies as we wish.
[3] τὰς ἀρχὰς καταστήσωμεν ὡς βουλόμεθα. ἄπιτ᾽ οὖν, καὶ ὅταν ἀκούσητε ὑπάτους καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἀποδειχθείσας ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα πάντα γεγονότα ἡμῖν εὐτρεπῆ, τόθ᾽ ἥκετε περὶ διαλλαγῶν ποιησόμενοι τοὺς λόγους, ἐπειδὴ κακῶς ἤρξασθε ἡμᾶς ποιεῖν οὐδὲν προπεπονθότες ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν: καὶ ὅσα ἡμᾶς ἐβλάψατε κατὰ τὰς ἐμβολὰς εἰς χρημάτων λόγον,
[3] Depart, therefore, and when you hear that the consuls and the other magistrates have been appointed and that we have all the necessary preparations made for war, then come and make your pleas for peace, since you injured us first without any provocation on our part. And for whatever damage you have caused us in your raids, so far as property is concerned, pay us in full in accordance with justice;
[4] ἅπαντα ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου διαλύσατε. τὸν δὲ τῶν γεωργῶν ὄλεθρον οὐχ ὑπολογιούμεθα ὑμῖν, οὐδ᾽ εἴ τινα γύναια ἐλεύθερα ὕβρεως καὶ παροινίας ἐπειράθη στρατιωτικῆς [p. 140] οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο τῶν ἀνηκέστων οὐδέν. κἀκεῖνοι ταῦτα προκαλουμένων ἡμῶν μετριάσουσι καὶ συγχωρήσαντες τῇ πόλει νέας ἀρχὰς ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον εὐτρεπῆ ποιήσασθαι, τότε ἥξουσιν ἱκετηρίας φέροντες ἀντὶ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ παραδιδόντες ἡμῖν ἑαυτούς.
[4] but the slaying of our husbandmen and any insults and drunken abuse offered by your soldiers to women of free condition or any other irreparable mischief we shall not include in your account.’ And they doubtless in response to this invitation of ours will show moderation, and after permitting us to choose new magistrates and to make our preparations for war, will then come with olive branches in their hands instead of arms and deliver themselves up to us!”
[1] ὦ πολλῆς μὲν εὐηθείας τούτων, οἷς ἐπὶ νοῦν ἔρχεται τοιαῦτα ληρεῖν, πολλῆς δ᾽ ἀναλγησίας ἡμῶν, εἰ τοιαῦτα λεγόντων αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀγανακτοῦμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπομένομεν ἀκούειν, ὥσπερ ὑπὲρ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῆς πατρίδος βουλευόμενοι.
[18.1] “Oh, the great folly of these men who can think of uttering such nonsense, and our own great stupidity if, when they say such things, we show no displeasure, but submit to hearing them, as if we were consulting in the interest of our enemies and not out of ourselves and our country!
[2] οὐκ ἀνελοῦμεν ἐκ μέσου τοὺς φλυάρους; οὐ ταχεῖαν ψηφιούμεθα τῇ ὑπονοθευομένῃ χώρᾳ τὴν βοήθειαν; οὐ καθοπλιοῦμεν ἅπασαν τὴν ἀκμὴν τῆς πόλεως; οὐκ ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκείνων πόλεις αὐτοὶ στρατευσόμεθα; ἀλλ᾽ οἴκοι μένοντες καὶ τοῖς δέκα λοιδορούμενοι καὶ νέας ἀρχὰς καθιστάντες καὶ περὶ κόσμου πολιτικοῦ σκοποῦντες ὥσπερ ἐν εἰρήνῃ πάντ᾽ ἐάσομεν ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ γενέσθαι, καὶ τελευτῶντες ὑπὲρ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ κινδυνεύσομεν καὶ κατασκαφῆς τῆς πόλεως, ὡς ἐάσαντες τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς τείχεσι προσελθεῖν;
[2] Shall we not remove these triflers from our midst? Not vote speedy relief to the land that is being ravished? Not arm all the youth of Rome? Not march ourselves against the cities of our enemies? Or shall we stay at home and, abusing the decemvirs, installing new magistrates and considering a form of government as if we were at peace, let everything in the country fall into the enemy’s hands, and at last run the hazard of being enslaved ourselves and seeing our city laid in ruins as the result of our having allowed the war to approach our walls?
[3] οὐκ ἔστιν ὑγιαινόντων ἀνθρώπων τὰ τοιαῦτα βουλεύματα, ὦ πατέρες, οὐδὲ προνοίας πολιτικῆς τὰ κοινὰ συμφέροντα τῶν ἰδίων ἀπεχθειῶν ἡγουμένης ἀναγκαιότερα, ἀλλὰ φιλονεικίας ἀκαίρου καὶ δυσμενείας ἀβούλου καὶ φθόνου κακοδαίμονος, ὃς οὐκ ἐᾷ τοὺς [p. 141] ἔχοντας αὐτὸν σωφρονεῖν. ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν τούτων φιλονεικίας ἐάσατε χαίρειν, ἃ δὲ ψηφισάμενοι τῇ πόλει σωτήρια καὶ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς προσήκοντα ἔσεσθε βεβουλευμένοι καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς φοβερά, ἐγὼ πειράσομαι λέγειν.
[3] Such counsels, fathers, are not those of men in their senses nor do they spring from the political foresight which regards the public advantages as more essential than private animosities, but rather from an unseasonable contentiousness, an ill-starred enmity, and an unfortunate envy which does not permit those who are under its influence to show sound judgement. Dismiss, however, from your minds the rivalries of these men; but the measures which you should pass if your counsels are to prove salutary to the commonwealth, becoming to yourselves and formidable to our foes, I shall now attempt to indicate.
[4] νῦν μὲν τὸν πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Σαβίνους πόλεμον ἐπικυρώσατε καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις μετὰ πλείστης προθυμίας καὶ σπουδῆς καταγράφετε τὰς ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους ἐξελευσομένας. ὅταν δὲ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου τέλος ἡμῖν τὸ κράτιστον λάβῃ, καὶ ἀναστρέψωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν αἱ δυνάμεις εἰρήνης γενομένης, τότε καὶ περὶ τοῦ κόσμου τῆς πολιτείας σκοπεῖτε, καὶ λόγον ἀπαιτεῖτε τοὺς δέκα περὶ πάντων, ὧν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔπραξαν, καὶ νέας ἀρχὰς ψηφοφορεῖτε καὶ δικαστήρια καθίζετε καὶ τιμᾶτε τοὺς ἑκατέρου τούτων ἀξίους, ὅταν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν γένηται ταῦτ᾽ ἀμφότερα, μαθόντες ὅτι οὐ τοῖς πράγμασιν οἱ καιροὶ δουλεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς καιροῖς τὰ πράγματα.
[4] For the present, vote your approval of the war against the Aequians and Sabines and enrol with the greatest alacrity and expedition the forces that are to set out against both. And after the war is terminated in the happiest manner for us and our forces return to the city upon the conclusion of peace, then not only considered the form of government, but also call the decemvirs to account for all their actions during their administration, vote for new magistrates and establish courts and honour with both these offices those who are worthy of them when both are in your power; for you must know that opportunities do not wait upon events, but events upon opportunities.”
[5] ταύτην ἀποδειξαμένου Κορνηλίου τὴν γνώμην οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀνιστάμενοι χωρὶς ὀλίγων τῆς αὐτῆς ἐγένοντο προαιρέσεως: οἱ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα καὶ τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ ταῦτα προσήκοντα ὑπολαμβάνοντες εἶναι, οἱ δ᾽ ὑποκατακλινόμενοι καὶ θεραπεύοντες τοὺς δέκα τῷ φόβῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς. ἦν γάρ τι καὶ κατεπτηχὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν οὐκ ἐλάχιστον μέρος ἐκ τῶν συνέδρων.
[5] When Cornelius had delivered this opinion, those who rose up after him were, with few exceptions, of the same advice, some looking upon these measures as necessary and suited to the present juncture, and others yielding to the times and paying court to the decemvirs through dread of their magistracy; for no small part of the senators actually stood in awe of their power.
[1] ὡς δ᾽ αἱ πλείους γνῶμαι διηγορεύθησαν, καὶ παρὰ πολὺ κρατεῖν ἐδόκουν οἱ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπικυροῦντες [p. 142] τῶν ἑτέρων, τότε Λεύκιον Οὐαλέριον ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ἐκάλουν, ὃν ἔφην εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχαῖς βουλόμενόν τι λέγειν κεκωλῦσθαι πρὸς αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ ἀναστὰς τοιούτους διεξῆλθε λόγους:
[19.1] After most of the senators had delivered their opinions and those who declared for war appeared to be much more numerous than the others, the decemvirs then called upon Lucius Valerius among the last. He was the one, as I have related, who had wished to say something at the very beginning of the debate but had been prevented by them. And now rising, he delivered a speech of the following tenor:
[2] τὴν μὲν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν δέκα ὁρᾶτε, ὦ πατέρες, οἳ κατ᾽ ἀρχάς τ᾽ οὐκ ἐπέτρεψάν μοι λέγειν ὅσα προῃρούμην πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ νῦν ἐν τοῖς ὑστάτοις ἀποδεδώκασι λόγον ἐνθυμηθέντες, ὅπερ εἰκός, ὅτι τῇ τε Κλαυδίου γνώμῃ προσθέμενος οὐδὲν ὠφελήσω τὸ κοινὸν ὀλίγων αὐτῇ συνειρηκότων: ἑτέραν τε γνώμην παρὰ τὰς εἰρημένας αὐτοῖς ἀποφηνάμενος, κἂν τὰ κράτιστα ὑποθῶμαι, διακενῆς ἐρραψῳδηκὼς ἔσομαι.
[2] “You see, fathers, the plot of the decemvirs who not only at first would not allow me to say to you all that I had proposed, but now have assigned to my turn to speak among the last, with this in mind, as we may reasonably assume, that, if I concur in the opinion of Claudius, I shall render no service to the commonwealth, since few have supported it, and again, if I deliver an opinion different from those they themselves have expressed, however excellent my advice may be, I shall have recited my piece in vain.
[3] εὐαρίθμητοι γάρ τινές εἰσιν οἱ μετ᾽ ἐμὲ ἀναστησόμενοι, οὓς ἐὰν ἅπαντας ὁμογνώμονας λάβω, τί γενήσεταί μοι πλέον οὐδὲ πολλοστὴν ἕξοντι μοῖραν τῶν Κορνηλίῳ συναγορευόντων; οὐ μὴν ἐγὼ ταῦθ᾽ ὑφορώμενος ὀκνήσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμην εἰπεῖν. ὅταν γὰρ ἀκούσητε πάντων, ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔσται τὰ κράτιστα ἑλέσθαι.
[3] For those are easily counted who are to rise up after me, and even if I shall have them all agreeing with me, what advantage will it give me when I shall not have the smallest fraction of those who side with Cornelius? However, in spite of these misgivings I shall not hesitate to express my opinion. For when you have heard everybody, you will have it in your power to choose what is best.
[4] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς δεκαδαρχίας, ὃν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖται τῶν κοινῶν, ὅσα Κλαύδιος ὁ βέλτιστος εἶπε, καὶ ἐμοὶ νομίσατε εἰρῆσθαι, καὶ ὅτι δεῖ νέας ἀρχὰς ἀποδειχθῆναι, πρὶν ἢ τὸ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου γενέσθαι ψήφισμα: καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα εἴρηται τῷ
[4] Concerning the decemvirs, therefore, and the manner in which they look after the commonwealth, consider that everything the most excellent Claudius has said has been said by me also and that new magistrates ought to be chosen before any decree is passed concerning the war; for this point also was treated by him in the best manner.
[5] ἀνδρὶ κατὰ τὸ βέλτιστον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κορνήλιος εἰς τὸ ἀδύνατον ἀπάγειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν γνώμην πολλοὺς τοὺς μεταξὺ χρόνους ἀποφαίνων ταῖς πολιτικαῖς οἰκονομίαις γενησομένους ἐν χερσὶν ὄντος τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ χλευάζειν [p. 143] ἐπεχείρει πράγματα οὐκ ἐπιτήδεια χλευασμῶν, οἷς παρακρουσάμενος ὑμᾶς τοὺς πολλοὺς ᾤχετο φέρων, ἐγὼ καὶ περὶ τοῦ μὴ ἀδύνατον εἶναι τὴν Κλαυδίου γνώμην διαλέξομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς: ὡς μὲν γὰρ ἀσύμφορος, οὐδὲ τῶν διασυράντων αὐτὴν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν: καὶ διδάξω, πῶς ἂν ἥ τε χώρα δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας γένοιτο, καὶ δίκην δοῖεν οἱ τολμήσαντες αὐτὴν κακῶς ποιεῖν, καὶ τὴν πάτριον ἀπολάβοιμεν ἀριστοκρατίαν, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ἅμα γένοιτο συναγωνιζομένων ἁπάντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ μηδενὸς τἀναντία πράττειν ἀξιοῦντος, σοφίαν οὐδεμίαν ἀποδεικνύμενος ὑμῖν, τὰ δὲ πραχθέντα ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν παραδείγματα φέρων. ἔνθα γὰρ ἡ πεῖρα διδάσκει τὸ συμφέρον, τί δεῖ στοχασμῶν ἐκεῖ;
[5] But since Cornelius endeavoured to show that his motion is impracticable, pointing out that the intervening period devoted to matters of civil administration would be a long one, while the war is at our doors, and since he attempted to ridicule things that do not deserve ridicule and by that means seduced and carried away most of you with him, I for my part shall also talk to you about the motion of Claudius, showing that it is not impracticable; for that it is disadvantageous to no one even of those who derided it has ventured to allege. And I shall show you how our territory may be made secure, how those who have dared to do it injury may be punished, how we may recover our ancient aristocracy, and how these things may all come about at the same time with weight concurrence of all the citizens and without the least opposition. All this I shall do, not through the display of any wisdom, but by citing your own actions as precedents for you to follow; for where experience teaches what is advantageous, what need is there of conjectures?
[1] μέμνησθε, ὅτι ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων ἐθνῶν ὥσπερ νῦν δυνάμεις ἐνέβαλον, αἱ μὲν εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν γῆν, αἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν τῶν συμμάχων ἡμῶν, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀμφότεραι χρόνον Γαΐου Ναυτίου καὶ Λευκίου Μινυκίου τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐχόντων, ἔνατον ἢ δέκατον ἔτος οἶμαι τουτί.
[20.1] “You recall that forces from these same nations as at present made incursions, partly into our territory and partly into that of our allies, both at the same time, when Gaius Nautius and Lucius Minucius were consuls, some eight or nine years ago I believe it was.
[2] τότε τοίνυν ἀποστειλάντων ὑμῶν νεότητα πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα τὰ ἔθνη τῷ μὲν ἑτέρῳ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰς δυσχωρίας ἀναγκασθέντι κατακλεῖσαι τὸ στρατόπεδον πρᾶξαι μὲν οὐδὲν ἐξεγένετο, πολιορκεῖσθαι δ᾽ ἐν τῷ χάρακι καὶ κινδυνεύειν σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἁλῶναι: Ναυτίῳ δ᾽ ἀντικαθημένῳ Σαβίνων μάχας ἀναγκαῖον ἦν τίθεσθαι πρὸς [p. 144] τοὺς αὐτοὺς συνεχεῖς καὶ μηδ᾽ οἵῳ τ᾽ εἶναι τοῖς κάμνουσι τῶν σφετέρων βοηθεῖν. ἦν τ οὐκ ἄδηλον, ὅτι τῆς ἐν Αἰκανοῖς στρατιᾶς ἀναρπασθείσης οὐδ᾽ ἡ Σαβίνους πολεμοῦσα ἀνθέξει συνελθόντων εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ
[2] When on that occasion you had sent out numerous and brave youths against both these nations, it chanced that one of the consuls, being obliged to encamp in a difficult position, was unable to accomplish anything, but was besieged in his camp and in danger of being captured for want of provisions, while Nautius, who was encamped against the Sabines, was under the necessity of fighting battles with the same foes continually and could not even go to the aid of his fellow Romans who were in distress. And there was no doubt that if the army which was encamped among the Aequians should be destroyed, the other, that was carrying on the war against the Sabines, would not be able to hold out either when both armies of our enemies should have united.
[3] τῶν πολεμίων ἀμφοτέρων. τοιούτων δὴ κινδύνων τὴν πόλιν περιστάντων καὶ οὐδὲ τῶν ἐντὸς τείχους ὁμονοούντων τίνα βοήθειαν εὕρασθε ὑμεῖς περὶ μέσας νύκτας εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον συνελθόντες; ἥπερ ὤνησεν ὁμολογουμένως πάντα τὰ πράγματα καὶ φερομένην τὴν πόλιν εἰς ἀτυχὲς πτῶμα ὤρθωσεν, ἀρχὴν ἀπεδείξατε μίαν αὐτοκράτορα πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης, ἁπάσας τὰς ἄλλας καταλύσαντες ἀρχάς, καὶ πρὶν ἡμέραν γενέσθαι δικτάτωρ ἀπεδέδεικτο Λεύκιος Κοίντιος ὁ βέλτιστος,
[3] When the commonwealth was encompassed by such dangers and even the people inside the city walls were not harmonious, what relief did you yourself hit upon — a relief which is acknowledged to have helped your whole cause and to have rectified the commonwealth when it was rushing to a miserable downfall? Assembling in the senate-chamber about midnight, you created a single magistracy with absolute authority over both war and peace, abrogating all the other magistracies; and before day came, the most excellent Lucius Quintius had been appointed dictator, although he was not even in the city at the time, but in the country.
[4] οὐδ᾽ ἐν τῇ πόλει τότ᾽ ὤν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀγρῷ. τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα ἴστε δήπου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἔργα, ὅτι καὶ δυνάμεις ἀξιοχρέους παρεσκευάσατο καὶ τὸ κινδυνεῦον στρατόπεδον ἐρρύσατο καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐτιμωρήσατο καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβε: καὶ ταῦτα ἐν ἡμέραις τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα μόναις ἅπαντα διαπραξάμενος καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο σαθρὸν ἦν τῆς πολιτείας ἐπανορθωσάμενος ἀπέθετο τὰς ῥάβδους: καὶ τὸ κωλῦον οὐδὲν ἐγένετο νέαν ἀρχὴν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κυρωθῆναι μιᾷ βουλομένων [p. 145] ὑμῶν. τοῦτο δὴ τὸ παράδειγμα μιμησαμένους ἡμᾶς οἴομαι δεῖν, ἐπειδὴ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ποιεῖν δυνάμεθα, δικτάτορα ἑλέσθαι, πρὶν ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελθεῖν: ἐὰν γὰρ ὑπερβαλώμεθα τοῦτον τὸν καιρόν, οὐκέτι συνάξουσιν ἡμᾶς οἱ δέκα βουλευσομένους ὑπὲρ οὐδενός:
[4] You know, of course, the deeds which this man performed after that, how he got ready adequate forces, rescued the army which was in danger, chastised the enemy and took their general prisoner; and how, after accomplishing all this in only fourteen days and reforming whatever else was corrupt in the commonwealth, he laid down the rods. Nothing hindered you then from creating a new magistracy in one day when you wished to do so.
[5] ἵνα δὲ καὶ κατὰ νόμους ἡ τοῦ δικτάτορος ἀνάρρησις γένηται, τὴν μεσοβασίλειον ἀρχὴν ἑλέσθαι, τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον ἐκλέξαντας τῶν πολιτῶν: ὃ ποιεῖν σύνηθές ἐστιν ὑμῖν, ὅταν μήτε βασιλεῖς ἔχητε μήτε ὑπάτους μήτ᾽ ἄλλην νόμιμον ἀρχὴν μηδεμίαν, ὥσπερ νῦν οὐκ ἔχετε. τοῖς γὰρ ἀνδράσι τούτοις παρελήλυθεν ὁ τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνος,
[5] This example, then, I think we ought to imitate, since there is nothing else we can do, and choose a dictator before we leave this chamber. For if we neglect this opportunity, the decemvirs will never assemble us again to deliberate about anything. And in order that the appointment of a dictator shall also be in accordance with the laws, we should create an interrex, choosing the most suitable person from among the citizens; for this is the customary thing for you to do when you have neither kings, consuls nor any other legal magistrates, which is the case at present, since these men’s term of office has expired and the law has taken their rods from them.
[6] καὶ τὰς ῥάβδους αὐτῶν ὁ νόμος ἀφῄρηται. ταῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἃ παραινῶ πράττειν, ὦ πατέρες, ὑμῖν, καὶ συμφέροντα καὶ δυνατά. ἣν δὲ Κορνήλιος εἰσηγεῖται γνώμην, κατάλυσις ὁμολογουμένη τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὑμῶν ἐστιν. ἐὰν γὰρ ἅπαξ ὅπλων οἱ δέκα γένωνται κύριοι τῇδε τῇ προφάσει τοῦ πολέμου, δέδοικα μὴ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτοῖς χρήσωνται. οἱ γὰρ οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες ἀποθέσθαι τὰς ῥάβδους, ἦ που γε τὰ ὅπλα ἀποθήσονται; λογιζόμενοι δὴ ταῦτα φυλάττεσθε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ πᾶσαν ἀπάτην αὐτῶν προβλέπετε. κρείττων γὰρ ἡ πρόνοια τῆς μεταμελείας καὶ τὸ μὴ πιστεύειν τοῖς πονηροῖς σωφρονέστερον τοῦ προπιστεύσαντας κατηγορεῖν.
[6] This is the course I advise you to take, fathers, one that is both advantageous and practicable; whereas the motion proposed by Cornelius is confessedly the overthrow of your aristocracy. For if the decemvirs once get arms in their hands under this excuse of war, I fear they will used them against us. For is it at all likely that those who refuse to lay down their rods will lay down their arms? Taking these considerations into account, then, beware of these men and forestall any treachery on their part. For foresight is better than repentance, and it is more prudent not to trust wicked men than to accuse them after they have betrayed your trust.”
[1] ταύτην ἀποδειξαμένου τὴν γνώμην Οὐαλερίου κεχαρισμένην τοῖς πλείοσιν, ὡς ἐκ τῆς φωνῆς αὐτῶν εἰκάσαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν, καὶ τῶν μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀνισταμένων [p. 146] — ἦν δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ νέον τῆς βουλῆς μέρος τὸ λειπόμενον — ταῦτα ἡγουμένων κράτιστα εἶναι πλὴν ὀλίγων, ἐπειδὴ πάντες ἀπεδείξαντο τὰς ἑαυτῶν γνώμας, καὶ τέλος ἔδει τὰ βουλεύματα λαβεῖν, Οὐαλέριος μὲν ἠξίου διαδικασίαν τοὺς δέκα προθεῖναι ταῖς γνώμαις, αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς πάντας τοὺς βουλευτὰς καλοῦντας, καὶ πολλοῖς τῶν συνέδρων ἀναθέσθαι βουλομένοις τὰς προτέρας ἀποφάσεις ταῦτα λέγων πιθανὸς ἦν:
[21.1] This opinion of Valerius pleased the majority of the senators, as was easy to conclude from their acclamations; and since those who rose up after him (those still remaining were the younger members of the senate) with few exceptions considered his measures the best, as soon as they all had delivered their own opinions and the discussion was due to be ended, Valerius asked the decemvirs to propose a division on the various opinions by calling upon all the senators over again from the beginning, and this request met with the approval of many of the senators who desired to retract their former opinions.
[2] Κορνήλιος δ᾽ ὁ συμβουλεύων τοῖς δέκα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπιτρέψαι τοῦ πολέμου κατὰ τὸ καρτερὸν ἀπεμάχετο κεκρίσθαι τὸ πρᾶγμα ἤδη λέγων καὶ τέλος ἔχειν νόμιμον ἁπάντων ἐψηφικότων, ἠξίου τε διαριθμεῖν τὰς γνώμας καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι καινουργεῖν.
[2] But Cornelius, who advised giving the command of the war to the decemvirs, strenuously opposed this, declaring that the matter was already decided and legally ended, since all had voted; and he demanded that the votes be counted and that no further innovation be admitted.
[3] τούτων δὲ λεγομένων ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρου μετὰ πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας τε καὶ κραυγῆς, καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου διαστάντος πρὸς ἑκάτερον, τῶν μὲν ἐπανορθώσασθαι τὴν ἀκοσμίαν τοῦ πολιτεύματος βουλομένων τῷ Οὐαλερίῳ συλλαμβανόντων, τῶν δὲ τὰ χείρω προαιρουμένων καὶ ὅσοις κίνδυνός τις ὑπωπτεύετο ἐκ τῆς μεταβολῆς ἔσεσθαι τῷ Κορνηλίῳ συναγορευόντων: λαβόντες ἀφορμὴν οἱ δέκα τοῦ πράττειν ὅ τι δόξειεν αὐτοῖς τὴν τοῦ συνεδρίου ταραχήν, τῇ Κορνηλίου προστίθενται γνώμῃ. καὶ παρελθὼν εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν, Ἄππιος, ἔφη:
[3] When these proposals were urged by both men with great contention and shouting, and the senate split toward one side and the other, the party desiring to correct the disorder in the government backing Valerius, and the party which espoused the worse cause and suspected that there would be some danger from the change giving their support to Cornelius, the decemvirs, taking advantage of the dissension in the senate to do as they saw fit, sided with the opinion of Cornelius.
[4] περὶ τοῦ πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Σαβίνους πολέμου συνεκαλέσαμεν ὑμᾶς, ὦ βουλή, διαγνωσομένους, καὶ λόγον ἀπεδώκαμεν ἅπασι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων ἄχρι τῶν νεωτάτων ἐν [p. 147] τῷ προσήκοντι καλοῦντες ἕκαστον τόπῳ. τριῶν δ᾽ ἀποδειξαμένων γνώμας διαφόρους, Κλαυδίου τε καὶ Κορνηλίου καὶ Οὐαλερίου τελευταίου, διέγνωτε περὶ αὐτῶν ὑμεῖς οἱ λοιποί, καὶ παριὼν ἕκαστος ἀπεφήνατο πάντων ἀκουόντων, ᾗ προσετίθετο γνώμῃ.
[4] And Appius, one of their number, coming forward, said: “It was the war with the Aequians and Sabines, senators, which we called you together to deliberate about, and we have given all of you who so desired leave to speak, calling upon each one from the foremost down to the youngest in the proper order. And three senators having given different opinions, namely Claudius, Cornelius, last of all Valerius, the rest of you have come to your decision concerning them and each one has come forward and declared in the hearing of all which opinion he supported.
[5] ἁπάντων δὴ γεγονότων κατὰ νόμον, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς πλείοσιν ὑμῶν Κορνήλιος ἐδόκει τὰ κράτιστα ὑποθέσθαι, τοῦτον ἀπεφηνάμεθα νικᾶν καὶ τὴν ἀποδειχθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τούτου γνώμην γράψαντες ἐκφέρομεν. Οὐαλέριος δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἑστῶτες ὅταν αὐτοὶ τύχωσιν ἐξουσίας ὑπατικῆς, δίκας τ᾽ ἤδη τέλος ἐχούσας ἀναδίκους ποιείτωσαν, ἐὰν αὐτοῖς φίλον ᾖ, καὶ βουλεύματα διεγνωσμένα ὑπὸ πάντων ὑμῶν ἄκυρα καθιστάτωσαν.
[5] Everything, therefore, having been done according to law, since the majority of you thought that Cornelius gave the best advice, we declare that he prevails, and we are engrossing and publishing the motion he made. Let Valerius and those who are leagued with him, when they shall obtain the consular power themselves, grant a rehearing, if they like, to causes already determined and annul resolutions passed by you all.”
[6] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ τὸν γραμματέα κελεύσας ἀναγνῶναι τὸ προβούλευμα, ἐν ᾧ τὴν καταγραφὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ πολέμου τοὺς δέκα παραλαβεῖν ἐτέτακτο, διέλυσε τὸν σύλλογον.
[6] Having said this and ordered the clerk to read the preliminary decree, in which it had been ordered that the enrolling of the army and the command of the war should be assumed by the decemvirs, he dismissed the meeting.
[1] μετὰ τοῦθ᾽ οἱ μὲν τῆς ὀλιγαρχικῆς ἑταιρίας σοβαροὶ καὶ θρασεῖς περιῄεσαν ὡς δὴ κρείττους τῶν ἑτέρων γεγονότες καὶ διαπεπραγμένοι μηκέτι καταλυθῆναι σφῶν τὴν δυναστείαν, ἐπειδὰν ἅπαξ ὅπλων καὶ
[22.1] After that those of the oligarchical faction went about swaggering and insolent, as if they had gained a victory over their adversaries and had contrived that their power could no longer be overthrown when once they should be in control of arms and an army.