[2] στρατιᾶς γένωνται κύριοι: οἱ δὲ τὰ βέλτιστα τῷ κοινῷ φρονοῦντες ἀνιαρῶς διακείμενοι καὶ περιφόβως ὡς οὐδενὸς τῶν κοινῶν ἔτι γενησόμενοι κύριοι καὶ διέστησαν εἰς μέρη πολλά, τῶν μὲν ἀγεννεστέρων τὰς [p. 148] φύσεις ἅπαντα συγχωρεῖν τοῖς κρατοῦσιν ἀναγκαζομένων καὶ κατανέμειν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τὰς ὀλιγαρχικὰς ἑταιρίας, τῶν δ᾽ ἧττον ψοφοδεῶν ἀφισταμένων τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν φροντίδος καὶ τὸν ἀπράγμονα βίον μεθαρμοττομένων: ὅσοις δὲ πολὺ τὸ γενναῖον ἐν τοῖς τρόποις ἦν, ἰδίας ἑταιρίας κατασκευαζομένων καὶ συμφρονούντων ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τε ἀλλήλων καὶ μεταστάσει τῆς πολιτείας.

[2] But the men who had the best interests of the commonwealth at heart were in great distress and consternation, imagining that they should never again have any share in the government. These split into many groups, those of less noble dispositions feeling obliged to yield all to the victors and join the oligarchical bands, and such as were less timorous abandoning their concern for the public interests in exchange for a carefree life; but those who had great nobility of character employed themselves in organizing bands of their own and planning together for their mutual defence and for a change in the form of government.

[3] τούτων δὲ τῶν ἑταιριῶν ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν οἱ πρῶτοι τολμήσαντες ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ περὶ καταλύσεως τῆς δεκαδαρχίας εἰπεῖν, Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος καὶ Μάρκος Ὁράτιος, φραξάμενοί τε τὰς οἰκίας ὅπλοις καὶ φυλακὴν θεραπόντων καὶ πελατῶν καρτερὰν περὶ ἑαυτοὺς ἔχοντες, ὡς μήτ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ βιαίου παθεῖν μηθὲν μήτ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ δολίου.

[3] The leaders of these groups were the men who had first dared to speak in the senate in favour of abolishing the decemvirate, namely Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius; and they had surrounded their houses with armed men and had about their persons a strong guard of their servants and clients, so as to suffer no harm from either violence or treachery.

[4] ὅσοις δ᾽ οὔτε θεραπεύειν τὴν τῶν κρατούντων ἐξουσίαν βουλομένοις ἦν οὔτε μηδενὸς ἐπιστρέφεσθαι τῶν κοινῶν οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἀπράκτῳ ζῆν ἡσυχίᾳ καλὸν ἐδόκει, πολεμεῖν τ᾽ ἀνὰ κράτος οὐ ῥᾴδιον, ἐπεὶ καθαιρεθῆναι δυναστείαν τηλικαύτην ἀνόητον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι, κατέλιπον τὴν πόλιν. ἡγεμὼν δὲ τούτων ἀνὴρ ἦν ἐπιφανὴς Γάιος Κλαύδιος, ὁ τοῦ κορυφαιοτάτου [p. 149] τῆς δεκαδαρχίας Ἀππίου θεῖος, ἐμπεδῶν τὰς ὑποσχέσεις, ἃς ἐπὶ τῆς βουλῆς ἐποιήσατο πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν, ὅτ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀξιῶν οὐκ ἔπεισεν. ἠκολούθει δ᾽ αὐτῷ πολὺς μὲν ἑταίρων ὄχλος,

[4] Those persons, again, who were unwilling either to court the power of the victors or to pay no attention to any of the business of the commonwealth and to lead a quiet, carefree life, and to whom the carrying on of open warfare, since it was not easy for so great a power to be overthrown, seemed to be senseless, quitted the city. At the head of these was a distinguished man, Gaius Claudius, uncle to Appius, the chief of the decemvirate, who by this step fulfilled the promises he had made to his nephew in the senate when he advised but failed to persuade him to resign his power.

[5] πολὺς δὲ πελατῶν. τούτου δ᾽ ἀρξαμένου καὶ τὸ ἄλλο πολιτικὸν πλῆθος οὐκέτι λάθρα καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ καὶ ἀθρόον ἐξέλιπε τὴν πατρίδα, τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας ἐπαγόμενον. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον ἀγανακτοῦντες τοῖς γινομένοις ἐπεβάλοντο μὲν κωλύειν πύλας τ᾽ ἀποκλείσαντες καὶ ἀνθρώπους τινὰς συναρπάσαντες, ἔπειτα — δέος γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς, μὴ πρὸς ἀλκὴν οἱ κωλυόμενοι τράπωνται, καὶ λογισμὸς ὀρθὸς ὡς κρεῖττον εἴη σφίσιν ἐκποδῶν εἶναι τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἢ μένοντας ἐνοχλεῖν — ἀνοίξαντες τὰς πύλας ἀφῆκαν τοὺς θέλοντας ἀπιέναι, οἰκίας δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ κλήρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ὑπελείπετο ἀδύνατα ὄντα ἐν φυγαῖς φέρεσθαι λειποστρατίαν ἐπενεγκόντες ἐδήμευσαν τῷ λόγῳ, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἑταίροις ὡσανεὶ παρὰ

[5] He was followed by a large crowd of his friends and likewise of his clients. Following his lead, the multitude also of citizens that were left, no longer privately or in small groups, but openly and in a body, abandoned their country, taking with them their wives and their children. Appius and his colleagues, being vexed at this, endeavoured at first to stop them by closing the gates and arresting some of the people. But afterwards, becoming afraid lest those they were attempting to stop should turn and defend themselves, and rightly judging it to be better for themselves that their enemies should be out of the way than that they should remain and make trouble, they opened the gates and permitted all who so wished to depart; after the houses and estates, however, and all the other things that they left behind because they could not carry them away in their flight, the decemvirs nominally confiscated these to the treasury, bringing against their owners a charge of desertion, but in reality they bestowed these possessions on their own followers, pretending that the latter had purchased them from the public.

[6] τοῦ δήμου πριαμένοις ἐχαρίσαντο. ταῦτα δὴ τὰ ἐγκλήματα προστεθέντα τοῖς προτέροις πολλῷ δυσμενεστέρους ἐποίησε πρὸς τὴν δεκαδαρχίαν τοὺς πατρικίους καὶ τοὺς δημοτικούς. εἰ μὲν οὖν μηδὲν ἐπεξήμαρτον ἔτι πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις, δοκοῦσιν ἄν μοι πολὺν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐξουσίας διαμεῖναι χρόνον: ἡ γὰρ φυλάττουσα τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν στάσις ἔτι διέμενεν ἐν τῇ πόλει, [p. 150] διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας καὶ ἐκ πολλῶν αὐξηθεῖσα χρόνων,

[6] These grievances, added to the former, greatly inflamed the hostility of the patricians and plebeians against the decemvirs. If, now, they had not added any fresh crime to those I have related, I think they might have retained the same power for a considerable time; for the sedition which maintained that power still continued in the city and had been increased by many causes and by the great length of time it had lasted, and because of the sedition each of the two parties rejoiced in the other’s misfortunes,

[7] δἰ ἣν ἔχαιρον ἑκάτεροι τοῖς ἀλλήλων κακοῖς: οἱ μὲν δημοτικοὶ τὸ φρόνημα τῶν πατρικίων τεταπεινωμένον ὁρῶντες καὶ τὴν βουλὴν οὐδενὸς ἔτι τῶν κοινῶν οὖσαν κυρίαν, οἱ δὲ πατρίκιοι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀπολωλεκότα τὸν δῆμον καὶ μηδὲ τὴν ἐλαχίστην ἔχοντα ἰσχύν, ἐξ οὗ τὴν δημαρχικὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτῶν οἱ δέκα ἀφείλαντο: αὐθαδείᾳ δὲ πολλῇ πρὸς ἄμφω τὰ μέρη χρώμενοι καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου μετριάζοντες οὔτ᾽ ἐν τῇ πόλει σωφρονοῦντες ὁμονοῆσαι πάντας ἠνάγκασαν καὶ καταλῦσαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν, ὅπλων γενηθέντας κυρίους διὰ τὸν πόλεμον.

[7] the plebeians in seeing the spirit of the patricians humbled and the senate no longer possessing authority over any of the business of state, and the patricians in seeing the people stripped of their liberty and without the least strength since the decemvirs had taken from them the tribunician power. But the decemvirs, by treating both parties with great arrogance and by showing and moderation in the army nor self-restraint in the city, forced the parties to unite and to abolish their magistracy as soon as the war had put arms into their hands.

[8] τὰ δ᾽ ἁμαρτήματα αὐτῶν τὰ τελευταῖα καὶ δι᾽ ἃ κατελύθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου — τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα προπηλακίζοντες ἐξηγρίωσαν — τοιάδε ἦν.

[8] Their last crimes, for which they were overthrown by the people, whom they had particularly enraged by their abuses, were as follows.

[1] ὅτε τὸ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου ψήφισμα ἐκύρωσαν, καταγράψαντες ἐν τάχει τὰς δυνάμεις καὶ τριχῇ νείμαντες δύο μὲν τάγματα κατέλιπον ἐν τῇ πόλει φυλακῆς τῶν ἐντὸς τείχους ἕνεκεν: ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν δύο τούτων ταγμάτων Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος ὁ προεστηκὼς τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Σπόριος Ὄππιος. τρία δὲ ἔχοντες ἐξῆγον ἐπὶ Σαβίνους Κόιντος Φάβιος καὶ

[23.1] After they had secured the ratification of the decree of the senate for the war, they hastily enrolled their forces and divided them into three bodies. Two legions they left in the city to keep guard over matters inside the walls; and Appius Claudius, the chief of the oligarchy, together with Spurius Oppius commanded these two. Quintus Fabius, Quintus Poetelius and Manius Rabuleius marched out with three legions against the Sabines.

[2] Κόιντος Ποιτέλιος καὶ Μάνιος Ῥαβολήιος. πέντε δὲ τὰ λοιπὰ τάγματα παραλαβόντες Μάρκος τε Κορνήλιος καὶ Λεύκιος Μηνύκιος καὶ Μάρκος Σέργιος καὶ Τίτος Ἀντώνιος καὶ τελευταῖος Καίσων Δουέλλιος ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς πόλεμον ἀφίκοντο: συνεστρατεύετο δ᾽ [p. 151] αὐτοῖς Λατίνων τε καὶ ἄλλων συμμάχων ἐπικουρικὸν οὐκ ἔλαττον τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐχώρει κατὰ νοῦν τοσαύτην μὲν οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἐπαγομένοις, τοσαύτην δὲ συμμαχίαν.

[2] Marcus Cornelius, Lucius Minucius, Marcus Sergius, Titus Antonius, and last, Caeso Duilius, taking over the five remaining legions, arrived for the campaign against the Aequians. They were accompanied by an auxiliary force both of Latins and other allies that was as large as the citizen army. But nothing succeeded according to their plans, even though they were leading such large forces of both their own and allied troops.

[3] οἱ γὰρ πολέμιοι καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν, ὅτι νεοσύλλεκτοι ἦσαν οἱ στρατευόμενοι, πλησίον ἀντεστρατοπεδεύσαντο καὶ τάς τ᾽ ἀγορὰς ἀγομένας ἀφῃροῦντο λοχῶντες τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ ἐπὶ προνομὰς ἐξιοῦσιν ἐπετίθεντο, καὶ εἴ ποτε ἱππεῖς εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθοιεν ἱππεῦσι καὶ πεζοὶ πεζοῖς πρὸς φάλαγγα μαχόμενοι πανταχῇ πλέον ἔχοντες ἀπῄεσαν, ἐθελοκακούντων οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐν ταῖς συμπλοκαῖς καὶ οὔτε τοῖς ἡγεμόσι πειθομένων οὔτε ὁμόσε χωρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις βουλομένων.

[3] For their foes, despising them because their troops were new recruits, encamped over against them, and placing ambuscades in the roads, cut off the provisions that were being brought to them and attacked them when they went out for forage; and whenever cavalry clashed with cavalry, infantry with infantry, and phalanx against phalanx, the Sabines always came off superior to the Romans, not a few of whom voluntarily played the coward in their encounters and not only disobeyed their officers but refused to come to grips with the foe.

[4] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ Σαβίνους στρατεύσαντες ἐν τοῖς ἐλάττοσι κακοῖς σωφρονισθέντες ἑκόντες ἔγνωσαν ἐκλιπεῖν τὸν χάρακα: καὶ περὶ μέσας νύκτας ἀναστήσαντες τὸν στρατὸν ἀπῆγον ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν φυγῇ παραπλησίαν ποιούμενοι τὴν ἀνάζευξιν, ἕως ἐπὶ πόλιν Κρουστομέρειαν, ἥ ἐστιν οὐ πρόσω τῆς Ῥώμης, ἀφίκοντο. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀλγιδῷ τῆς Αἰκανῶν χώρας θέμενοι τὴν παρεμβολὴν πολλὰς καὶ αὐτοὶ λαμβάνοντες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων πληγὰς καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ μένειν ἀξιοῦντες ὡς ἐπανορθωσόμενοι τὰς ἐλαττώσεις οἴκτιστα πράγματα ἔπαθον.

[4] Those, accordingly, who had set out against the Sabines, grown wise amid these minor misfortunes, resolved to quit their entrenchments of their own accord; and breaking camp about midnight, they led the army back from the enemy’s territory into their own, making their withdrawal not unlike a flight, till they came to the city of Crustumerium, which is not far from Rome. But those who had made their camp at Algidum in the country of the Aequians, when they too had received many blows at the hands of the enemy and still resolved to stand their ground in the midst of these dangers in hopes of retrieving their reverses, suffered a most grievous disaster.

[5] ὠσάμενοι γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ τοὺς ὑποστάντας τοῦ χάρακος καταβαλόντες ἐπέβησαν τῶν ἐρυμάτων: καὶ καταλαβόμενοι τὸ στρατόπεδον ὀλίγους μέν τινας ἀμυνομένους [p. 152] ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ πλείους ἐν τῷ διωγμῷ διέφθειραν. οἱ δὲ διασωθέντες ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς τραυματίαι τε οἱ πλείους καὶ τὰ ὅπλα μικροῦ δεῖν πάντες ἀπολωλεκότες εἰς πόλιν Τύσκλον ἀφικνοῦντο: σκηνὰς δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ὑποζύγια καὶ χρήματα καὶ θεράποντας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευὴν οἱ πολέμιοι διήρπασαν.

[5] For the enemy, having thrust forward against them and cleared palisades of those who defended them, mounted the ramparts, and possessing themselves of the camp, killed some few while fighting but destroyed the greater part in the pursuit. Those who escaped from this rout, being most of them wounded and having almost all lost their arms, came to the city of Tusculum; but their tents, beasts of burden, money, slaves, and the rest of their military provisions became the prey of the enemy.

[6] ὡς δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλη ταῦτα τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ἐχθροὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ οἱ τέως ἀποκρυπτόμενοι τὸ μῖσος, φανεροὺς ἐποίουν αὑτοὺς τότε χαίροντες ἐπὶ ταῖς κακοπραγίαις τῶν στρατηγῶν: καὶ ἦν ἤδη καρτερὰ χεὶρ περὶ τὸν Ὁράτιόν τε καὶ τὸν Οὐαλέριον, οὓς ἔφην ἡγεμόνας εἶναι τῶν ἀριστοκρατικῶν ἑταιρειῶν.

[6] When the news of this defeat was brought to the people in Rome, all who were enemies of the oligarchy and those who had hitherto been concealing their hatred revealed themselves now by rejoicing at the misfortunes of the generals; and there was now a strong body of men attached to both Horatius and Valerius, who, as I said, were the leaders of the aristocratical groups.

[1] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον τοῖς μὲν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου συνάρχουσιν ὅπλα τε καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον καὶ τἆλλα ὧν ἐδέοντο ἐπεχορήγουν τά τε δημόσια καὶ ἰδιωτικὰ ἐκ πολλῆς ὑπεροψίας λαμβάνοντες, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀνδρῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἐξ ἁπάσης φυλῆς τοὺς ὅπλα φέρειν δυναμένους ἀπέστειλαν, ὥστ᾽ ἐκπληρωθῆναι τοὺς λόχους: τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπιμελῆ φυλακὴν ἐποιοῦντο φρουραῖς τοὺς ἐπικαιροτάτους καταλαμβανόμενοι τόπους, μή τι λάθωσι παρακινήσαντες οἱ μετὰ τοῦ Οὐαλερίου συνεστῶτες.

[24.1] Appius and Spurius supplied their colleagues who were in the field with arms, money, corn and everything else they stood in need of, taking all these things with a high hand, whether public or private property; and enrolling all the men in every tribe who were able to bear arms in order to replace those who had been lost, they sent them out so that the centuries might be filled up. They also kept strict guard over matters in the city by garrisoning the most critical positions, lest the followers of Valerius should foment some disorders without their knowledge.

[2] ἐπέσκηπτόν τε δι᾽ ἀπορρήτων τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων συνάρχουσι τοὺς ἐναντιουμένους σφίσι διαφθείρειν, [p. 153] τοὺς μὲν ἐπιφανεῖς ἀδήλως, ὧν δ᾽ ἐλάττων ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ φανεροῦ, προφάσεις ἀεί τινας ἐπιφέροντας, ἵνα δικαίως δόξωσιν ἀποθανεῖν. καὶ ἐγίνετο ταῦτα: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ προνομὰς ἀποστελλόμενοι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀγορὰν παραπέμψαι κομιζομένην, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλας τινὰς ἐπιτελέσασθαι πολεμικὰς χρείας, ἔξω γενόμενοι τοῦ χάρακος οὐδαμοῦ ἔτι ὤφθησαν.

[2] They also gave secret instructions to their colleagues in the army to put to death all who opposed their measures, the men of distinction secretly, and those of less account even openly, always using some specious excuses to make their death seem deserved. And these things were being done. For some, being sent out by them for forage, others to convoy provisions that were being brought in, and some to perform other military tasks, when they were once out of the camp, were nowhere seen again,

[3] οἱ δὲ ταπεινότατοι φυγῆς ἄρχειν κατηγορηθέντες ἢ τὰ ἀπόρρητα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκφέρειν ἢ τάξιν μὴ φυλάττειν, ἐν τῷ φανερῷ καταπλήξεως ἕνεκα τῶν ἄλλων ἀπώλλυντο. ἐγίνετο δὲ διχόθεν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὄλεθρος, τῶν μὲν οἰκείων τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους συμπλοκαῖς διαφθειρομένων, τῶν δὲ τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ποθούντων κατάστασιν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀπολλυμένων.

[3] while the humblest men, being accused of being the first to take flight or of carrying secret information to the enemy or of quitting their posts, were being put to death publicly in order to strike terror into the rest. Two causes, therefore, contributed to the destruction of the soldiers: the friends of the oligarchy were perishing in the skirmishes with the enemy, while those who longed for the aristocratic régime were being slain by the orders of the generals.

[1] πολλὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα καὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον ἐγίνετο. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων καίτοι συχνῶν ἀναιρουμένων ἐλάττων τοῖς πλήθεσι λόγος ἦν, ἑνὸς δ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανεστάτου τῶν δημοτικῶν καὶ πλείστας ἀρετὰς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις ἀποδειξαμένου θάνατος ὠμὸς καὶ ἀνόσιος ἐπιτελεσθεὶς ἐν θατέρῳ τῶν στρατοπέδων, ἔνθα οἱ τρεῖς ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν, ἅπαντας ἑτοίμους ἐποίησε πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν τοὺς ἐκεῖ.

[25.1] Many crimes of this nature were committed in the city also by Appius and his colleague. The destruction of most of the victims, numerous as they were, was a matter of no great concern to the masses; but the cruel and wicked death of one man, who was the most distinguished of the plebeians and had performed the most gallant exploits in war, only to be murdered now in that one of the camps where the three generals commanded, disposed everyone there to revolt.

[2] ἦν δ᾽ ὁ φονευθεὶς Σίκκιος, ὁ τὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι μάχας ἀγωνισάμενος καὶ ἐξ ἁπασῶν ἀριστεῖα λαβών, ὃν ἔφην ἀπολελυμένον ἤδη στρατείας διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἑκούσιον τοῦ πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς συνάρασθαι πολέμου, [p. 154] σπεῖραν ἀνδρῶν ὀκτακοσίων ἐκπεπληρωκότων ἤδη τὰς κατὰ νόμον στρατείας εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπαγόμενον: μεθ᾽ ὧν ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπὸ θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων εἰς πρόδηλον ὄλεθρον, ὡς πᾶσιν ἐδόκει, τοῦ τε χάρακος ἐκράτησε καὶ τῆς ὁλοσχεροῦς νίκης αἴτιος ἐγένετο τοῖς ὑπάτοις.

[2] The man assassinated was that Siccius who had fought the hundred and twenty battles and had received prizes for valour in all of them, a man of whom I have said that, when he was exempt from military service by reason of his age, he voluntarily engaged in the war against the Aequians at the head of a cohort of eight hundred men who had already completed the regular term of service and followed him out of affection for him; and having been sent with these men by one of the consuls against the enemy’s camp, to manifest destruction, as everyone thought, he not only made himself master of their camp, but enabled the consuls to gain the complete victory they did.

[3] τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει διεξιόντα λόγους κατὰ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου στρατηγῶν, ὡς ἀνάνδρων τε καὶ ἀπείρων πολέμου, ἐκποδῶν ποιῆσαι σπεύδοντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον εἰς ὁμιλίας προὐκαλοῦντο φιλανθρώπους καὶ συνδιαπορεῖν σφίσιν ἠξίουν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου, καὶ πῶς ἂν ἐπανορθωθείη τὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἁμαρτήματα λέγειν παρεκάλουν, καὶ τελευτῶντες ἔπεισαν ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Κρουστομερείᾳ χάρακα αὐτὸν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντα πρεσβευτικήν. ἔστι δὲ πάντων ἱερώτατόν τε καὶ τιμιώτατον ὁ πρεσβευτὴς παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐξουσίαν μὲν ἄρχοντος ἔχων καὶ δύναμιν, ἀσυλίαν δὲ καὶ σεβασμὸν ἱερέως.

[3] This man, who kept making many speeches in the city against the generals in the field, accusing them of both cowardice and inexperience in warfare, Appius and his colleague were eager to remove out of the way, and to that end they invited him to friendly conversations and asked him to consult with them concerning affairs in camp, urging him to tell how the mistakes of the generals might be corrected; and at last they prevailed upon him to go out to the camp at Crustumerium invested with the authority of a legate. The position of legate is the most honourable and the most sacred of all dignities among the Romans, possessing as it does the power and authority of a magistrate and the inviolable and holy character of a priest.

[4] ὡς δ᾽ ἀφίκετο, φιλοφρονουμένων αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ δεομένων συστρατηγεῖν μένοντα, καί τινας καὶ δωρεὰς τὰς μὲν διδόντων ἤδη, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπισχνουμένων, ἐξαπατηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πονηρῶν καὶ τῇ γοητείᾳ τῶν λόγων οὐ συνειδὼς ὡς ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐγίνετο, στρατιωτικὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸν τρόπον [p. 155] ἁπλοῦς τά τ᾽ ἄλλα ἐπείθετο αὐτοῖς, ὅσα συμφέρειν ὑπελάμβανε, καὶ πρῶτον ἁπάντων παρῄνει μετάγειν τὴν παρεμβολὴν εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας: τάς τε βλάβας διεξιὼν τὰς τότε γινομένας καὶ τὰς ὠφελείας ἐπιλογιζόμενος, ὅσας ἔμελλον ἕξειν μεταστρατοπεδευσάμενοι.

[4] When he arrived at the camp and the generals there gave him a friendly greeting and asked him to remain and command in conjunction with them, also offering him some presents on the spot and promising others, Siccius, deceived by these wicked men and not conscious that the charm of their conversation was due to a plot, he being a military man and of a simple nature, not only made other recommendations, such as he thought advantageous, but, first of all, advised them to move their camp from their own territory to that of the enemy, recounting the losses they were then suffering and also estimating the advantages they would gain by shifting their camp.

[1] οἱ δ᾽ ἀσμένως δέχεσθαι τὰς παραινέσεις σκηψάμενοι: τί οὖν, ἔφασαν, οὐκ αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν γίνῃ τῆς ἀναζεύξεως τόπον ἐπιτήδειον προκατασκεψάμενος; ἐμπειρίαν δ᾽ ἱκανὴν ἔχεις τῶν τόπων διὰ τὰς πολλὰς στρατείας, λόχον δέ σοι δώσομεν ἐπιλέκτων νέων εὐζώνῳ ἐσταλμένων ὁπλίσει: σοὶ δὲ ἵππος τε διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν παρέστω, καὶ ὁπλισμὸς ὁ τοῖς τηλικούτοις πρέπων.

[26.1] The generals, professing that they were glad to accept his advice, said: “Why, then, do you not take charge yourself of the army’s removal, after first looking out a suitable position for it? You are sufficiently acquainted with the region because of the many campaigns you have made, and we will give you a company of picked youths fitted out with light equipment; for yourself there shall be a horse, on account of your age, and armour suitable for such an expedition.”

[2] ὑποδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Σικκίου καὶ ψιλοὺς αἰτήσαντος ἑκατὸν ἐπιλέκτους οὐδένα χρόνον ἐπισχόντες ἐκπέμπουσιν αὐτὸν ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἑταίρων τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενοι, οἷς ἐπέσκηψαν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἄνδρα μεγάλους μισθοὺς τῆς ἀνδροφονίας ὑποσχόμενοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολὺ προελθόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ χάρακος εἰς χωρίον ἦλθον ὀχθηρὸν καὶ στενόπορον καὶ χαλεπὸν ἵππῳ διεξελθεῖν, ὅτι μὴ βάδην ἀνιόντι, διὰ τὴν τραχύτητα τῶν ὄχθων, σύνθημα δόντες ἀλλήλοις στίφος ἐποίουν ὡς ἅμα χωρήσοντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀθρόοι. θεράπων δέ τις ὑπασπιστὴς τοῦ Σικκίου τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀγαθὸς εἰκάσας [p. 156] τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν μηνυτὴς γίνεται τῷ δεσπότῃ.

[2] Siccius having accepted the commission and asked for a hundred picked light-armed men, they sent him without delay while it was still light; and with him they sent the hundred men, whom they had picked out as the most daring of their own faction, with orders to kill the man, promising them great rewards for the murder. When they had advanced a long distance from the camp and had come to a hilly region where the road was narrow and difficult for a horse to traverse at any other pace than a walk as it climbed, by reason of the ruggedness of the hills, they gave the signal to one another and formed in a compact mass, with the intention of falling upon him all together in a body.

[3] κἀκεῖνος ὡς ἔγνω κατακλειόμενον αὑτὸν εἰς δυσχωρίας, ἔνθα οὐκ ἦν δυνατὸν ἀνὰ κράτος ἐλάσαι τὸν ἵππον, καθάλλεταί τε καὶ στὰς ἐπὶ τὸν ὄχθον, ἵνα μὴ κυκλωθείη πρὸς αὐτῶν, τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν μόνον ἔχων τοὺς ἐπιόντας ὑπέμεινεν. ὁρμησάντων δὲ ἅμα πάντων πολλῶν ὄντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνει μὲν περὶ πεντεκαίδεκα, τραυματίζει δὲ καὶ διπλασίους. ἐδόκει δ᾽ ἂν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας διαφθεῖραι μαχόμενος, εἰ συνῄεσαν ὁμόσε.

[3] But a servant of Siccius, who was his shield-bearer and a brave warrior, guessed their intention and informed his master of it. Siccius, seeing himself confined in a difficult position where it was not possible to drive his horse at full speed, leaped down, and taking his stand upon the hill in order to avoid being surrounded by his assailants, with only his shield-bearer to aid him, awaited their attack. When they fell upon him all at once, many in number, he killed some fifteen of them and wounded twice as many; and it seemed as if he might have slain all the others in combat if they had come to close quarters with him.

[4] οἱ δ᾽ ἄρα συμφρονήσαντες, ὡς ἄμαχον εἴη χρῆμα, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἕλοιεν αὐτὸν συστάδην, τῆς μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ἀπείχοντο μάχης, προσωτέρω δ᾽ ἀποστάντες ἔβαλλον οἱ μὲν σαυνίοις, οἱ δὲ χερμάσιν, οἱ δὲ ξύλοις: τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτῶν προσελθόντες ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων τῷ ὄχθῳ καὶ γενόμενοι κατὰ κεφαλῆς κατεκύλιον ὑπερμεγέθεις ἄνωθεν πέτρας, ἕως ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ἐξ ἐναντίας βαλλομένων καὶ βάρους τῶν ἄνωθεν ἐπικαταραττομένων διέφθειραν αὐτόν. Σίκκιος μὲν δὴ τοιαύτης καταστροφῆς ἔτυχεν.

[4] But they, concluding that he was an invincible prodigy and that they could never vanquish him by engaging hand to hand, gave over that way of fighting, and withdrawing to a greater distance, hurled javelins, stones and sticks at him; and some of them, approaching the hill from the flanks and getting above him, rolled down huge stones upon him till they overwhelmed him with the multitude of the missiles that were hurled at him from in front and the weight of the stones that crashed down upon him from above. Such was the fate of Siccius.

[1] οἱ δὲ διαπραξάμενοι τὸν φόνον ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἄγοντες τοὺς τραυματίας καὶ διέσπειραν λόγον, ὡς ἐπιφανεὶς αὐτοῖς πολεμίων λόχος τόν τε Σίκκιον ἀποκτείνειε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἄνδρας, οἷς πρώτοις ἐνέτυχεν, αὐτοί τε πολλὰ τραύματα λαβόντες [p. 157] μόλις αὐτοὺς ἀποφύγοιεν. καὶ ἐδόκουν ἅπασι πιστὰ λέγειν. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τοῦ φόνου γεγονότος καὶ μηδένα μηνυτὴν ἔχοντος ὑπὸ τοῦ χρεὼν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἅπαντα ἐπισκοπούσης τὰ θνητὰ πράγματα δίκης ἐξηλέγχθησαν τεκμηρίοις ἀναμφισβητήτοις.

[27.1] Those who had accomplished his murder returned to the camp bringing their wounded with them, and spread a report that a body of the enemy, having suddenly come upon them, had killed Siccius and the other men whom they first encountered and that they themselves after receiving many wounds had escaped with great difficulty. And their report seemed credible to everyone. However, their crime did not remain concealed, but though the murder was committed in a solitude where there was no possible informant, by the agency of fate itself and that justice which oversees all human actions they were convicted on the strength of incontrovertible evidence.

[2] οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ταφῆς τε δημοσίας ἄξιον ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τιμαῖς παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους διαφόρου, διὰ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτι πρεσβύτης ὢν καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας πολεμικῶν ἀγώνων ἀπολυόμενος εἰς κίνδυνον ἑκούσιον ἔδωκεν αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος, ψηφίζονται συνελθόντες εἰς ἓν ἀπὸ τῶν τριῶν ταγμάτων ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τοῦ σώματος, ἵνα μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας τε καὶ τιμῆς ἐπὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν παρακομισθείη. συγχωρησάντων δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν, μή τινα παράσχοιεν αὐτοῖς ὑποψίαν περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐπιβουλῆς καλῷ καὶ προσήκοντι ἔργῳ ἐνιστάμενοι,

[2] For the soldiers in the camp, feeling that the man deserved both a public funeral and distinctive honour above other men, not only for many other reasons, but particularly because, though he was an old man and exempted by his age from contests of war, he had voluntarily exposed himself to danger for the public good, voted to join together from the three legions and go out to recover his body, in order that it might be brought to the camp in complete security and honour. And the generals consenting to this, for fear that by opposing a worthy and becoming action they might create some suspicion of a plot in regard to the incident, they took their arms and went out of the camp.

[3] λαβόντες τὰ ὅπλα ἐξῄεσαν. ἐλθόντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ὡς εἶδόν οὔτε δρυμοὺς οὔτε φάραγγας οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο χωρίον, ἔνθα ὑποκαθίζειν ἐστὶ λόχους ἔθος, ἀλλὰ ψιλὸν καὶ περιφανῆ καὶ στενόπορον ὄχθον, δι᾽ ὑποψίας ἔλαβον εὐθέως τὸ πραχθέν: ἔπειτα τοῖς νεκροῖς προσελθόντες ὡς ἐθεάσαντο τόν τε Σίκκιον αὐτὸν ἀσκύλευτον ἐρριμμένον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας, ἐν [p. 158] θαύματι ἦσαν, εἰ πολέμιοι κρατήσαντες ἐχθρῶν μήτε

[3] When they came to the spot and saw neither woods nor ravines nor any other place of the sort customary for the setting of ambuscades, but a bare hill exposed on all sides and reached by a narrow pass, they at once began to suspect what had happened. Then, approaching the dead bodies and seeing Siccius himself and all the rest cast aside but not despoiled, they marvelled that the enemy, after overcoming their foes, had stripped off neither their arms nor their clothes.

[4] ὅπλα περιείλαντο μήτ᾽ ἐσθῆτα περιέδυσαν. διερευνώμενοί τε τὰ πέριξ ἅπαντα ὡς οὔτε στίβον ἵππων οὔτ᾽ ἴχνος ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲν εὕρισκον ἔξω τῶν διὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ, πρᾶγμα ἀμήχανον ὑπελάμβανον εἶναι πολεμίους ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς σφετέροις ἀφανεῖς, ὥσπερ πτηνούς τινας ἢ διοπετεῖς. ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα μέγιστον αὐτοῖς ἐφάνη τεκμήριον τοῦ μὴ πρὸς ἐχθρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ φίλων τὸν ἄνδρα ἀπολωλέναι,

[4] And when they examined the whole region round about and found neither tracks of horses nor footsteps of men besides those in the road, they thought it impossible that enemies till then invisible could have suddenly burst into view of their comrades, as if they had been creatures with wings or had fallen from heaven. But, over and above all these and the other signs, what seemed to them the strongest proof that the man had been slain, not by enemies, but by friends, was that the body of no foeman was found.

[5] τὸ μηδένα τῶν πολεμίων εὑρεθῆναι νεκρόν. οὐ γὰρ ἀκονιτί γ᾽ ἂν ἐδόκουν ἀποθανεῖν Σίκκιον, ἄνδρα καὶ ῥώμην καὶ ψυχὴν ἀνυπόστατον, οὐδὲ τὸν ὑπασπιστήν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πεσόντας ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐκ χειρὸς γενομένης τῆς μάχης. ἐτεκμήραντο δὲ τοῦτο ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων. αὐτός τε γὰρ ὁ Σίκκιος πολλὰς εἶχε πληγὰς τὰς μὲν ὑπὸ χερμάδων, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπὸ σαυνίων, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπὸ μαχαιρῶν, καὶ ὁ ὑπασπιστής: οἱ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων ἀνῃρημένοι πάντες μαχαιρῶν ἢ χερμάδων ἢ σαυνίων, βέλους δὲ οὐδεμίαν.

[5] For they could not conceive that Siccius, a man irresistible by reason of both of his strength and of his valour, or his shield-bearer either, or the others who had fallen with him would have perished without offering a stout resistance, particularly since the contest had been waged hand to hand. This they conjectured from their wounds; for both Siccius himself and his shield-bearer having had many wounds, some from stones, others from javelins, and still others from swords, whereas those who had been slain by them all had wounds from swords, but none from a missile weapon.

[6] ἀγανάκτησις δὴ μετὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐγίνετο πάντων καὶ βοὴ καὶ πολὺς ὀδυρμός: ὡς δὲ κατωλοφύραντο τὴν συμφορὰν ἀράμενοι καὶ κομίσαντες τὸν νεκρὸν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα, πολλὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν κατεβόων, καὶ μάλιστα μὲν ἠξίουν κατὰ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ἀποκτεῖναι νόμον τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους: εἰ δὲ μή, δικαστήριον αὐτοῖς ἀποδοῦναι [p. 159] παραχρῆμα. καὶ πολλοὶ ἦσαν οἱ κατηγορεῖν μέλλοντες αὐτῶν.

[6] Thereupon they all gave way to resentment and cried out, making great lamentation. After bewailing the calamity, they took up the body, and carrying it to the camp, indulged in loud outcries against the generals, and they demanded, preferably, that the murderers be put to death in accordance with military law, or else that a civil court be assigned to them immediately; and many were those who were ready to be their accusers.

[7] ὡς δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτῶν εἰσήκουον ἐκεῖνοι, ἀλλὰ τούς τ᾽ ἄνδρας ἀπεκρύψαντο καὶ τὰς δίκας ἀνεβάλοντο φήσαντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ λόγον ἀποδώσειν τοῖς βουλομένοις αὐτῶν κατηγορεῖν, μαθόντες ὅτι τῶν στρατηγῶν τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα ἦν, τὸν μὲν Σίκκιον ἔθαπτον, ἐκκομιδήν τε ποιησάμενοι λαμπροτάτην καὶ πυρὰν νήσαντες ὑπερμεγέθη καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπαρχόμενοι κατὰ δύναμιν, ὧν νόμος ἐπ᾽ ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς εἰς τὴν τελευταίαν τιμὴν φέρεσθαι: πρὸς δὲ τὴν δεκαδαρχίαν ἠλλοτριοῦντο πάντες καὶ γνώμην εἶχον ὡς ἀποστησόμενοι. τὸ μὲν δὴ περὶ Κρουστομέρειαν καὶ Φιδήνην στράτευμα διὰ τὸν Σικκίου τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ θάνατον ἐχθρὸν τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν πραγμάτων ἦν.

[7] When the generals paid no heed to them, but concealed the men and put off the trials, telling them they would give an accounting in Rome to any who wished to accuse them, the soldiers, convinced that the generals had been the authors of the plot, proceeded to bury Siccius, after arranging a most magnificent funeral procession and erecting an immense pyre, where every man according to his ability presented the first-offerings of everything that is usually employed in rendering the last honours to brave men; but they were all becoming alienated from the decemvirs and had the intention of revolting. Thus the army that lay encamped at Crustumerium and Fidenae, because of the death of Siccius the legate, was hostile to the men who stood at the head of the government.

[1] τὸ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀλγιδῷ τῆς Αἰκανῶν χώρας καθιδρυμένον καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ πόλει πλῆθος ἅπαν διὰ ταύτας ἐξεπολεμώθη τὰς αἰτίας πρὸς αὐτούς. ἀνὴρ ἐκ τῶν δημοτικῶν, Λεύκιος Οὐεργίνιος, οὐδενὸς χείρων τὰ πολεμικά, λόχου τινὸς ἡγεμονίαν ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πέντε τάγμασιν ἐτάχθη τοῖς ἐπ᾽ Αἰκανοὺς στρατευσαμένοις.

[28.1] The other army, which lay at Algidum in the territory of the Aequians, as well as the whole body of the people at Rome became hostile to them for the following reasons. One of the plebeians, whose name was Lucius Verginius, a man inferior to none in war, had the command of a century in one of the five legions which had taken the field against the Aequians.

[2] τούτῳ θυγάτηρ ἔτυχεν οὖσα καλλίστη τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ παρθένων τὸ πατρῷον ὄνομα φέρουσα, ἣν ἐνεγγυήσατο Λεύκιος εἷς ἐκ τῶν δεδημαρχηκότων υἱὸς Ἰκιλίου τοῦ πρώτου τε καταστησαμένου τὴν δημαρχιἔστι [p. 160]

[2] He had a daughter, called Verginia after her father, who far surpassed all the Roman maidens in beauty and was betrothed to Lucius, a former tribune and son of the Icilius who first instituted and first received the tribunician power.

[3] κὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ πρώτου λαβόντος. ταύτην τὴν κόρην ἐπίγαμον οὖσαν ἤδη θεασάμενος Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος ὁ τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ἡγεμὼν ἀναγινώσκουσαν ἐν γραμμα- τιστοῦ — ἦν δὲ τὰ διδασκαλεῖα τότε τῶν παίδων περὶ τὴν ἀγοράν — εὐθύς τε ὑπὸ τοῦ κάλλους τῆς παιδὸς ἑάλω καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔξω τῶν φρενῶν ἐγένετο πολλά- κις ἀναγκαζόμενος παριέναι τὸ διδασκαλεῖον ἤδη κρα-

[3] Appius Claudius, the chief of the decemvirs, having seen this girl, who was now marriageable, as she was reading at the schoolmaster’s (the schools for the children stood at that time near the Forum), was immediately captivated by her beauty and became still more frenzied because, already mastered by passion, he could not help passing by the school frequently.

[4] τούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους. ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἠδύνατο πρὸς γάμον αὐτὴν λαβεῖν ἐκείνην τε ὁρῶν ἐγγεγυημένην ἑτέρῳ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων γυναῖκα γαμετήν, καὶ ἅμα οὐδ᾽ ἀξιῶν ἐκ δημοτικοῦ γένους ἁρμόσασθαι γάμον, δι᾽ ὑπεροψίαν τῆς τύχης καὶ παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα δέλτοις ἀνέγραψε, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπειράθη διαφθεῖραι χρήμασι τὴν κόρην, καὶ προσ- έπεμπέ τινας ἀεὶ πρὸς τὰς τροφοὺς αὐτῆς γυναῖκας — ἦν γὰρ ὀρφανὴ μητρὸς ἡ παῖς — διδούς τε πολλὰ καὶ ἔτι πλείονα τῶν διδομένων ὑπισχνούμενος. παρ- ηγγέλλετο δὲ τοῖς πειρωμένοις τὰς τροφοὺς μὴ λέγειν, τίς ὁ τῆς κόρης ἐστὶν ἐρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τῶν δυναμένων τις εὖ ποιεῖν οὓς βουληθείη καὶ κακῶς.

[4] But, as he could not marry her, both because he saw that she was betrothed to another and because he himself had a lawfully-wedded wife, and furthermore because he would not deign to take a wife from a plebeian family through scorn of that station and as being contrary to the law which he himself had inscribed in the Twelve Tables, he first endeavoured to bribe the girl with money, and for that purpose was continually sending women to her governesses (for she had lost her mother), giving them many presents and promising them still more than was actually given. Those who were tempting the governesses had been instructed not to tell them the name of the man who was in love with the girl, but only that he was one of those who had it in his power to benefit or harm whom he wished.

[5] ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθον αὐτάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ φυλακῆς ἑώρα τὴν κόρην κρείττονος ἢ πρότερον ἀξιουμένην, φλεγόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τὴν ἰταμωτέραν ἔγνω βαδίζειν ὁδόν. μετα- πεμψάμενος δή τινα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πελατῶν, Μάρκον Κλαύδιον, ἄνδρα τολμηρὸν καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὑπηρεσίαν ἕτοιμον, τό τε πάθος αὐτῷ διηγεῖται καὶ διδάξας, ὅσα ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἐβούλετο καὶ λέγειν, ἀποστέλλει συχνοὺς [p. 161]

[5] When they could not persuade the governesses and he saw that the girl was thought to require an even stronger guard than before, inflamed by his passion, he resolved to take the more audacious course. He accordingly sent for Marcus Claudius, one of his clients, a daring man and ready for any service, and acquainted him with his passion; then, having instructed him in what he wished him to do and say, he sent him away accompanied by a band of the most shameless men.

[6] τῶν ἀναιδεστάτων ἐπαγόμενον. ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ τὸ διδασκαλεῖον ἐπιλαμβάνεται τῆς παρθένου καὶ φανερῶς ἄγειν ἐβούλετο δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς. κραυγῆς δὲ γε- νομένης καὶ πολλοῦ συνδραμόντος ὄχλου κωλυόμενος ὅποι προῃρεῖτο τὴν κόρην ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρα- γίνεται. ἐκάθητο δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος τηνικαῦτα μόνος Ἄππιος χρηματίζων τε καὶ δικάζων τοῖς δεομένοις. βουλομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγειν κραυγή τε καὶ ἀγανάκτησις ἦν ἐκ τοῦ περιεστῶτος ὄχλου, πάντων ἀξιούντων περι- μένειν, ἕως ἔλθωσιν οἱ συγγενεῖς τῆς κόρης: καὶ ὁ

[6] And Claudius, going to the school, seized the maiden and attempted to lead her away openly through the forum; but when an outcry was raised and a great crowd gathered, he was prevented from taking her whither he intended, and so betook himself to the magistracy. Seated at the time on the tribunal was Appius alone, hearing causes and administering justice to those who applied for it. When Claudius wished to speak, there was an outcry and expressions of indignation on the part of the crowd standing about the tribunal, all demanding that he wait till the relations of the girl should be present; and Appius ordered it should be so.

[7] Ἄππιος οὕτως ἐκέλευσε ποιεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ ὀλίγος ὁ μεταξὺ χρόνος ἐγεγόνει, καὶ παρῆν ὁ πρὸς μητρὸς θεῖος τῆς παρθένου Πόπλιος Νομιτώριος φίλους τε πολλοὺς ἐπαγόμενος καὶ συγγενεῖς, ἀνὴρ ἐκ τῶν δημοτικῶν ἐμφανής, καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ Λεύκιος, ὁ παρὰ τοῦ πα- τρὸς ἐνεγγυημένος τὴν κόρην, χεῖρα περὶ αὑτὸν ἔχων νέων δημοτικῶν καρτεράν. ὡς δὲ τῷ βήματι προσ- ῆλθεν, ἀσθμαίνων ἔτι καὶ μετέωρος τὸ πνεῦμα λέγειν ἠξίου, τίς ἐστιν ὁ τολμήσας ἅψασθαι παιδὸς ἀστῆς καὶ τί βουλόμενος.

[7] After a short interval Publius Numitorius, the maiden’s maternal uncle, a man of distinction among the plebeians, appeared with many of his friends and relations; and not long afterwards came Lucius, to whom she had been betrothed by her father, accompanied by a strong body of young plebeians. As he came up to the tribunal still panting and out of breath, he demanded to know who it was that had dared to lay hands upon a girl who was a Roman citizen and what his purpose was.

[1] σιωπῆς δὲ γενομένης Μάρκος Κλαύδιος ὁ τῆς παιδὸς ἐπιλαβόμενος τοιοῦτον διεξῆλθε λόγον: οὐδὲν οὔτε προπετὲς οὔτε βίαιον πέπρακταί μοι περὶ τὴν κόρην, Ἄππιε Κλαύδιε: κύριος δ᾽ αὐτῆς ὢν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἄγω. ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἐστὶν ἐμή, μάθε. [p. 162]

[29.1] When silence had been obtained, Marcus Claudius, who had seized the girl, spoke to this effect: “I have done nothing either rash or violent in regard to the girl, Appius Claudius; but, as I am her master, I am taking her according to the laws. Hear now by what means she is mine.

[2] μοι θεράπαινα πατρικὴ πολλοὺς πάνυ δουλεύουσα χρόνους. ταύτην κύουσαν ἡ Οὐεργινίου γυνὴ συνήθη καὶ εἰσοδίαν οὖσαν ἔπεισεν ἐὰν τέκῃ, δοῦναι τὸ παιδίον αὐτῇ. κἀκείνη φυλάττουσα τὰς ὑποσχέσεις γενομένης αὐτῇ ταύτης τῆς θυγατρὸς πρὸς μὲν ἡμᾶς ἐσκήψατο νεκρὸν τεκεῖν, τῇ δὲ Νομιτωρίᾳ δίδωσι τὸ παιδίον: ἡ δὲ λαβοῦσα ὑποβάλλεται καὶ τρέφει παίδων οὔτ᾽ ἀρρένων οὔτε θηλειῶν οὖσα μήτηρ.

[2] I have a female slave who belonged to my father and has served a great many years. This slave, being with child, was persuaded by the wife of Verginius, whom she was acquainted with and used to visit, to give her the child when she should bear it. And she, keeping her promise, when this daughter was born, pretended to us that she had given birth to a dead child, but she gave the babe to Numitoria; and the latter, taking the child, palmed it off as her own and reared it, although she was the mother of no children either male or female.

[3] πρότερον οὖν ἐλάνθανέ με ταῦτα, νῦν δὲ διὰ μηνύσεως ἐπιγνοὺς καὶ μάρτυρας ἔχων πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς καὶ τὴν θεράπαιναν ἐξητακὼς ἐπὶ τὸν κοινὸν ἁπάντων καταφεύγω νόμον, ὃς οὐ τῶν ὑποβαλλομένων, ἀλλὰ τῶν μητέρων εἶναι τὰ ἔκγονα δικαιοῖ, ἐλευθέρων μὲν οὐσῶν ἐλεύθερα, δούλων δὲ δοῦλα, τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντα κυρίους,

[3] Hitherto I was ignorant of all this; but now, having learned of it through information given me and having many credible witnesses and having also examined the slave, I have recourse to the law, common to all mankind, which declares it right that the offspring belong, not to those who palm off others’ children as their own, but to their mothers, the children of freeborn mothers being free, and those of slave mothers slaves, having the same masters as their mothers.

[4] οὓς ἂν καὶ αἱ μητέρες αὐτῶν ἔχωσι. κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν νόμον ἀξιῶ τὴν θυγατέρα τῆς ἐμῆς θεραπαίνης ἄγειν καὶ δίκας ὑπέχειν βουλόμενος, ἐὰν ἀντιποιῆταί τις ἐγγυητὰς καθιστὰς ἀξιοχρέους ἄξειν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην: εἰ δὲ ταχεῖαν βούλεταί τις γενέσθαι τὴν διάγνωσιν, ἕτοιμος ἐπὶ σοῦ λέγειν τὴν δίκην αὐτίκα μάλα, καὶ μὴ διεγγυᾶν τὸ σῶμα μηδ᾽ ἀναβολὰς τῷ πράγματι προσάγειν: ὁποτέραν δ᾽ ἂν οὗτοι βουληθῶσι τῶν αἱρέσεων, ἑλέσθωσαν. [p. 163]

[4] In virtue of this law I claim the right to take the daughter of my slave woman, consenting to submit to a trial and, if anyone puts in a counter claim, offering sufficient securities that I will produce her at the trial. But if anyone wishes to have the decision rendered speedily, I am ready to plead my cause before you at once, instead of offering pledges for her person and interposing delays to the action. Let these claimants choose whichever of these alternatives they wish.”

[1] τοιαῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος Κλαυδίου καὶ πολλὴν προσθέντος δέησιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν ἐλαττωθῆναι τῶν ἀντιδίκων, ὅτι πελάτης ἦν καὶ ταπεινός, παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ὁ τῆς κόρης θεῖος ὀλίγα καὶ αὐτὰ τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα εἰρῆσθαι προσήκοντα εἶπε: πατέρα μὲν οὖν εἶναι τῆς κόρης λέγων Οὐεργίνιον ἐκ τῶν δημοτικῶν, ὃν ἀποδημεῖν στρατευόμενον ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως: μητέρα δὲ γενέσθαι Νομιτωρίαν τὴν ἀδελφὴν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, σώφρονα καὶ ἀγαθὴν γυναῖκα, ἣν οὐ πολλοῖς πρότερον ἐνιαυτοῖς ἀποθανεῖν: τραφεῖσαν δὲ τὴν παρθένον, ὡς ἐλευθέρᾳ καὶ ἀστῇ προσῆκεν, ἁρμοσθῆναι κατὰ νόμον Ἰκιλίῳ, καὶ τέλος ἂν ἐσχηκέναι τὸν γάμον,

[30.1] After Claudius had spoken thus and had added an urgent plea that he might be at no disadvantage as compared with his adversaries because he was a client and of humble birth, the uncle of the girl answered in few words and those such as were proper to be addressed to a magistrate. He said that the father of the girl was Verginius, a plebeian, who was then abroad in the service of his country; that her mother was Numitoria, his own sister, a virtuous and good woman, who had died not many years before; that the maiden herself, after being brought up in such a manner as became a person of free condition and a citizen, had been legally betrothed to Icilius, and that the marriage would have taken place if the war with the Aequians had not intervened.

[2] εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ὁ πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς ἀνέστη πόλεμος. ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεταξὺ χρόνοις οὐκ ἐλαττόνων ἢ πεντεκαίδεκα διεληλυθότων ἐτῶν οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον ἐπιχειρήσαντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπεῖν Κλαύδιον, ἐπειδὴ δὲ γάμων ἡ παῖς ἔσχεν ὥραν καὶ διαφέρειν δοκεῖ τὴν ὄψιν, ἐρῶντα ἥκειν ἀναίσχυντον συκοφάντημα πλάσαντα, οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης, ἀλλὰ κατεσκευασμένον ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἁπάσαις οἰομένου δεῖν ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου χαρίζεσθαι.

[2] In the meantime, he said, no less than fifteen years having elapsed, Claudius had never attempted to allege anything of this sort to the girl’s relations, but now that she was of marriageable age and had a reputation for exceptional beauty, he had come forward with his allegation after inventing a shameless calumny, not indeed on his own initiative, but coached by a man who thought he must by any and every means gratify his desires.

[3] τὴν μὲν οὖν δίκην αὐτὸν ἔφη τὸν πατέρα περὶ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἀπολογήσεσθαι παραγενόμενον ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς: τὴν δὲ τοῦ σώματος ἀντιποίησιν, ἣν ἔδει γενέσθαι κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, αὐτὸς ποιεῖσθαι θεῖος ὢν τῆς κόρης καὶ τὰ δίκαια ὑπέχειν, οὐδὲν ἀξιῶν οὔτε ξένον οὔτε ὃ μὴ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις [p. 164] ἀποδίδοται Ῥωμαίοις δίκαιον, εἰ καὶ μὴ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, σώματος εἰς δουλείαν ἐξ ἐλευθερίας ἀγομένου μὴ τὸν ἀφαιρούμενον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἀλλὰ τὸν φυλάττοντα κύριον εἶναι μέχρι δίκης.

[3] As for the trial, he said the father himself would defend the cause of his daughter when he returned from the campaign; but as for the claiming of her person, which was required according to the laws, he himself, as the girl’s uncle, was attending to that and was submitting to trial, in doing which he was demanding nothing either unprecedented or not granted as a right to all other Roman citizens, if indeed not to all men, namely, that when a person is being haled from a condition of freedom into slavery, it is not the man who is trying to deprive him of his liberty, but the man who maintains it, that has the custody of him until the trial.

[4] ἔφη τε διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας προσήκειν τῷ Ἀππίῳ φυλάττειν τοῦτο τὸ δίκαιον: πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τὸν νόμον τοῦτον ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα δέλτοις ἀνέγραψεν: ἔπειθ᾽ ὅτι τῆς δεκαδαρχίας ἡγεμών: πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅτι μετὰ τῆς ὑπατικῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν δημαρχίαν προσειλήφει, ἧς εἶναι κράτιστον ἔργον τοῖς ἀσθενέσι καὶ ἐρήμοις τῶν πολιτῶν βοηθεῖν.

[4] And he said that it behooved Appius to maintain that principle for many reasons: first, because he had inscribed this law among the others in the Twelve Tables, and, in the next place, because he was chief of the decemvirate; and furthermore, because he had assumed not only the consular but also the tribunician power, the principal function of which was to relieve such of the citizens as were weak and destitute of help.

[5] ἠξίου τε τὴν καταπεφευγυῖαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλεῆσαι παρθένον, μητρὸς μὲν ὀρφανὴν οὖσαν ἔτι πάλαι, πατρὸς δ᾽ ἔρημον ἐν τῷ τότε χρόνῳ, κινδυνεύουσαν οὐ χρημάτων ἀποστερηθῆναι προγονικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνδρὸς καὶ πατρίδος καὶ ὃ πάντων μέγιστον εἶναι δοκεῖ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀγαθῶν, τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἐλευθερίας. ἀνακλαυσάμενος δὲ τὴν ὕβριν, εἰς ἣν ἔμελλεν ἡ παῖς παραδοθήσεσθαι, καὶ πολὺν ἐκ τῶν παρόντων κινήσας ἔλεον περὶ τοῦ χρόνου τῆς δίκης ἔφη τελευτῶν:

[5] He then asked him to show compassion for a maiden who had turned to him for refuge, having long since lost her mother and being at the moment deprived of her father and in danger of losing not only her ancestral fortune but also her husband, her country, and, what is regarded as the greatest of all human blessings, her personal liberty. And having lamented the insolence to which the girl would be delivered up and thus roused great compassion in all present, he at last spoke about the time to be appointed for the trial, saying:

[6] ἐπειδὴ ταχεῖαν αὐτῆς βούλεται γενέσθαι τὴν κρίσιν Κλαύδιος, ὁ μηδὲν ἠδικῆσθαι φάμενος ἐν τοῖς πεντεκαίδεκα ἔτεσιν, ἕτερος μὲν ἄν τις ὑπὲρ τηλικούτων ἀγωνιζόμενος δεινὰ πάσχειν ἔλεξε καὶ ἠγανάκτει κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, ὅταν εἰρήνη γένηται καὶ πάντες ἔλθωσιν οἱ νῦν ὄντες ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου, τότε [p. 165] τὴν δίκην ἀξιῶν ἀπολογεῖσθαι, ὅτε καὶ μαρτύρων εὐπορία καὶ φίλων καὶ δικαστῶν ἀμφοτέροις ἔσται τοῖς δικαζομένοις, πολιτικὰ καὶ μέτρια πράγματα προφέρων καὶ τῇ Ῥωμαίων συνήθη πολιτείᾳ:

[6] “Since Claudius, who during those fifteen years never complained of any injury, now wishes to have the decision in this cause rendered speedily, anyone else who was contending for a matter of so great importance as I am would say that he was grievously treated and would naturally feel indignant, demanding to offer his defence only after peace is made and all who are now in camp have returned, at a time when both parties to the suit will have an abundance of witnesses, friends and judges — a proposal which would be democratic, moderate and agreeable to the Roman constitution.

[7] ἡμεῖς δ᾽, ἔφη, λόγων οὐδὲν δεόμεθα οὔτ᾽ εἰρήνης οὔτ᾽ ὄχλου φίλων καὶ δικαστῶν οὔτ᾽ εἰς τοὺς δικασίμους χρόνους τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀναβαλλόμεθα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ ἐν σπάνει φίλων καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἴσοις δικασταῖς καὶ παραχρῆμα ὑπομένομεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι, τοσοῦτον αἰτησάμενοι παρὰ σοῦ χρόνον, Ἄππιε, ὅσος ἱκανὸς ἔσται τῷ πατρὶ τῆς κόρης ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου παραγενηθέντι τὰς ἰδίας ἀποδύρασθαι τύχας, καὶ δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν δίκην ἀπολογήσασθαι.

[7] But as for us,” he said, “we have no need of speeches nor of peace nor of a throng of friends and judges, nor are we trying to put the matter off to the times appropriate for such decisions; but even in war, and when friends are lacking and judges are not impartial, and at once, we are ready to make our defence, asking of you only so much time, Appius, as will suffice for the father of the girl to come from camp, lament his misfortunes, and plead his cause in person.”

[1] τοιαῦτα τοῦ Νομιτωρίου λέξαντος καὶ τοῦ περιεστηκότος ὄχλου μεγάλῃ βοῇ διασημήναντος, ὡς δίκαια ἀξιοῖ, μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν χρόνον Ἄππιος: ἐγὼ τὸν μὲν νόμον, εἶπεν, οὐκ ἀγνοῶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς διεγγυήσεως τῶν εἰς δουλείαν ἀγομένων κείμενον, ὃς οὐκ ἐᾷ παρὰ τοῖς ἀφαιρουμένοις εἶναι τὸ σῶμα μέχρι δίκης, οὐδὲ καταλύσαιμι ἂν ὃν αὐτὸς ἔγραψα ἑκών: ἐκεῖνο μέντοι δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι, δυεῖν ὄντων τῶν ἀντιποιουμένων, κυρίου καὶ πατρός, εἰ μὲν ἀμφότεροι παρῆσαν, τὸν πατέρα κρατεῖν τοῦ σώματος μέχρι δίκης.

[31.1] Numitorius having spoken to this effect and the people who stood round the tribunal having signified by a great shout that his demand was just, Appius after a short pause said: “I am not ignorant of the law concerning the bailing of those who are claimed as slaves, which does not permit their persons to be in the power of the claimants till the hearing of the case, nor would I willingly break a law which I myself draughted. This, however, I consider to be just, that, as there are two claimants, the master and the father, if they were both present, the father should have the custody of her person till the hearing;

[2] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἄπεστι, τὸν κύριον ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐγγυητὰς ἀξιοχρέους δόντα καταστήσειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ὅταν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῆς παραγένηται. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐγγυητῶν [p. 166] καὶ τοῦ τιμήματος καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν ὑμᾶς ἐλαττωθῆναι περὶ τὴν δίκην, πολλὴν ποιήσομαι πρόνοιαν, ὦ Νομιτώριε.

[2] but since he is absent, the master should take her away, giving sufficient sureties that he will produce her before the magistrate when her father returns. I shall take great care, Numitorius, concerning the sureties and the amount of their bond and also that you defendants shall be at no disadvantage in respect of the trial. For the present, deliver up the girl.”

[3] νῦν δὲ παράδος τὴν κόρην. τοῦτο τὸ τέλος ἐξενέγκαντος Ἀππίου πολὺς μὲν ὀδυρμὸς ὑπὸ τῆς παρθένου καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν γυναικῶν ἐγίνετο καὶ κοπετός, πολλὴ δὲ κραυγὴ καὶ ἀγανάκτησις ἐκ τοῦ περιεστηκότος ὄχλου τὸ βῆμα. ὁ δὲ μέλλων ἄγεσθαι τὴν κόρην Ἰκίλιος ἐμφύεταί τε αὐτῆς καί φησιν: οὐκ ἐμοῦ γε ζῶντος, Ἄππιε, ταύτην ἀπάξεταί τις.

[3] When Appius had pronounced this sentence, there was much lamentation and beating of breasts on the part of the maiden and of the women surrounding her, and much clamour and indignation on the part of the crowd which stood about the tribunal. But Icilius, who intending to marry the girl, clasped her to him and said:

[4] ἀλλ᾽ εἴ σοι δέδοκται τοὺς νόμους καταλύειν, τὰ δὲ δίκαια συγχεῖν καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἡμῶν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι, μηκέτι τὴν ὀνειδιζομένην ὑμῖν ἀρνοῦ τυραννίδα, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐμὸν ἀποκόψας τράχηλον ταύτην τε ἀπαγαγεῖν, ὅπου σοι δοκεῖ, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας παρθένους καὶ γυναῖκας, ἵνα δὴ μάθωσιν ἤδη ποτὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δοῦλοι γεγονότες ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρων, καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι μεῖζον φρονῶσι τῆς τύχης.

[4] “Not while I am alive, Appius, shall anyone take this girl away. But if you are resolved to break the laws, to confound our rights, and to take from us our liberty, deny no longer the tyranny you decemvirs are reproached with, but after you have cut off my head lead away not only this maiden whithersoever you choose, but also every other maiden and matron, in order that the Romans may now at last be convinced that they have become slaves instead of free men and may no longer show a spirit above their condition.

[5] τί οὖν ἔτι μέλλεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοὐμὸν ἐκχεῖς αἷμα πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ἐν τοῖς ἁπάντων ὀφθαλμοῖς; ἴσθι μέντοι σαφῶς, ὅτι ἤτοι μεγάλων κακῶν ἄρξει Ῥωμαίοις ὁ θάνατος οὑμὸς ἢ μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν.

[5] Why, then, do you delay any longer? Why do you not shed my blood before your tribunal in the sight of all? But know of a certainty that my death will prove the beginning either of great woes to the Romans or of great blessings.”

[1] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ βουλομένου λέγειν οἱ μὲν ῥαβδοῦχοι κελευσθέντες ὑπὸ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀνεῖργον αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς κεκριμένοις [p. 167] ἐκέλευον: ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς παιδὸς ἀπάγειν ἐβούλετο τοῦ θείου καὶ τοῦ μνηστῆρος ἀντεχομένην. ἰδόντες δὲ πένθος ἐλεεινὸν οἱ περὶ τὸ βῆμα πάντες ἀνέκραγον ἅμα καὶ παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἡγησάμενοι τὴν τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐξουσίαν ὠθοῦνται τοῖς βιαζομένοις ὁμόσε, ὥστε δείσαντα τὴν ἐπιφορὰν αὐτῶν τὸν Κλαύδιον τήν τε κόρην ἀφεῖναι καὶ ὑπὸ

[32.1] While he wished to go on speaking, the lictors by order of the magistrate kept him and his friends back from the tribunal and commanded them to obey the sentence; and Claudius laid hold on the girl as she clung to her uncle and her betrothed, and attempted to lead her away. But the people who stood round the tribunal, upon seeing her piteous grief, all cried out together, and disregarding the authority of the magistrate, crowded upon those who were endeavouring to use force with her, so that Claudius, fearing their violence, let the girl go and fled for refuge to the feet of the general.

[2] τοὺς πόδας τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καταφυγεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ Ἄππιος καταρχὰς μὲν εἰς πολλὴν ταραχὴν κατέστη ἠγριωμένους ἅπαντας ὁρῶν καὶ πολὺν ἠπόρει χρόνον, ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν, ἔπειτα τὸν Κλαύδιον καλέσας ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ μικρὰ διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς ἐδόκει,τοῖς τε περιεστῶσι διασημήνας ἡσυχίαν παρασχεῖν λέγει τοιάδε:

[2] Appius was at first greatly disturbed as he saw all the people enraged, and for a considerable time was in doubt what he ought to do. Then, after calling Claudius to the tribunal and conversing a little with him, as it seemed, he made a sign for the bystanders to be silent and said:

[3] ἐγὼ τὸ μὲν ἀκριβές, ὦ δημόται, περὶ τῆς διεγγυήσεως τοῦ σώματος, ἐπειδὴ τραχυνομένους ὑμᾶς πρὸς τὴν ἀπόφασιν ὁρῶ, παρίημι: χαρίζεσθαι δ᾽ ὑμῖν βουλόμενος πέπεικα τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ πελάτην ἐᾶσαι μὲν τοῖς συγγενέσι τῆς παρθένου δοῦναι τὴν διεγγύησιν, ἕως ὁ

[3] “I am waiving the strict letter of the law, citizens, relative to the bailing of her person, inasmuch as I see you growing exasperated at the sentence I have pronounced; and desiring to gratify you, I have prevailed upon my client to consent that the relations of the maiden shall go bail for her till the arrival of her father.

[4] πατὴρ αὐτῆς παραγένηται. ἀπάγεσθε οὖν, ὦ Νομιτώριε, τὴν κόρην, καὶ τὴν ἐγγύην ὁμολογεῖτε περὶ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν αὔριον ἡμέραν. ἀπόχρη γὰρ ὁ χρόνος ὑμῖν οὗτος ἀπαγγεῖλαί τε Οὐεργινίῳ τήμερον καὶ τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων ὡρῶν αὔριον ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος δεῦρο ἀγαγεῖν. πλείονα δ᾽ αὐτῶν χρόνον αἰτουμένων οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀποκρινάμενος ἀνέστη καὶ τὸν δίφρον ἐκέλευσεν ἆραι.

[4] Do you men, therefore, take the girl away, Numitorius, and acknowledge yourselves bound for her appearance to-morrow. For this much time is sufficient for you both to give Verginius notice to-day and to bring him here from the camp in three or four hours to-morrow.” When they asked for more time, he gave no answer but rose up and ordered his seat to be taken away.

[1] ὡς δ᾽ ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀδημονῶν καὶ μαινόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους, ἔγνω μηκέτι μεθέσθαι [p. 168] τῆς παρθένου τοῖς συγγενέσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐγγύην προαχθῇ, μετὰ βίας αὐτὴν ἀπάγειν, ἑαυτῷ τε πλείονα φυλακὴν περιστησάμενος, ὡς μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχλων βιασθείη, καὶ τὰ πέριξ τοῦ βήματος ἑταίρων τε καὶ πελατῶν ὄχλῳ προκαταλαβών.

[33.1] As he left the Forum, sorely troubled and maddened by his passion, he determined not to relinquish the maiden another time to her relations, but when she was produced by her surety, to take her away by force, after first placing a stronger guard about his person, in order to avoid suffering any violence from the crowds, and occupying the neighbourhood of the tribunal ahead of time with a throng of his partisans and clients.

[2] ἵνα δὲ σὺν εὐσχήμονι δίκης τοῦτο πράττῃ προφάσει, μὴ παραγενηθέντος ἐπὶ τὴν ἐγγύην τοῦ πατρός, ἐπιστολὰς δοὺς τοῖς πιστοτάτοις ἱππεῦσιν ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα καὶ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον τὸν ἡγεμόνα τοῦ τάγματος, ὑφ᾽ οὗ ἦν Οὐεργίνιος, ἀξιῶν αὐτὸν κατέχειν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐν ἐπιμελεῖ φυλακῇ, μὴ λάθῃ πυθόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν θυγατέρα καὶ διαδρὰς ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος.

[2] That he might do this with a plausible show of justice when the father should fail to appear as her surety, he sent his most trusted horsemen to the camp with letters for Antonius, the commander of the legion in which Verginius served, asking him to detain the man under strict guard, lest he learn of the situation of his daughter and steal away from the camp unobserved.

[3] ἔφθησαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ τῇ κόρῃ προσήκοντες, Νομιτωρίου τε υἱὸς καὶ ἀδελφὸς Ἰκιλίου, προαποσταλέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχομένης ἔτι τῆς καταστάσεως, νεανίαι λήματος πλήρεις ἀπὸ ῥυτῆρος καὶ μετὰ μάστιγος ἐλαθεῖσι τοῖς ἵπποις πρότερον διανύσαντες τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ τῷ Οὐεργινίῳ

[3] But he was forestalled by two relations of the girl, namely a son of Numitorius and a brother of Icilius, who had been sent ahead by the rest at the very beginning of the affair. These, being young and full of spirit, drove their horses with loose rein and under the whip, and completing the journey ahead of the men sent by Appius, informed Verginius of what had taken place.

[4] τὰ πεπραγμένα διασαφηνίσαντες. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀληθῆ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον αἰτίαν ἀποκρυψάμενος, ἀναγκαίου δέ τινος συγγενοῦς σκηψάμενος πεπύσθαι θάνατον, οὗ τὴν ἐκκομιδήν τε καὶ ταφὴν αὐτὸν ἔδει ποιήσασθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἀφίεται καὶ περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἤλαυνε μετὰ τῶν μειρακίων κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς διωγμὸν ἔκ τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως δεδοικώς: ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη.

[4] He, going to Antonius and concealing the true reason for his request, pretended that he had received word of the death of a certain near relation whose unless and burial he was obliged by law to perform; and being given a furlough, he set out about lamp-lighting time with the youths, taking by-roads for fear of being pursued both from the camp and from the city — the very thing which actually happened.

[5] ὅ τε γὰρ Ἀντώνιος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δεξάμενος περὶ πρώτην μάλιστα φυλακήν, [p. 169] ἴλην ἀπέστειλεν ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ἔκ τε τῆς πόλεως ἕτεροι πεμφθέντες ἱππεῖς δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ἐφρούρουν τὴν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου φέρουσαν ὁδόν. ὡς δὲ ἀπήγγειλεν Ἀππίῳ τις τὸν Οὐεργίνιον ἐληλυθότα παρὰ τὴν ὑπόληψιν, ἔξω τῶν φρενῶν γενόμενος παρῆν μετὰ πολλοῦ στίφους ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ προσάγειν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς τῆς κόρης συγγενεῖς.

[5] For Antonius, upon receiving the letters about the first watch, sent a troop of horse after him, while other horsemen, sent from the city, patrolled all night long the road that led from the camp to Rome. When Appius was informed by somebody of the unexpected arrival of Verginius, he lost control of himself, and going to the tribunal with a large body of attendants, ordered the relations of the girl to be brought.

[6] προσελθόντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν Κλαύδιος τοὺς αὐτοὺς πάλιν διεξελθὼν λόγους ἠξίου τὸν Ἄππιον γενέσθαι δικαστὴν τοῦ πράγματος μηδεμίαν ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενον, τόν τε μηνυτὴν παρεῖναι λέγων καὶ τοὺς μάρτυρας καὶ τὴν θεράπαιναν αὐτὴν παραδούς: ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἅπασι πολὺς ὁ προσποιητὸς σχετλιασμὸς ἦν, εἰ μὴ τεύξεται τῶν ἴσων τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὡς πρότερον, ὅτι πελάτης ἦν αὐτοῦ: καὶ παράκλησις, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ἐλεεινότερα λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς δικαιότερα ἀξιοῦσι βοηθεῖν.

[6] When they had come, Claudius repeated what he had said before and asked Appius to act as judge in the matter without delay, declaring that both the informant and the witnesses were present and offering the slave woman herself to be examined. On top of all this there was the pretence of great indignation, if he was not to obtain the same justice as other people, as he had previously, because he was a client of Appius, and also an appeal that Appius should not support those whose complaints were the more pitiful, but rather those whose claims were the more just.

[1] ὁ δὲ τῆς κόρης πατὴρ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ συγγενεῖς ἀπελογοῦντο περὶ τῆς ὑποβολῆς πολλὰ καὶ δίκαια καὶ ἀληθῆ λέγοντες, ὡς οὔτ᾽ αἰτίαν οὐδεμίαν εἶχεν ὑποβολῆς εὔλογον ἡ Νομιτωρίου μὲν ἀδελφή, Οὐεργινίου δὲ γυνή, παρθένος γαμηθεῖσα νέῳ ἀνδρὶ καὶ οὐ μετὰ πολλοὺς τοῦ γάμου τεκοῦσα χρόνους: οὔτ᾽ εἰ τὰ μάλιστα ἐβούλετο γένος ἀλλότριον εἰς τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον εἰσαγαγεῖν, δούλης ἀλλοτρίας ἂν ἐλάμβανε παιδίον μᾶλλον ἢ οὐ γυναικὸς ἐλευθέρας κατὰ γένος ἢ φιλίαν αὐτῇ προσηκούσης, παρ᾽ ἧς πιστῶς τε ἅμα [p. 170]

[34.1] The father of the girl and her other relations made a defence with many just and truthful arguments against the charge that she had been substituted for a still-born child, namely, that the sister of Numitorius, wife of Verginius, had had no reasonable ground for a substitution, since she, a virgin, married to a young man, had borne a child no very considerable time after her marriage; and again, if she had desired ever so much to introduce the offspring of another woman into her own family, she would not have taken the child of someone else’s slave rather than that of a free woman united to her by consanguinity or friendship, one from whom she would take it in the confidence and indeed certainty that she could keep what she had received.

[2] καὶ βεβαίως ἕξει τὸ ληφθέν. ἐξουσίαν τε ἔχουσαν ὁποῖον ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν, ἄρρεν ἂν ἑλέσθαι παιδίον μᾶλλον ἢ θῆλυ. τεκοῦσαν μὲν γὰρ ἀνάγκην τῶν τέκνων δεομένην στέργειν καὶ τρέφειν, ὅ τι ἂν ἡ φύσις ἐξενέγκῃ, ὑποβαλλομένην δὲ τὸ κρεῖττον ἀντὶ

[2] And when she had it in her power to take a child of whichever sex she wished, she would have chosen a male child rather than a female. For a mother, if she wants children, must of necessity be contented with and rear whatever offspring nature produces, whereas a woman who substitutes a child will in all probability choose the better sex instead of the inferior.

[3] τοῦ χείρονος εἰκὸς εἶναι λαβεῖν. πρός τε τὸν μηνυτὴν καὶ τοὺς μάρτυρας, οὓς ὁ Κλαύδιος ἔφη πολλοὺς καὶ ἀξιοχρέους παρέξεσθαι, τὸν ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων παρείχοντο λόγον, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἡ Νομιτωρία πρᾶγμα σιγῆς δεόμενον καὶ δι᾽ ἑνὸς ὑπηρετηθῆναι προσώπου δυνάμενον, φανερῶς ἔπραττε καὶ μετὰ μαρτύρων ἐλευθέρων, ἵν᾽ ἐκτραφεῖσαν τὴν κόρην ὑπὸ τῶν κυρίων τῆς μητρὸς ἀφαιρεθείη.

[3] As against the informer and the witnesses whom Claudius said he would produce in great numbers, and all of them trustworthy, they offered the argument from probability, that Numitoria would never have done openly and in conjunction with witnesses of free condition a deed that required secrecy and could have been performed for her by one person, when as a result she might see the girl she had reared taken away from her by the owners of the girl’s mother.

[4] τόν τε χρόνον οὐ μικρὸν ἔλεγον εἶναι τεκμήριον τοῦ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς λέγειν τὸν κατήγορον: οὔτε γὰρ ἂν τὸν μηνυτὴν οὔτε τοὺς μάρτυρας κατασχεῖν ἐν πεντεκαίδεκα ἔτεσιν ἀπόρρητον τὴν ὑποβολήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι πρότερον εἰπεῖν.

[4] Also the lapse of time, they said, was no slight evidence that there was nothing sound in what the plaintiff alleged; for neither the informer nor the witnesses would have kept the substitution a secret during fifteen years, but would have told of it before this.

[5] διαβάλλοντες δὲ τὰς τῶν κατηγόρων πίστεις οὔτ᾽ ἀληθεῖς οὔτε πιθανὰς ἀντιπαρεξετάζειν ταύταις ἠξίουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν, πολλὰς καὶ οὐκ ἀσήμους γυναῖκας ὀνομάζοντες, ἃς ἔφασαν εἰδέναι Νομιτωρίαν ἐγκύμονα γενομένην ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τὴν γαστέρα ὄγκου. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων τὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ τόκου καὶ τῆς λοχείας παραγενομένας διὰ [p. 171] τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ τικτόμενον τὸ παιδίον ἰδούσας ἐπεδείκνυντο καὶ ἀνακρίνειν ἠξίουν.

[5] While discrediting the plaintiff’s proofs as neither true nor probable, they asked that their own proofs might be weighed against them, and named many women, and those of no mean note, who they said had known when Numitoria came with child by the size of her abdomen. Besides these they produced women who because of their kinship had been present at her labour and delivery and had seen the child brought into the world, and asked that these be questioned.

[6] ὃ δὲ πάντων τεκμήριον ἦν περιφανέστατον ἔκ τε τῶν ἀνδρῶν πολλῶν καὶ γυναικῶν μαρτυρούμενον οὐ μόνον ἐλευθέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ δούλων, τοῦτ᾽ ἔλεγον τελευτῶντες, ὅτι τῷ γάλακτι τῆς μητρὸς ἐτράφη τὸ παιδίον: ἀμήχανον δ᾽ εἶναι γάλακτος πληρωθῆναι μαστοὺς γυναικὶ μὴ τεκούσῃ.

[6] But the clearest proof of all, which was attested by both men in large numbers and women, freemen and slaves as well, they brought in at the last, stating that the child had been suckled by her mother and that it was impossible for a woman to have her breasts full of milk if she had not borne a child.

[1] ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια παρεχομένων αὐτῶν ἰσχυρὰ καὶ οὐδένα λόγον ἐναντίον δέξασθαι δυνάμενα καὶ πολὺν ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς τῆς κόρης ἔλεον καταχεομένων, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες, ὅσοι συνήκουον τῶν λόγων, τῆς τε μορφῆς οἶκτον ἐλάμβανον,

[35.1] While they were presenting these arguments and many others equally weighty and incontrovertible and were pouring forth a stream of compassion over the girl’s misfortunes, all the others who heard their words felt pity for her beauty

[2] ὁπότ᾽ εἰς τὴν παρθένον ἴδοιεν: καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἐσθῆτι οὖσα πιναρᾷ καὶ κατηφὲς ὁρῶσα καὶ τὸ καλὸν τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐκτήκουσα τὰς ἁπάντων ἥρπαζεν ὄψεις, οὕτως ὑπεράνθρωπός τις ὥρα περὶ αὐτὴν καὶ χάρις ἦν: καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἀνεκλαίοντο παράλογον, εἰς οἵας ὕβρεις καὶ προπηλακισμοὺς ἐλεύσοιτο ἐξ οἵων ἀγαθῶν.

[2] as they cast their eyes upon her, — for being dressed in squalid attire, gazing down at the ground, and dimming the lustre of her eyes with tears, she arrested the eyes of all, so superhuman a beauty and grace enveloped her, — and all bewailed the perversity of Fortune when they considered what abuses and insults she would encounter after falling from such prosperity.

[3] εἰσῄει τ᾽ αὐτοὺς λογισμός, ὅτι τοῦ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας νόμου καταλυθέντος οὐδὲν ἔσται τὸ κωλῦον καὶ τὰς αὐτῶν γυναῖκας καὶ θυγατέρας τὰ αὐτὰ ἐκείνῃ παθεῖν. ταῦτά τε δὴ καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια ἐπιλογιζόμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλαλοῦντες ἔκλαιον.

[3] And they began to reason that, once the law which secured their liberty was violated, there was nothing to prevent their own wives and daughters also from suffering the same treatment as this girl. While they were making these and many like reflections and communicating them to one another, they wept.

[4] ὁ δὲ Ἄππιος, οἷα δὴ [p. 172] φύσιν τε οὐ φρενήρης ἀνὴρ καὶ ὑπὸ μεγέθους ἐξουσίας διεφθαρμένος, οἰδῶν τε τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ ζέων τὰ σπλάγχνα διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς παιδός, οὔτε τοῖς λόγοις τῶν ἀπολογουμένων προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς δάκρυσιν αὐτῆς ἐπεκλᾶτο, τήν τε συμπάθειαν τῶν παρόντων δι᾽ ὀργῆς ἐλάμβανεν, ὡς αὐτὸς δὴ πλείονος ὢν ἄξιος ἐλέου καὶ δεινότερα ὑπὸ τῆς δεδουλωμένης αὐτὸν εὐμορφίας πεπονθώς.

[4] But Appius, inasmuch as he was not by nature sound of mind and now was spoiled by the greatness of his power, his soul turgid and his bowels inflamed because of his love of the girl, neither paid heed to the pleas of her defenders nor was moved by her tears, and furthermore resented the sympathy shown for her by the bystanders, as though he himself deserved greater pity and had suffered greater torments from the comeliness which had enslaved him.

[5] διὰ δὴ ταῦτα πάντα οἰστρῶν λόγον τε ὑπέμεινεν εἰπεῖν ἀναίσχυντον, ἐξ οὗ καταφανὴς ἐγένετο τοῖς ὑπονοοῦσιν, ὅτι τὸ συκοφάντημα κατὰ τῆς κόρης αὐτὸς ἔγραψε καὶ ἔργον ἐτόλμησε τυραννικὸν πρᾶξαι καὶ ὠμόν.

[5] Goaded, therefore, by all these emotions, he not only had the effrontery to make a shameless speech, by which he made it clear to those who suspected as much that he himself had contrived the fraudulent charge against the girl, but he also dared to commit a cruel and tyrannical deed.

[1] ἔτι γὰρ αὐτῶν λεγόντων ἡσυχίαν γενέσθαι κελεύσας, ἐπειδὴ σιωπή τ᾽ ἐγένετο, καὶ πᾶς ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ὄχλος τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐλάμβανεν ἐπιθυμίᾳ γνώσεως τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λεχθησομένων προαχθείς, πολλάκις ἐπιστρέψας τὸ πρόσωπον τῇδε καὶ τῇδε καὶ τὰ στίφη τῶν ἑταίρων, οἷς διειλήφει τὴν ἀγοράν, τοῖς

[36.1] For while they were still pleading their cause, he commanded silence; and when there was quiet and the whole crowd in the Forum began moving forward, prompted by a desire to know what he would say, he repeatedly turned his glance here and there, his eyes taking count of the bands of his partisans, who by his orders had posted themselves in different parts of the Forum, and then spoke as follows:

[2] ὄμμασι διαριθμησάμενος τοιάδ᾽ εἶπεν: ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ τοῦδε τοῦ πράγματος, ὦ Οὐεργίνιε, καὶ ὑμεῖς οἱ σὺν τούτῳ παρόντες, οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ἀκήκοα, ἀλλὰ παλαίτερον ἔτι πρὶν ἢ τήνδε τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβεῖν. ὃν τρόπον δ᾽ ἔγνων, ἀκούσατε. ὁ πατὴρ ὁ Μάρκου Κλαυδίου [p. 173] τουδὶ τελευτῶν τὸν βίον ἠξίωσέ με τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα καταλειπόμενον ἐπιτροπεῦσαι: πελάται δ᾽ εἰσὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἡμῶν ἐκ προγόνων.

[2] “This is not the first time, Verginius and you who are present with him, that I have heard of this matter, but it was long ago, even before I assumed this magistracy. Hear, now, in what way it came to my knowledge. The father of Marcus Claudius here, when he was dying, asked me to be the guardian of his son, whom he was leaving a mere boy; for the Claudii are hereditary clients of our family.

[3] ἐν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἐπιτροπείας μήνυσις ἐγένετό μοι περὶ τῆς παιδός, ὡς ὑποβάλοιτο αὐτὴν Νομιτωρία λαβοῦσα παρὰ τῆς Κλαυδίου δούλης, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐξετάσας ἔμαθον οὕτως ἔχον. ἐφάπτεσθαι μὲν οὖν ἐμαυτοῦ προσῆκέ μοι, βέλτιον δὲ ἡγησάμην τούτῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν καταλιπεῖν, ὁπότε γένοιτο ἀνήρ, εἴτε βουληθείη τὴν παιδίσκην ἀπάγειν, εἴτε διαλύσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς τρέφοντας αὐτὴν χρηματισθεὶς ἢ χαρισάμενος.

[3] During the time of my guardianship information was given me regarding this girl, to the effect that Numitoria had palmed her off as her own child after receiving her from the slave woman of Claudius; and upon investigating this matter, I found it was so. Now I might myself have claimed what I had a right to claim, but I thought it better to leave the power of choice to my ward here, when he should come to man’s estate, either to take away the girl, if he thought fit, or to come to an accommodation with those who were rearing her, by taking money for her or making a present of her.

[4] ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεταξὺ χρόνοις ἐγὼ μὲν εἰς τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις ἐγκυλισθεὶς οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν Κλαυδίου πραγμάτων εἶχον ἐν φροντίδι. τούτῳ δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν ἴδιον ἐξετάζοντι βίον καὶ περὶ τῆς παιδίσκης ἡ μήνυσις ἀπεδόθη καθάπερ ἐμοὶ πρότερον, καὶ οὐδὲν ἄδικον ἀξιοῖ τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ θεραπαίνης γεγονυῖαν ἀπάγειν βουλόμενος.

[4] Since that time, having become involved in public affairs, I have given myself no further concern about the interests of Claudius. But he, it would seem, when taking account of his estate, also received the same information concerning the girl which had previously been given to me; and he is making no unjust demand when he wishes to take away the daughter of his own slave woman.

[5] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀλλήλους ἔπεισαν αὐτοί, καλῶς ἂν εἶχεν: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς ἀμφισβήτησιν ἦλθε τὸ πρᾶγμα, μαρτυρῶ τ᾽ αὐτῷ ταῦτα καὶ κρίνω εἶναι τοῦτον τῆς παιδίσκης κύριον.

[5] Now if they had come to terms with one another, it would have been well; but since the matter has been brought into litigation, I give this testimony in his favour and declare him to be the girl’s master.”

[1] ὡς δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἤκουσαν, ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν ἀκέραιοί τε καὶ τῶν τὰ δίκαια λεγόντων παράκλητοι τὰς χεῖρας ἄραντες εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνέκραγον ὀδυρμῷ [p. 174] καὶ ἀγανακτήσει μεμιγμένην κραυγήν, οἱ δὲ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας κόλακες τὴν ἐπικελεύουσάν τε καὶ θάρσος ἐμποιῆσαι δυναμένην τοῖς κρατοῦσι φωνήν. ἠρεθισμένης δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ παντοδαπῶν γεμούσης λόγων τε καὶ παθῶν σιωπὴν γενέσθαι κελεύσας Ἄππιος ἔλεξεν:

[37.1] When they heard this, all who were unprejudiced and ready to be advocates for those who plead the cause of justice held up their hands to heaven and raised an outcry of mingled lamentation and resentment, while the flatterers of the oligarchy uttered their rallying cry that was calculated to inspire the men in power with confidence. While the Forum was seething filled with cries and emotions of every sort, Appius, commanding silence, said:

[2] εἰ μὴ παύσεσθε διαστασιάζοντες τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀντιστρατηγοῦντες ἡμῖν οἱ ταραχώδεις, μηδαμῇ χρήσιμοι μήτ᾽ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μήτε κατὰ πολέμους, ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης σωφρονισθέντες εἴξετε. μὴ τούτους οἴεσθε τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ Καπετωλίου καὶ τῆς ἄκρας φρουροὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν πολεμίους ἡμῖν παρεσκευάσθαι μόνον, ὑμᾶς δὲ τοὺς ἔνδον ὑποκαθημένους καὶ πάντα σήποντας τὰ τῆς πόλεως πράγματα ἐάσειν.

[2] “If you do not cease dividing the city into factions and contending against us, you trouble-makers, useless fellows everywhere whether in peace or in war, you shall be brought to your senses by compulsion and so submit. Do not imagine that these guards on the Capitol and the citadel have been made ready by use solely against foreign foes and that we shall be indifferent to you who sit idle inside the walls and corrupt all the interests of the commonwealth.

[3] γνώμην δὴ λαβόντες κρείττονα ἧς ἔχετε νῦν ἄπιτε, οἷς μή τι πρᾶγμα, καὶ πράσσετε τὰ ἑαυτῶν, εἰ σωφρονεῖτε: σὺ δ᾽ ἄγου τὴν παιδίσκην ἔχων, Κλαύδιε, μηδένα δεδοικὼς δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς:

[3] Adopt, then, a better disposition than you have at present and be off with you, all you who have no business here, and mind your own affairs, if you are wise. And do you, Claudius, take the girl and lead her through the Forum without fearing anyone; for the twelve axes of Appius will attend you.”

[4] οἱ γὰρ Ἀππίου σε προπέμψουσι δώδεκα πελέκεις. ὡς δὲ ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι στένοντες καὶ τὰ μέτωπα παίοντες καὶ τὰ δάκρυα κατέχειν οὐ δυνάμενοι παρεχώρουν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος ἀπῆγε τὴν παῖδα τῷ πατρὶ περιπεπλεγμένην καὶ καταφιλοῦσαν καὶ ταῖς ἡδίσταις φωναῖς ἀνακαλοῦσαν. ἐν τοιούτοις δὴ κακοῖς Οὐεργίνιος ὢν ἔργον εἰς νοῦν βάλλεται πατρὶ μὲν ταλαίπωρον καὶ πικρόν, ἐλευθέρῳ δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ

[4] After he had spoken thus, the others withdrew from the Forum, sighing, beating their foreheads, and unable to refrain from tears; but Claudius began to lead away the girl as she held her father close, kissing him and calling upon him with the most endearing words. Finding himself in so sore a plight, Verginius thought of a deed that was grievous and bitter indeed to a father, yet becoming to a free man of lofty spirit.

[5] καὶ μεγαλόφρονι πρέπον. αἰτησάμενος γὰρ ἐξουσίαν ἀσπάσασθαι τὴν θυγατέρα τοὺς τελευταίους ἀσπασμοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας καὶ διαλεχθῆναι μόνῃ μόνος, ὁπόσα βούλεται, [p. 175] πρὶν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς αὐτὴν ἀπαχθῆναι, συγχωρήσαντος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μικρὸν ἀναχωρησάντων ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὴν ἐκλυομένην τε καὶ καταρρέουσαν καὶ κατέχουσαν τέως μὲν ἀνεκαλεῖτό τε καὶ κατεφίλει καὶ τὰς λιβάδας ἐξέματτε τῶν δακρύων, ἔπειτα κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπάγων, ὡς ἦν ἐγγὺς ἐργαστηρίου μαγειρικοῦ, μάχαιραν ἐξαρπάσας ἀπὸ τῆς τραπέζης παίει τὴν θυγατέρα διὰ τῶν σπλάγχνων τοσοῦτον εἰπών:

[5] For he asked leave to embrace his daughter for the last time as a free woman and to say what he thought fit to her in private before she was taken from the Forum, and when the general granted his request and his enemies withdrew a little, he held her up and supported her as she was fainting and sinking to the ground, and for a time called her by name, kissed her, and wiped away her streaming tears; then, drawing her away by degrees, when he came close a butcher’s shop, he snatched up a knife from the table and plunged it into his daughter’s vitals, saying only this:

[6] ἐλευθέραν σε καὶ εὐσχήμονα, τέκνον, ἀποστέλλω τοῖς κατὰ γῆς προγόνοις: ζῶσα γὰρ ταῦτα οὐκ ἐξῆν ἔχειν ἀμφότερα διὰ τὸν τύραννον. κραυγῆς δὲ γενομένης ᾑμαγμένην ἔχων τὴν σφαγίδα καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνάμεστος αἵματος γενόμενος, ᾧ προσέφυρεν αὐτὸν ἡ σφαγὴ τῆς κόρης, ἔθει διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐμμανὴς ἐπὶ

[6] “I send you forth free and virtuous, my child, to your ancestors beneath the earth. For if you had lived, you could not have enjoyed these two blessings because of the tyrant.” When an outcry was raised, holding the bloody knife in his hand and covered as he was himself with blood, with which the slaying of the girl had besprinkled him, he ran like a madman through the city, calling the citizens to liberty.

[7] τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τοὺς πολίτας καλῶν. διεκπαισάμενος δὲ τὰς πύλας ἀνέβη τὸν ἵππον, ὃς ἦν παρεσκευασμένος αὐτῷ, καὶ συνέτεινεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον, Ἰκιλίου τε καὶ Νομιτωρίου τῶν ἀγαγόντων αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος νεανίσκων καὶ τότε συμπροπεμπόντων. ἠκολούθει δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλος ὄχλος δημοτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγος, ὥστε τοὺς σύμπαντας ἀμφὶ τετρακοσίους γενέσθαι. [p. 176]

[7] Then, forcing his way out through the gates, he mounted the horse that stood ready for him and hastened to the camp, attended this time also by Icilius and Numitorius, the young men who had brought him from the camp. They were followed by another crowd of plebeians, not small in number, but amounting to some four hundred in all.

[1] ὁ δὲ Ἄππιος, ὡς τὸ περὶ τὴν κόρην ἐπέγνω πάθος, ἀναπηδᾷ τε ἀπὸ τοῦ δίφρου καὶ διώκειν τὸν Οὐεργίνιον ἐβούλετο πολλὰ καὶ λέγων καὶ πράττων ἄκοσμα. περιστάντων δ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν φίλων καὶ μηδὲν ἐξαμαρτάνειν ἀξιούντων ἀπῄει πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀγανακτῶν.

[38.1] When Appius learned of the girl’s fate, he leaped up from his seat and was minded to pursue Verginius, meanwhile both saying and doing many indecorous things. But when his friends stood round him and besought him to do nothing reckless, he departed full of resentment against everybody.

[2] ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτῷ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ὄντι προσαγγέλλουσι τῶν ἑταίρων τινές, ὅτι περὶ τὸ πτῶμα τῆς κόρης Ἰκίλιός τε ὁ κηδεστὴς καὶ Νομιτώριος ὁ θεῖος σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἑταίροις τε καὶ συγγενέσιν ἑστῶτες ῥητὰ καὶ ἄρρητα κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγουσι καὶ καλοῦσι τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[2] Then, when he was already home, some of his followers informed him that Icilius, the betrothed of Verginia, and Numitorius, her uncle, together with her other friends and relations, standing round her body, were charging him with crimes speakable and unspeakable and summoning the people to liberty.

[3] ὁ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ὡς εἶχε πέμπει τῶν ῥαβδούχων τινὰς κελεύσας ἀπάγειν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον τοὺς κεκραγότας καὶ τὸ πτῶμα μεταφέρειν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς: ἀφρονέστατον πρᾶγμα ποιῶν καὶ τοῖς τότε καιροῖς ἥκιστα ἁρμόττον. δέον γὰρ ἀποθεραπεύειν τὸν ὄχλον ὀργῆς εἰληφότα δικαίαν πρόφασιν, εἴξαντα μὲν ἐν τῷ παραχρῆμα χρόνῳ, ὕστερον δὲ τὰ μὲν ἀπολογούμενον, τὰ δὲ παραιτούμενον, τὰ δ᾽ ἑτέραις τισὶν εὐεργεσίαις ἀναλαβόντα, ἐπὶ τὸ βιαιότερον ἐνεχθεὶς εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκασε τραπέσθαι.

[3] In his rage he sent some of the lictors with orders to hale to prison those who had raised the clamour and to remove the body out of the Forum, thereby doing a most imprudent thing and one by no means suited to that crisis. For when he ought to have courted the multitude, by yielding to them for the moment and afterwards justifying some of his actions, seeking pardon for others, and making amends for yet others by sundry acts of kindness, he was carried away to more violent measures and forced the people to resort to desperation.

[4] οὐ γὰρ ἀνέσχοντο τῶν ἐπιβαλλομένων ἕλκειν τὴν νεκρὰν ἢ τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἀπάγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμβοήσαντες ἑαυτοῖς σὺν ὠθισμῷ τε καὶ πληγαῖς τῶν βιαζομένων ἐξέβαλον αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς. ὥστ᾽ ἠναγκάσθη ἀκούσας [p. 177] ταῦθ᾽ ὁ Ἄππιος ἅμα συχνοῖς ἑταίροις καὶ πελάταις εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν πορεύεσθαι παίειν κελεύων καὶ ἀνείργειν ἐκποδὼν τοὺς ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς. πυθόμενοι δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐξόδου Οὐαλέριός τε καὶ

[4] For instance, they would not permit it when the lictors attempted to drag away the body or hale the men to prison, but shouting encouragement to one another, they indulged in both pushing and blows against them when they attempted to use violence and drove them out of the Forum. As a result, Appius, on hearing of this, was obliged to proceed to the Forum, accompanied by numerous partisans and clients, whom he ordered to beat and hold back out of the way the people who were in the streets.

[5] Ὁράτιος, οὓς ἔφην ἡγεμονικωτάτους εἶναι τῶν ἀντιποιουμένων τῆς ἐλευθερίας, πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν νεότητα περὶ αὑτοὺς ἄγοντες ἵστανται πρὸ τοῦ νεκροῦ καὶ ἐπειδὴ πλησίον αὐτῶν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον ἐγίνοντο, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς λόγους ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ προπηλακιστὰς κατὰ τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτῶν ἐχώρουν, ἔπειτα καὶ τὰ ἔργα ὅμοια τοῖς λόγοις παρείχοντο παίοντές τε καὶ ἀνατρέποντες τοὺς ὁμόσε χωροῦντας.

[5] But Valerius and Horatius, who, as I have said, were the chief leaders of those who desired to recover their liberty, having learned of his purpose in thus coming forth, came bringing with them a large and brave company of youths and took their stand before the body; and when Appius and his followers drew near, they first proceeded to harsh and bitter taunts against the power of the decemvirs, and then, suiting their actions to their words, they struck and knocked down all who engaged with them.

[1] ὁ δ᾽ Ἄππιος ἀδημονῶν ἐπὶ τῷ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῆς κολάσεως καὶ οὐκ ἔχων, ὅ τι χρήσεται τοῖς ἀνδράσι τὴν ὀλεθριωτάτην ἔγνω βαδίζειν ὁδόν. ὡς γὰρ ἔτι τοῦ πλήθους αὐτῷ διαμένοντος οἰκείου ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸ ἱερὸν ἐκάλει τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο τῶν ἀνδρῶν παρανομίαν τε καὶ ὕβριν, ἐξουσίᾳ δημαρχικῇ καὶ ἐλπίδι κούφῃ ἐπαιρόμενος, ὅτι συναγανακτήσας ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ

[39.1] Appius, sorely troubled by this unexpected setback and not knowing how to deal with the men, resolved to take the most pernicious course. For, feeling that the populace still remained friendly to him, he went up to the sanctuary of Vulcan, and calling an assembly of the people, he attempted to accuse those men of violation of the law and of insolent behaviour, being carried away by his tribunician power and the vain hope that the people would share his resentment and permit him to throw the men down from the cliff.

[2] παρήσει ῥῖψαι τοὺς ἄνδρας κατὰ τῆς πέτρας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Οὐαλέριον ἕτερον τόπον τῆς ἀγορᾶς καταλαβόμενοι καὶ τὸ πτῶμα τῆς παρθένου θέντες, ὅθεν ὑπὸ πάντων ὀφθήσεσθαι ἔμελλεν, ἑτέραν συνῆγον ἐκκλησίαν καὶ πολλὴν ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ τ᾽ Ἀππίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὀλιγαρχῶν κατηγορίαν.

[2] But Valerius and his followers took possession of another part of the Forum, and placing the body of the maiden where it would be seen by all, held another assembly of the people and made a sweeping accusation of Appius and the other oligarchs.

[3] ἔμελλέ τε, ὅπερ εἰκὸς [p. 178] ἦν, οὓς μὲν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὓς δ᾽ ὁ τῆς κόρης ἔλεος δεινὰ καὶ πέρα δεινῶν διὰ τὸ ἀτυχὲς κάλλος παθούσης, οὓς δ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ τῆς ἀρχαίας καταστάσεως πόθος εἰς ταύτην τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρακαλῶν πλείους τῶν ἑτέρων συνάξειν, ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγους τινὰς ὑπολειφθῆναι περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον, αὐτοὺς δὴ τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικούς, ἐν οἷς ἦσάν τινες οὐκέτι τῆς ὀλιγαρχικῆς αὐτῶν ἀκροώμενοι, διὰ πολλὰς προφάσεις, ἀλλ᾽, εἰ γένοιτο ἰσχυρὰ τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἄσμενοι χωρήσειν ἐπ᾽

[3] And it was bound to happen, as one would expect, that with some being attracted thither by the rank of the men, others by their compassion for the girl who had suffered dreadful and worse than dreadful calamities because of her unfortunate beauty, and still others by their very yearning for the ancient constitution, this assembly would be better attended than the other, so that just a few were left round Appius, consisting solely of the oligarchical faction; and among those there were some who for many reasons no longer paid heed to the oligarchs themselves, but, if the cause of their opponents should become strong, would gladly turn against the others.

[4] ἐκείνους. ἐρημούμενον δὴ θεωρῶν ἑαυτὸν ὁ Ἄππιος ἠναγκάσθη μεταγνῶναι καὶ ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ὃ καὶ μάλιστ᾽ ὤνησεν αὐτόν. ἐπιβαλλόμενος γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ δημοτικοῦ πλήθους καλὰς ἔτισεν ἂν αὐτῷ τὰς δίκας.

[4] Appius, accordingly, seeing himself being deserted, was obliged to change his mind and leave the Forum, a course which proved of the greatest advantage to him; for if he had been set upon by the plebeian crowd, he would have paid a fitting penalty to them.

[5] μετὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐξουσίας ὅσης ἐβούλοντο τυχόντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Οὐαλέριον ἐνεφοροῦντο τῶν κατ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίας λόγων καὶ τοὺς ἔτι ἐνδοιάζοντας ἐξεδημαγώγουν. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐξηλλοτρίωσαν τὸν πολιτικὸν ὄχλον οἱ τῆς κόρης συγγενεῖς κλίνην τε κομίσαντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον τὸν ἐπιτάφιον οἷον ἐδύναντο πολυτελέστατον παρασκευάσαντες, καὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν τοῦ σώματος διὰ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων τῆς πόλεως ποιησάμενοι στενωπῶν, ὅθεν ὑπὸ πλείστων ὀφθήσεσθαι ἔμελλον.

[5] After that Valerius and his followers, having all the authority they wished, indulged themselves in anti-oligarchic speeches and by their harangues won over those who still hesitated. The dissatisfaction of the citizens at large was still further increased by the relations of the girl, who brought her bier into the Forum, prepared all the funeral trappings on the most costly scale they could, and then bore the body in procession through the principal streets of the city, where it would be seen by the largest number of people.

[6] ἐξεπήδων γὰρ ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν γυναῖκές τε καὶ παρθένοι τὸ πάθος ἀποδυρόμεναι, αἱ μὲν ἄνθη καὶ στεφάνους βάλλουσαι κατὰ τῆς κλίνης, αἱ δὲ τελαμῶνας ἢ μίτρας, αἱ δὲ ἀθύρματα κόμης [p. 179] παρθενικά, καί που τινὲς καὶ πλοκάμων ἀποκειράμεναι βοστρύχους.

[6] In fact the matrons and maidens ran out of their houses lamenting her fate, some throwing flowers and garlands upon the bier, some their girdles or fillets, others their childhood toys, and others perhaps even locks of their hair that they had cut off;

[7] ἄνδρες τε συχνοὶ λαμβάνοντες ἐκ τῶν πλησίον ἐργαστηρίων τὰ μὲν ὠνῇ, τὰ δὲ χάριτι συνεπεκόσμουν τοῖς προσφόροις δωρήμασι τὴν ἐκκομιδήν, ὥστε περιβόητον ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν γενέσθαι τὸ κῆδος, καὶ προθυμίαν ἅπαντας καταλαβεῖν τῆς τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν καταλύσεως. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ φρονοῦντες τὰ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ὅπλα ἔχοντες μέγα παρεῖχον αὐτοῖς δέος, οἵ τε περὶ τὸν Οὐαλέριον οὐκ ἠξίουν αἵματι πολιτικῷ τὸ νεῖκος διαιρεῖν.

[7] and many of the men, either purchasing ornaments in the neighbouring shops or receiving them as a favour, contributed to the funeral pomp by the appropriate gifts. Hence the funeral was much talked about throughout the entire city, and all were seized with an eager desire for the overthrow of the oligarchs. But those who favoured the cause of the oligarchy, being armed, kept them in great fear, and Valerius and his followers did not care to decide the quarrel by shedding the blood of their fellow citizens.

[1] τὰ μὲν δὴ κατὰ πόλιν ἐν τοιαύταις ἦν ταραχαῖς. Οὐεργίνιος δ᾽, ὃν ἔφην αὐτόχειρα γενέσθαι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατρός, ἀπὸ ῥυτῆρος ἐλαύνων τὸν ἵππον ἀφικνεῖται περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀλγιδῷ χάρακα, τοιοῦτος οἷος ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξέδραμεν, αἵματι πεφυρμένος ἅπας καὶ τὴν μαγειρικὴν σφαγίδα διὰ

[40.1] Affairs in the city, then, were in this state of turmoil. In the meantime Verginius, who, as I have related, had slain his daughter with his own hand, rode with loose rein and at lamp-lighting time came to the camp at Algidum, still in the same condition in which he had rushed out of the city, all covered with blood and holding the butcher’s knife in his hand.

[2] χειρὸς ἔχων. ἰδόντες δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ πρὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τὰς φυλακὰς φυλάττοντες ἐν ἀπόρῳ τ᾽ ἦσαν ὅ τι πέπονθεν εἰκάσαι, καὶ παρηκολούθουν ὡς ἀκουσόμενοι μέγα πρᾶγμα καὶ δεινόν. ὁ δὲ τέως μὲν ἐπορεύετο κλαίων καὶ διασημαίνων τοῖς ὁμόσε χωροῦσιν ἀκολουθεῖν: ἐξέτρεχον δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν σκηνῶν ἃς διεπορεύετο μεταξὺ δειπνοῦντες ἅπαντες ἀθρόοι φανοὺς ἔχοντες καὶ λαμπάδας, ἀγωνίας πλήρεις καὶ θορύβου περιεχόμενοι [p. 180]

[2] When those who were keeping guard before the camp saw him, they could not imagine what had happened to him, and they followed along in the expectation of hearing of some great and dreadful occurrence. Verginius for the time continued on his way, weeping and making signs to those he met to follow him; and from the tents which he passed the soldiers, who were then at supper, all ran out in a body, full of anxious suspense and consternation, carrying torches and lamps; and pouring round him, they accompanied him.

[3] περὶ αὐτὸν ἠκολούθουν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ἀναπεπταμένον τοῦ στρατοπέδου τόπον ἦλθεν, ἐπὶ μετεώρου τινὸς στάς, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπὸ πάντων ὁρᾶσθαι, διηγεῖτο τὰς καταλαβούσας αὐτὸν συμφοράς, μάρτυρας τῶν λόγων παρεχόμενος τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ παρόντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. ὡς δὲ κατέμαθεν ὀλοφυρομένους τε πολλοὺς καὶ δακρύοντας, εἰς ἱκεσίας καὶ δεήσεις αὐτῶν ἐτράπετο, μὴ περιιδεῖν μήτ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀτιμώρητον γενόμενον μήτε τὴν πατρίδα προπηλακιζομένην. λέγοντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ ταῦτα πολὺ τὸ βουλόμενον ἐξ ἁπάντων ἀκούειν καὶ ἐπικελευόμενον λέγειν ἐγίνετο.

[3] But when he came to the open space in the camp, he took his stand upon an elevated spot, so as to be seen by all, and related the calamities that had befallen him, offering as witnesses to the truth of his statements those who had come with him from the city.

When he saw many of them lamenting and shedding tears, he turned to supplications and entreaties, begging them neither to permit him to go unavenged nor to let the fatherland be foully abused. While he was speaking thus, great eagerness was shown by them all to hear him and great encouragement for him to speak on.

[4] τοιγάρτοι καὶ θρασύτερον ἤδη καθήπτετο τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας διεξιών, ὡς πολλῶν μὲν ἀφείλοντο τὰς οὐσίας οἱ δέκα, πολλῶν δὲ πληγαῖς ᾐκίσαντο τὰ σώματα, παμπόλλους δὲ φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασαν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος οὐδὲν ἀδικήσαντας, γυναικῶν τε ὕβρεις καὶ παρθένων ἐπιγάμων ἁρπαγὰς καὶ παίδων ἐλευθέρων προπηλακισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας αὐτῶν παρανομίας τε καὶ ὠμότητας ἐκλογιζόμενος:

[4] Accordingly, he now assailed the oligarchy with greater boldness, recounting how the decemvirs had deprived many of their fortunes, caused many to be scourged, forced ever so many to flee from the country though guilty of no crime, and enumerating their insults offered to matrons, their seizing of marriageable maidens, their abuse of boys of free condition, and all their other excesses and cruelties.

[5] καὶ ταῦτ᾽, ἔφη, προπηλακίζουσιν ἡμᾶς οἱ μήτε νόμῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντες μήτε ψηφίσματι βουλῆς ἢ δήμου συγχωρήματι λαβόντες, — ὁ γὰρ ἐνιαύσιος αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνος, ὃν ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς ἄρξαντας ἑτέροις παραδοῦναι τὰ κοινά, παρελήλυθεν, — ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ βιαιοτάτου τῶν τρόπων, πολλὴν δειλίαν καὶ μαλακίαν καταγνόντες ἡμῶν ὥσπερ γυναικῶν.

[5] “And these abuses,” he said, “we suffer at the hands of men who hold their power neither by law nor by a decree of the senate nor by the consent of the people (for the year’s term of their magistracy, after serving which they should have handed over the administration of affairs to others, has expired), but by the most violent of all means, since they have adjudged us great cowards and weaklings, like women.

[6] εἰσελθέτω δὴ λογισμὸς ἕκαστον ὑμῶν ὧν τ᾽ αὐτὸς πέπονθε καὶ ὧν οἶδεν ἑτέρους παθόντας: καὶ εἴ τις ὑμῶν δελεαζόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡδοναῖς τισιν ἢ χάρισιν οὐ πεφόβηται τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν οὐδὲ δέδοικε, [p. 181] μὴ καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔλθοι ποτὲ σὺν χρόνῳ τὰ δεινά, μαθὼν ὅτι τυράννοις οὐδέν ἐστι πιστόν, οὐδ᾽ ἀπ᾽ εὐνοίας αἱ τῶν κρατούντων δίδονταί τισι χάριτες, καὶ

[6] Let every one of you consider both what he has suffered himself and what he knows others to have suffered; and if any one of you, lured by them with pleasures or gratifications, does not stand in dread of the oligarchy or fear that the calamities will eventually come upon him too some day, let him learn that tyrants know no loyalty, that it is not out of goodwill that the favours of the powerful are bestowed, and all the other truths of like purport; then let him change his opinion.

[7] πάντα τὰ ὅμοια τούτοις, μεταγνώτω: καὶ μιᾷ διανοίᾳ χρησάμενοι πάντες ἐλευθεροῦτε ἀπὸ τῶν τυράννων τὴν πατρίδα, ἐν ᾗ θεῶν τε ὑμῖν ἱερὰ ἵδρυται καὶ θῆκαι προγόνων εἰσίν, οὓς ὑμεῖς τιμᾶτε μετὰ θεούς, καὶ γηραιοὶ πατέρες τροφεῖα πολλὰ καὶ ἄξια τῶν πόνων ἀπαιτοῦντες, γυναῖκές τε κατὰ νόμους ἐγγυηθεῖσαι καὶ: θυγατέρες ἐπίγαμοι φροντίδος οὐ μικρᾶς δεόμεναι τοῖς ἔχουσι καὶ γοναὶ παίδων ἀρρένων, οἷς ὀφείλεται τὰ

[7] And becoming of one mind, all of you, free from these tyrants your country, in which stand both the temples of your gods and the sepulchres of your ancestors, whom you honour next to the gods, in which also are your aged fathers, who demand of you many acknowledgements such as the pains they have bestowed upon your rearing deserve, and also your lawfully betrothed wives, your marriageable daughters, who require much solicitous care on the part of their parents, and your sons, to whom are owed the rights deriving from Nature and from your forefathers.

[8] δίκαια φύσεως προγόνων. οἰκίας γὰρ δὴ καὶ κλήρους καὶ χρήματα σὺν πολλοῖς κτηθέντα πόνοις ὑπὸ πατέρων καὶ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σιωπῶ: ὧν οὐδὲν ὑμῖν ἔξεστι βεβαίως ἔχειν, ἕως ἂν ὑπὸ τῶν δέκα τυραννῆσθε.

[8] I say nothing indeed of your houses, your estates and your goods, which have been acquired with great pains both by your fathers and by yourselves, none of which things you can possess in security so long as you live under the tyranny of the decemvirs.

[1] οὔτε σωφρόνων οὔτε γενναίων ἐστὶν ἀνθρώπων τὰ μὲν ἀλλότρια κτᾶσθαι δι᾽ ἀνδραγαθίαν, τὰ δ᾽ οἰκεῖα περιορᾶν ἀπολλύμενα διὰ μαλακίαν οὐδὲ πρὸς μὲν Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Οὐολούσκους καὶ Σαβίνους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους περιοίκους ἅπαντας πολεμεῖν μακροὺς καὶ ἀδιαλείπτους πολέμους ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς παρὰ νόμον ἄρχοντας ὑμῶν μὴ θέλειν ἄρασθαι τὰ ὅπλα ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τε καὶ ἐλευθερίας. [p. 182]

[41.1] “It is the part neither of prudent nor of brave men to acquire the possessions of others by valour and then to allow their own to be lost through cowardice, nor, again, to wage long and incessant wars against the Aequians, the Volscians, the Sabines, and all the rest of your neighbours for the sake of sovereignty and dominion and then to be unwilling to take up arms against your unlawful rulers for the sake of both your security and your liberty.

[2] οὐκ ἀναλήψεσθε τὸ φρόνημα τῆς πατρίδος; οὐ παραστήσεται λογισμὸς ὑμῖν τῆς ἀρετῆς τῶν γονέων ἄξιος, οἳ διὰ μιᾶς γυναικὸς ὕβριν ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν Ταρκυνίου παίδων ὑβρισθείσης καὶ διὰ τὴν συμφορὰν ταύτην ἑαυτὴν διαχρησαμένης, οὕτως ἠγανάκτησαν ἐπὶ τῷ πάθει καὶ παρωξύνθησαν καὶ κοινὴν ἀπάντων ἡγήσαντο τὴν ὕβριν, ὥστ᾽ οὐ μόνον Ταρκύνιον ἐξέβαλον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ βασιλικὸν πολίτευμα κατέλυσαν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπεῖπον μηδένα Ῥωμαίων ἄρχειν διὰ βίου τὴν ἀνυπεύθυνον ἀρχήν, αὐτοί τε τοὺς μεγίστους ὀμόσαντες ὅρκους, καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐγγόνων ἀράς,

[2] Will you not recover the proud spirit of your country? Will you not come to a decision worthy of the virtue of your ancestors who, because one woman was outraged by one of Tarquin’s sons and because of this calamity put herself to death, became so indignant at her fate and so exasperated, looking upon the outrage as one done to them all alike, that they not only banished Tarquin from the state, but even abolished the monarchy itself and forbade that anyone should thereafter rule over Romans for life with irresponsible power, not only binding themselves by the most solemn oaths, but also invoking curses upon their descendants if in any respect they should act to the contrary?

[3] ἐάν τι παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῶσι, καταρασάμενοι; ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἑνὸς οὐκ ἤνεγκαν ἀκολάστου μειρακίου τυραννικὴν ὕβριν εἰς ἓν σῶμα ἐλεύθερον γενομένην, ὑμεῖς δὲ πολυκέφαλον τυραννίδα πάσῃ παρανομίᾳ τε καὶ ἀσελγείᾳ χρωμένην καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον χρησομένην,

[3] Then, when they refused to bear the tyrannical outrage committed by one licentious youth upon one person of free condition, will you tolerate a many-headed tyranny that indulges in every sort of crime and licentiousness and will indulge still more if you now submit to it?

[4] ἐὰν νῦν ἀνάσχησθε, ὑπομενεῖτε; οὐκ ἐμοὶ μόνῳ θυγάτηρ ἐγένετο διαφέρουσα τὴν ὄψιν ἑτέρων, ἣν ἀπὸ τοῦ φανεροῦ βιάζεσθαι καὶ προπηλακίζειν Ἄππιος ἐπεβάλετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑμῶν εἰσι πολλαὶ τοῖς μὲν θυγατέρες, τοῖς δὲ γαμεταί, τοῖς δὲ νεανίαι παῖδες εὐπρεπεῖς, οὓς τί κωλύσει πρὸς ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν δέκα τυράννων ἢ πρὸς αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ἀππίου ταὐτὰ παθεῖν; εἰ μή τις ἄρα θεῶν ἐστιν ἐγγυητής, ὡς, ἐὰν τὰς ἐμὰς ταύτας συμφορὰς ἀτιμωρήτους ἐάσητε, οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν πολλοὺς τὰ ὅμοια δεινὰ ἥξει, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τῆς ἐμῆς [p. 183] θυγατρὸς ὁ τυραννικὸς ἔρως προελθὼν στήσεται, καὶ περὶ τὰ λοιπὰ σώματα παίδων τε καὶ παρθένων σωφρονήσει. πολλῆς μέντοι μωρίας καὶ σκαιότητος, σαφῶς ἴστε, τὰ νοούμενα ταῦθ᾽ ὡς οὐκ ἔσται λέγειν.

[4] I am not the only man who had a daughter superior in beauty to others whom Appius had openly attempted to violate and besmirch, but many of you also have daughters or wives or comely young sons; and what shall hinder these from being treated in the same manner by another of the ten tyrants or by Appius himself? Unless, indeed, there is some one of the gods who will guarantee that if you permit these calamities of mine to go unavenged the same misfortunes will not come upon many of you, but having pursued its way only as far as my daughter, this lust of tyrants will stop and toward the persons of others, both youths and maidens, will grow chaste!

[5] ἀόριστοι γὰρ αἱ τῶν τυράννων ἐπιθυμίαι κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, οἷα δὴ μήτε νόμον ἔχουσαι κωλυτὴν μήτε φόβον. ἐμοί τε δὴ πράττοντες τιμωρίαν δικαίαν καὶ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλειαν, ἵνα μὴ ταὐτὰ πάθητε, παρασκευαζόμενοι διαρρήξατε ἤδη ποτὲ τοὺς χαλινούς, ὦ σχέτλιοι:

[5] Know of a certainty, however, that it is the part of great folly and stupidity to say that these imagined crimes will not come to pass. For the desires of tyrants are naturally limitless, inasmuch as they have neither law nor fear to check them. Therefore, by effecting for me a just vengeance and also by procuring for yourselves security against suffering the same mistreatment, break now at last your bonds, O miserable me; look up toward liberty, your eyes fixed upon her.