[6] ἀναβλέψατε ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασι πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. ἐπὶ τίνι γὰρ ἑτέρᾳ προφάσει μᾶλλον ἀγανακτήσετε ἢ ταύτῃ, ὅτε τὰς τῶν πολιτῶν θυγατέρας ὡς δούλας ἀπάγουσιν οἱ τύραννοι καὶ μετὰ μαστίγων νυμφαγωγοῦσιν; ἐν ποίῳ δὲ τὸ ἐλεύθερον φρόνημα ἀναλήψεσθε καιρῷ τὸν νῦν παρέντες, ἐν ᾧ τὰ ὅπλα περὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἔχετε;

[6] What other ground for indignation greater than this will you have, when the tyrants carry off the daughters of citizens like slaves and with the lash lead their brides home? On what occasion will you regain the spirit of free men if you let slip the present one when your bodies are protected by arms?”

[1] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἀνεβόησαν οἱ πολλοὶ τιμωρήσειν ὑπισχνούμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν λόχων ἐξ ὀνόματος ἐκάλουν ἀξιοῦντες ἔργου ἔχεσθαι, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ πολλοὶ παριόντες ἐθάρρουν λέγειν, εἴ τι δεινὸν ἦσαν πεπονθότες.

[42.1] While he was yet speaking, most of the soldiers cried out, promising to avenge him, and called upon the centurions by name, demanding immediate action; and many, coming forward, made bold to speak openly of any ill-treatment they had suffered.

[2] μαθόντες δὲ τὰ γενόμενα οἱ πέντε ἄνδρες, οὓς ἔφην ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν ταγμάτων, δείσαντες, μή τις ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῶν ὄχλων ὁρμὴ γένηται, συνέδραμον εἰς τὸ στρατήγιον πάντες καὶ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐσκόπουν, ὅπως παύσουσι τὴν ταραχήν, τὰ οἰκεῖα ὅπλα περιστησάμενοι.

[2] Upon learning of what had happened, the five men, who, as I have stated, had the command of these legions, fearing lest some attack might be made upon them by the rabble, all ran to the general’s headquarters and considered with their friends how they might allay the tumult by surrounding themselves with an armed guard of their own faction.

[3] ὡς δ᾽ ἐπύθοντο [p. 184] ἀπεληλυθότας ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς λήξαντά τε καὶ παυσάμενον τὸν θόρυβον, ἀγνοοῦντες, ὅτι τῶν ἑκατοντάρχων τοῖς πλείοσι δεδογμένον ἦν δι᾽ ἀπορρήτων συνωμοσιῶν ἀπόστασιν πράττειν καὶ συνελευθεροῦν τὴν πατρίδα, ἔκριναν, ἐπειδὰν ἡμέρα τάχιστα γένηται, τὸν μὲν ἐκταράττοντα τοὺς ὄχλους Οὐεργίνιον συλλαβόντας ἔχειν ἐν φυλακῇ, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις ἀναστήσαντας ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τὴν κρατίστην αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας ἐγκαθημένους δῃοῦν, περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πραττομένων μηδὲν τοὺς σφετέρους ἔτι ἐῶντας πολυπραγμονεῖν, τὰ μὲν διὰ τὰς ὠφελείας, τὰ δὲ διὰ τοὺς ἐσομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἑκάστοτε ἀγῶνας.

[3] But being informed that the soldiers had retired to their tents and that the disturbance was abated and ended, and being unaware that most of the centurions had secretly conspired to revolt and to unite in freeing their country, they resolved that as soon as it was day they would seize Verginius, who was stirring up the rabble, and keep him in custody, and then, breaking camp and leading their forces against the enemy, would settle down in the best part of their territory and lay it waste, thus keeping their men from meddling any longer with what was going on in the city, partly because of the booty they would acquire and partly because of the battles that would be waged in each instance to secure their own safety.

[4] ἐγίνετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐκ διαλογισμοῦ: οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸν Οὐεργίνιον εἴασαν οἱ λοχαγοὶ καλούμενον εἰς τὸ στρατήγιον ἀπελθεῖν, ὑποπτεύοντες, μή τι πάθοι δεινόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν διαληφθέντα λόγον, ὡς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀγαγεῖν τοὺς λόχους ἐβούλοντο, κατωνείδιζον λέγοντες: ὡς καλῶς ἡμῶν ἐστρατηγήκατε καὶ πρότερον, ἵνα καὶ νῦν λαβόντες ἐλπίδας ἀκολουθῶμεν ὑμῖν, οἵτινες ὅσην οὔπω πρότερον ἕτεροι Ῥωμαίων [p. 185] ἡγεμόνες ἔκ τ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄγοντες τῆς πόλεως στρατιὰν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἀγείραντες, οὔτε τινὰ νίκην ἢ βλάβην ἐποιήσατε κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ἀνανδρίαν τε καὶ ἀπειρίαν ἀπεδείξασθε, κακῶς στρατοπεδευσάμενοι, καὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν χώραν ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καταδῃωθεῖσαν πτωχοὺς καὶ ἀπόρους ἡμᾶς ἐποιήσατε ἁπάντων, ὅσοι κρατοῦντες τοῖς ὅπλοις τῶν ἐναντίων ἐνικῶμεν ταῖς μάχαις, ὅτε ὑμῶν κρείττους ἦσαν στρατηγοί: τρόπαιά τε καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀνιστᾶσι καὶ σκηνὰς καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα διηρπακότες ἔχουσι τὰ ἡμέτερα.

[4] But they succeeded in none of their calculations; for the centurions would not even permit Verginius to go to the generals’ headquarters when he was sent for, suspecting that he might suffer some harm; nay, they even heaped scorn upon the intercepted report that the generals wished to lead the troops against the enemy, saying: “How skilfully you have commanded us in the past, that now also we should take hope and follow you — you who, after assembling a greater army both from the city itself and from our allies than any other generals in the past, have not only failed to gain any victory over the enemy or to do them any harm, but on the contrary have shown a lack of both courage and experience by encamping in cowardly fashion, and also, by permitting your own territory to be ravaged by the enemy, have made us beggars and destitute of all the means by which, when we were superior to our foes in equipment, we conquered them in battle when we had better generals than you! And now our foes erect trophies to commemorate our defeats and are in possession of our tents, our slaves, our arms and our money, which they have seized as plunder.”

[1] ὁ δὲ Οὐεργίνιος ὑπό τ᾽ ὀργῆς καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι δεδοικέναι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐθαδέστερον αὐτῶν καθήπτετο λυμεῶνας τε καὶ ὀλέθρους τῆς πατρίδος ἀποκαλῶν καὶ παραινῶν τοῖς λοχαγοῖς ἅπασιν ἀραμένους τὰ σημεῖα οἴκαδε ἀπάγειν τὴν στρατιάν.

[43.1] Verginius, moved by anger and no longer standing in awe of the generals, now inveighed against them with greater assurance, called them despoilers and plagues of their country, and exhorting all the centurions to take up the standards and lead the army home.

[2] ὀρρωδούντων δ᾽ ἔτι τῶν πολλῶν τὰ ἱερὰ σημεῖα κινεῖν, ἔπειτα τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καταλιπεῖν οὔτε ὅσιον οὔτ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι πᾶσι νομιζόντων: ὅ τε γὰρ ὅρκος ὁ στρατιωτικός, ὃν ἁπάντων μάλιστα ἐμπεδοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἀκολουθεῖν κελεύει τοὺς στρατευομένους, ὅποι ποτ᾽ ἂν ἄγωσιν, ὅ τε νόμος [p. 186] ἀποκτείνειν ἔδωκε τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐξουσίαν τοὺς ἀπειθοῦντας:

[2] But most of them were still afraid to remove the sacred standards, and again, did not think it either right or safe at all to desert their commanders and generals. For not only does the military oath, which the Romans observe most strictly of all oaths, bid the soldiers follow their generals wherever they may lead, but also the law has given the commanders authority to put to death without a trial all who are disobedient or desert their standards.

[3] ἢ τὰ σημεῖα καταλιπόντας ἀκρίτως: ταῦτα δὴ δι᾽ εὐλαβείας αὐτοὺς ἔχοντας ὁρῶν Οὐεργίνιος ἐδίδασκεν, ὅτι λέλυκεν αὐτῶν τὸν ὅρκον ὁ νόμος, ἐπειδὴ νόμῳ μὲν ἀποδειχθέντα δεῖ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἄρχειν τῶν δυνάμεων, ἡ δὲ τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν ἐξουσία παράνομος ἦν ὑπερβαλοῦσα τὸν ἐνιαύσιον χρόνον, εἰς ὃν ἀπεδείχθη. τὸ δὲ τοῖς μὴ κατὰ νόμον ἄρχουσι ποιεῖν τὸ κελευόμενον οὐκ εὐπείθειαν εἶναι καὶ εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλ᾽

[3] Verginius, accordingly, perceiving that these scruples kept them in awe, proceeded to show them that the law had set aside their oath, since it is necessary that the general who commands the forces should have been legally appointed, whereas the power of the decemvirs was illegal, inasmuch as it had exceeded the term of a year, for which it had been granted. And to do the bidding of those who were commanding illegally, he declared, was not obedience and loyalty, but folly and madness.

[4] ἄνοιαν καὶ μανίαν. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ὀρθῶς λέγεσθαι ἡγούμενοι καὶ παρακελευόμενοί τε ἀλλήλοις καί τι καὶ θάρσος ἐκ τοῦ δαιμονίου λαβόντες αἴρονται τὰ σημεῖα καὶ προῆγον ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος. ἔμελλον δ᾽, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἐν ποικίλοις τ᾽ ἤθεσι καὶ οὐχ ἅπασι τὰ κράτιστα διανοουμένοις, ἔσεσθαί τινες οἱ μένοντες ἅμα τοῖς ὀλιγάρχαις καὶ στρατιῶται καὶ λοχαγοί, πλὴν οὐ τοσοῦτοι τὸ

[4] The soldiers, hearing these arguments, approved of them; and encouraging one another and inspired also by Heaven with a certain boldness, they took up the standards and set out from the camp. However, as was to be expected among men of various dispositions and not all of them entertaining the best intentions, there were bound to be some, both soldiers and centurions, who remained with the oligarchs, though they were not so numerous as the others, but far fewer.

[5] πλῆθος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλάττους παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἑτέρων. οἱ δ᾽ ἐξελθόντες ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου δι᾽ ὅλης ἡμέρας ἐπιπορευθέντες ἑσπέρας καταλαβούσης παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν οὐδενὸς ἐξαγγείλαντος αὐτῶν τὴν ἔφοδον, καὶ συνετάραξαν τοὺς ἔνδον οὐ μετρίως πολέμιον οἰομένους στρατὸν εἰσεληλυθέναι: κραυγή τε καὶ δρόμος ἄτακτος ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολύν γε διέμεινεν ἡ ταραχὴ χρόνον, ὥστε κακόν τι γενέσθαι δι᾽ αὐτήν. διεξιόντες γὰρ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἐβόων, ὅτι φίλοι τ᾽ εἰσὶ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τῆς πόλεως εἰσεληλύθασι, καὶ τὰ ἔργα ὅμοια παρείχοντο τοῖς λόγοις ἀδικοῦντες οὐδένα. [p. 187]

[5] Those who departed from the camp marched throughout the entire day, and when evening came on, arrived in Rome, no one having announced their approach. Hence they caused the inhabitants no slight dismay, since they thought that a hostile army had entered the city; and there was shouting and disorderly running to and fro throughout the city. Nevertheless, the confusion did not last long enough to produce any mischief. For the soldiers, passing through the streets, called out that they were friends and had come for the good of the commonwealth; and they made their words match their deeds, as they did no harm to anyone.

[6] ἀφικόμενοι δ᾽ εἰς τὸν καλούμενον Ἀουεντῖνον — ἔστι δὲ τῶν ἐμπεριεχομένων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ λόφων οὗτος ἐπιτηδειότατος ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι — περί τε τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν τίθενται τὰ ὅπλα, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ κρατυνάμενοι τὸν χάρακα καὶ χιλιάρχους δέκα τῶν κοινῶν ἀποδείξαντες κυρίους, ὧν ἡγεμὼν ἦν Μάρκος Ὄππιος, ἔμενον ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας.

[6] Then, proceeding to the hill called the Aventine, which of all the hills included in Rome is the most suitable for an encampment, they put down their arms near the temple of Diana. The following day they strengthened their camp, and having appointed ten tribunes, at the head of whom was Marcus Oppius, to take care of their common interests, they remained quiet.

[1] ἧκον δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπίκουροι μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Φιδήνῃ στρατιᾶς οἱ κράτιστοι τῶν τριῶν ταγμάτων λοχαγοὶ πολλὴν δύναμιν ἐπαγόμενοι, ἀλλοτρίως μὲν ἔτι πάλαι διακείμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐκεῖ στρατηγούς, ἐξ οὗ Σίκκιον τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ἀπέκτειναν, ὥσπερ ἔφην, δεδιότες δ᾽ ἄρξαι τῆς ἀποστάσεως πρότεροι, ὡς οἰκείων ὄντων τῇ δεκαδαρχίᾳ τῶν ἐν Ἀλγιδῷ πέντε ταγμάτων, τότε δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπόστασιν ἐπέγνωσαν, ἀγαπητῶς τὸ συμβὰν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης δεξάμενοι.

[44.1] There soon came to them as reinforcements from the army at Fidenae the ablest centurions of the three legions there, bringing with them a large force. These had long been disaffected toward the generals at Fidenae, ever since those men had caused the death of Siccius the legate, as I have related, but were afraid of beginning the revolt earlier, because they considered the five legions at Algidum to be attached to the decemvirate; but at the time in question, as soon as they heard of the revolt of the others, they were glad to embrace the opportunity presented to them by Fortune.

[2] ἡγεμόνες δὲ καὶ τούτων τῶν ταγμάτων ἦσαν δέκα χιλίαρχοι καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀποδειχθέντες, ὧν ἐπιφανέστατος Σέξτος Μάλιος ἦν. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνέμιξαν ἀλλήλοις, θέμενοι τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς εἴκοσι χιλιάρχοις ἐπέτρεψαν ἅπαντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν εἴκοσι τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ἀπέδειξαν δύο προβούλους, Μάρκον Ὄππιον καὶ Σέξτον Μάλιον: οὗτοι βουλευτήριον ἐξ ἁπάντων καταστησάμενοι τῶν λοχαγῶν,

[2] These legions also were commanded by ten tribunes, who had been appointed during their march, the most prominent of whom was Sextus Malius. After joining the others, they put down their arms and left it to the twenty tribunes to speak and act in all matters as representatives of the whole group. Out of these twenty they appointed two persons, Marcus Oppius and Sextus Malius, who were the most prominent, to determine policies. These established a council consisting of all the centurions and handled all matters in conjunction with them.

[3] μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ἅπαντα διετέλουν πραγματευόμενοι. ἀδήλου δ᾽ ἔτι τοῖς πολλοῖς τῆς διανοίας αὐτῶν οὔσης Ἄππιος μέν, οἷα δὴ συγγινώσκων ἑαυτῷ τῆς παρούσης [p. 188] ταραχῆς αἰτίῳ γεγονότι καὶ τῶν προσδοκωμένων δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἔσεσθαι κακῶν, οὐκέτι τῶν κοινῶν οὐδὲν ἠξίου πράττειν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἔμενεν: ὁ δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως Σπόριος Ὄππιος, διαταραχθεὶς κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς καὶ αὐτός, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα τῶν ἐχθρῶν σφίσιν ἐπιθησομένων καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἡκόντων, ἐπειδὴ κατέμαθεν οὐδὲν νεωτερίσαντας αὐτούς, ὑφέμενος τοῦ δέους ἐκάλει τὴν βουλὴν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν κατ᾽ ἄνδρα μεταπεμπόμενος.

[3] While their intentions were not as yet generally known, Appius, inasmuch as he was conscious of having been the cause of the present disturbance and of the evils that were expected to result from it, no longer thought fit to transact any of the public business, but stayed at home. Spurius Oppius, however, who had been placed in command of the city together with him, although he too had been alarmed at first, believing that their enemies would immediately attack them and had indeed come for this purpose, nevertheless, when he found that they had attempted nothing revolutionary, relaxed from his fear and summoned the senators from their homes to the senate-house, sending for each one individually.

[4] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῶν συλλεγομένων ἧκον οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἐν Φιδήνῃ στρατιᾶς ἡγεμόνες ἀγανακτοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ καταλελεῖφθαι τοὺς χάρακας ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες ἀξίαν τοῦ πράγματος ὀργὴν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν λαβεῖν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀγορεύειν γνώμην ἕκαστον ἔδει, Λεύκιος μὲν Κορνήλιος ἔφη δεῖν ἀπεῖναι τοὺς ταχθέντα εἰς τὸν Ἀουεντῖνον αὐθημερὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν χάρακας, καὶ τὰ κελευόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπιτελεῖν μηδενὸς ὄντας τῶν γεγονότων ὑποδίκους, πλὴν τῶν αἰτίων τῆς ἀποστάσεως μόνων:

[4] While these were still assembling, the commanders of the army at Fidenae arrived, full of indignation that both the camps had been abandoned by the soldiers, and they endeavoured to persuade the senate to resent this action as it deserved. When the senators were to deliver their opinions one after another, Lucius Cornelius declared that the soldiers who were posted on the Aventine must return that very day to their camps and carry out the orders of their generals, though they should not be subject to trial for anything that had happened, save only the authors of the revolt, who should be punished by the generals.

[5] τούτοις δὲ προσθεῖναι δίκας τοὺς στρατηγούς. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ποιῶσι ταῦτα, βουλεύειν περὶ αὐτῶν τὸ συνέδριον ὡς ἐκλελοιπότων τὴν τάξιν, ἐφ᾽ ἣν ἐτάχθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων, καὶ περὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ἠσεβηκότων ὅρκον. Λεύκιος δὲ Οὐαλέριος .... [p. 189]

[5] If, however, they did not do as commanded, the senate should deliberate concerning them as concerning men who had abandoned the post to which they had been assigned by their generals and had violated their military oath. Lucius Valerius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

[6] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν νόμων, οὓς ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα δέλτοις ἀναγεγραμμένους εὕρομεν, οὔτε μηδένα ποιήσασθαι λόγον ἥρμοττεν, οὕτω σεμνῶν ὄντων καὶ τοσαύτην ἐχόντων διαφορὰν παρὰ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς νομοθεσίας, οὔτε περαιτέρω τοῦ δέοντος προβαίνειν ἐκμηκύναντας τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν.

[6] But it behooved me neither to make no mention of the Roman laws which I found written on the Twelve Tables, since they are so venerable and so far superior to the codes of the Greeks, nor to go on and extend my account of them farther than was necessary.

[1] οἱ δὲ μετὰ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς δεκαδαρχίας τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν πρῶτοι παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαβόντες ἐπὶ τῆς λοχίτιδος ἐκκλησίας, ὥσπερ ἔφην, Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Ποτῖτος καὶ Μάρκος Ὁράτιος Βαρβᾶτος, αὐτοί τε δημοτικοὶ τὰς φύσεις ὄντες καὶ παρὰ τῶν προγόνων ταύτην διαδεδεγμένοι τὴν πολιτείαν, τὰς ὑποσχέσεις φυλάττοντες, ἃς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικούς, ὅτ᾽ ἀποθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα συνέπειθον αὐτούς, ὡς πάντα τὰ συμφέροντα τῷ δήμῳ πολιτευσόμενοι, νόμους ἐκύρωσαν ἐν ἐκκλησίαις λοχίτισι, δυσχεραινόντων μὲν τῶν πατρικίων, αἰδουμένων δ᾽ ἀντιλέγειν, ἄλλους τέ τινας, οὓς οὐ δέομαι γράφειν, καὶ τὸν κελεύοντα τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τεθέντας ἐν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις νόμους ἅπασι κεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐξ ἴσου, τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας δύναμιν τοῖς ἐν ταῖς λοχίτισιν ἐκκλησίαις τεθησομένοις. τιμωρίαι δὲ προσέκειντο τοῖς καταλύουσιν ἢ παραβαίνουσι τὸν νόμον,

[45.1] After the overthrow of the decemvirate the first persons to receive the consular office from the people in a centuriate assembly were, as I have stated, Lucius Valerius Potitus and Marcus Horatius Barbatus, who were not only of their own nature favourable to the populace, but had also inherited that political creed from their ancestors. In fulfilment of the promises they had made to the plebeians, when they persuaded them to lay down their arms, that in their administration they would consult all the interests of the people, they secured the ratification in centuriate assemblies of various laws, most of which I need not mention, laws with which the patricians were displeased though they were ashamed to oppose them, and particularly the one which ordained that the laws passed by the populace in its tribal assemblies should apply to all the Romans alike, having the same force as those which should be passed in the centuriate assemblies. The penalties provided for such as should abrogate or transgress this law, in case they were convicted, were death and the confiscation of their estates.

[2] ἐὰν ἁλῶσι, θάνατος καὶ δήμευσις τῆς οὐσίας. οὗτος ὁ νόμος ἐξέβαλε τὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις τῶν πατρικίων, ἃς ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς πρότερον, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες [p. 190] τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τεθεῖσι νόμοις πειθαρχεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ὅλως τὰ ἐν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπικυρούμενα κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ἁπάσης δόγματα νομίζοντες, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ μόνοις ἐκείνοις ἴδιον: ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν ἡ λοχῖτις ἐκκλησία γνῷ, τοῦθ᾽ ἡγούμενοι σφίσι τ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις τετάχθαι.

[2] This law put an end to the controversies previously carried on by the patricians against the plebeians when they refused to obey the laws enacted by the latter and would not at all regard the measures passed in the tribal assemblies as joint decrees of the whole state, but as merely private matters for the plebeians only; whereas they considered that any resolution the centuriate assembly passed applied not only to themselves but to the rest of the citizens as well.

[3] εἴρηται δὲ καὶ πρότερον, ὅτι ἐν μὲν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις οἱ δημοτικοὶ καὶ πένητες ἐκράτουν τῶν πατρικίων, ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοχίτισιν ἐκκλησίαις οἱ πατρίκιοι παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλάττους ὄντες περιῆσαν τῶν δημοτικῶν.

[3] It has been mentioned earlier that in the tribal assemblies the plebeians and the poor prevailed over the patricians, whereas in the centuriate assemblies the patricians, though far less numerous, had the upper hand over the plebeians.

[1] τούτου κυρωθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων τοῦ νόμου σὺν ἄλλοις τισὶν ὥσπερ ἔφην δημοτικοῖς εὐθὺς οἱ δήμαρχοι καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἥκειν νομίζοντες, ἐν ᾧ τιμωρήσονται τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον, εἰσαγγελίας ᾤοντο δεῖν ποιήσασθαι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, οὐχ ἅμα πάντας ὑπάγοντες ὑπὸ τὴν δίκην, ἵνα μηδὲν ἀλλήλους ὠφελῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἕνα: ῥᾷον γὰρ οὕτως ὑπελάμβανον εὐμεταχειρίστους ἔσεσθαι.

[46.1] When this law, together with some others of a popular nature, as I have related, had been ratified by the consuls, the tribunes immediately, believing a fitting occasion had arrived for punishing Appius and his colleagues, thought they ought to bring charges against them, but not to put them all on trial at the same time, in order to prevent their helping one another in any way, but one by one; for they concluded that in this way they would be easier to manage.

[2] σκοπούμενοι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τίνος ἂν ἄρξαιντο ἐπιτηδειοτάτου, τὸν Ἄππιον πρῶτον ἔγνωσαν εὐθύνειν τῶν τ᾽ ἄλλων ἀδικημάτων ἕνεκα μισούμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ τῶν νεωστὶ περὶ τὴν παρθένον γενομένων παρανομιῶν. ἑλόντες μὲν γὰρ τοῦτον εὐπετῶς ἐδόκουν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κρατήσειν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἄρξαιντο, μαλακωτέρας ὑπελάμβανον τὰς ὀργὰς τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ τελευταίους κρινομένους ἔσεσθαι, [p. 191] συντονωτέρας οὔσας ἐπὶ τοῖς προτέροις ἀγῶσιν, ὃ

[2] And considering which one of them would be the most suitable to begin with, they determined to call Appius to account first, since he was hated by the people, not only because of his other crimes, but particularly because of his recent lawless acts with regard to the maiden. For they judged that if they convicted him they would easily get the better of the others, whereas, if they should begin with those of humbler station, they imagined that the resentment of the citizens, which is always more violent in the earlier trials, would be milder toward the most eminent men if they were tried last — as had often happened before.

[3] πολλάκις ἤδη συνέβη. ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι συνέσχον τοὺς ἄνδρας, Ἀππίου δὲ Οὐεργίνιον ἔταξαν ἄνευ κλήρου κατηγορεῖν. εἰσαγγέλλεται δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰς τὸν δῆμον Ἄππιος ὑπὸ τοῦ Οὐεργινίου κατηγορηθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ αἰτεῖται χρόνον εἰς ἀπολογίαν. ἀπαχθεὶς δ᾽ εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, ἵνα φυλάττηται μέχρι δίκης — οὐ γὰρ ἐδόθη διεγγύησις αὐτῷ — πρὶν ἐπιστῆναι τὴν ἀποδειχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν τῆς κρίσεως ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς ἀποθνήσκει, ὡς μὲν ἡ τῶν πολλῶν ὑπόληψις ἦν ἐξ ἐπιταγῆς τῶν δημάρχων, ὡς δ᾽ οἱ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀπολύσασθαι βουλόμενοι διεφήμιζον, αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀναρτησάμενος βρόχῳ.

[3] Having resolved upon this course, they took the decemvirs into custody and appointed Verginius to be the accuser of Appius without drawing lots. Thereupon Appius was cited before the tribunal of the people to answer an accusation brought against him in their assembly by Verginius; and he asked for time to prepare his defence. He was haled to prison to be guarded until his trial, as bail was not allowed him; but before the day appointed for the trial came, he met his death in prison, — according to the suspicion of most people, by order of the tribunes, but according to the report of those who wished to clear them of this charge, by hanging himself.

[4] μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον Σπόριος Ὄππιος εἰσαχθεὶς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου τῶν δημάρχων Ποπλίου Νομιτωρίου καὶ τυχὼν ἀπολογίας ἁπάσαις ἁλίσκεται ταῖς ψήφοις καὶ παραδοθεὶς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον αὐθημερὸν ἀποθνήσκει. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν δέκα πρὶν εἰσαγγελθῆναι φυγαῖς αὑτοὺς ἐζημίωσαν. τὰς δ᾽ οὐσίας τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ τῶν πο ... οἱ ταμίαι τῆς πόλεως ἀνέλαβον εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.

[4] After him, Spurius Oppius was brought before the tribunal of the people by another of the tribunes, Publius Numitorius, and being allowed to make his defence, was unanimously condemned, committed to prison, and put to death the same day. The rest of the decemvirs punished themselves by voluntary exile before they were indicted. The estates both of those who had been put to death and of those who had made their escape were confiscated by the quaestors.

[5] εἰσαγγέλλεται δὲ καὶ Μάρκος Κλαύδιος ὁ τὴν παρθένον ἐπιβαλόμενος ὡς δούλην ἀπάγειν ὑπὸ τοῦ μνηστῆρος αὐτῆς Ἰκιλίου: καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν εἰς τὸν ἐπιτάξαντα παρανομεῖν Ἄππιον ἀναφέρων θανάτου μὲν ἀπολύεται, φυγῇ δ᾽ ἀιδίῳ ζημιοῦται, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων τῶν ὑπηρετησάντων τι παράνομον τοῖς ὀλιγάρχαις οὐδεὶς ἔσχεν ἀγῶνα δημόσιον, [p. 192] ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἄδεια ἐδόθη. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πολίτευμα εἰσηγησάμενος ἦν Μάρκος Δοέλλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἀχθομένων ἤδη τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων γενέσθαι προσδοκώντων.

[5] Marcus Claudius, who had attempted to take away the maiden as his slave, was also accused by Icilius, her betrothed; however, by putting the blame on Appius, who had ordered him to commit the crime, he escaped death, but was condemned to perpetual banishment. Of the others who had been the instruments of the decemvirs in any crime, none had a public trial, but impunity was granted to them all. This course was proposed by Marcus Duilius, the tribune, when the citizens were already showing irritation and were expecting that . . . would be . . . enemies.

[1] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αἱ κατὰ πόλιν ἐπαύσαντο ταραχαί, συναγαγόντες τὴν βουλὴν οἱ ὕπατοι δόγμα κυροῦσιν ἐξάγειν τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους διὰ ταχέων. ἐπικυρώσαντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὰ ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς Οὐαλέριος μὲν ἅτερος τῶν ὑπάτων τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἔχων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἐξῆγεν ἐπί τ᾽ Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Οὐολούσκους: συνῆλθε γὰρ ἀμφότερα τὰ ἔθνη.

[47.1] After the domestic disturbances ceased, the consuls assembled the senate and procured the passing of a decree that they should lead out the army in all haste against the enemy. And the people having ratified the decree of the senate, Valerius, one of the consuls, marched with one half of the army against the Aequian and the Volscians; for these two nations had joined forces.

[2] ἐπιστάμενος δὲ τοὺς Αἰκανοὺς ἐκ τῶν προτέρων κατορθωμάτων αὔχημα προσειληφότας καὶ εἰς πολλὴν καταφρόνησιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως προελθόντας, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐβούλετο ἐπᾶραι καὶ θρασυτέρους ποιῆσαι δόξαν οὐκ ἀληθῆ παρασχών, ὡς ὀρρωδῶν εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πάντα δεδιότως ἐποίει.

[2] Understanding that the Aequians had gained assurance from their former successes and had come to entertain a great contempt for the Roman forces, he wished to increase their confidence and boldness by creating the false impression that he dreaded coming to close quarters with them, and in every move he simulated timidity.

[3] χωρίον τε γὰρ εἰς στρατοπεδείαν ὑψηλὸν καὶ δυσπρόσιτον ἐξελέξατο τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν περιεβάλετο καὶ χάρακας ἤγειρεν ὑψηλούς. προκαλουμένων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτὸν εἰς μάχην πολλάκις καὶ κακιζόντων [p. 193] τὴν ἀνανδρίαν ἠνείχετο μένων ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἔγνω τὴν κρατίστην τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν ἐπὶ προνομὴν τῆς Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων γῆς ἐξεληλυθυῖαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ χάρακι φυλακὴν οὔτε πολλὴν καταλειπομένην οὔτ᾽ ἀγαθήν, τοῦτον εἶναι νομίσας τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐξῆγε κεκοσμημένην τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παρέστησεν ὡς εἰς μάχην.

[3] For instance, he chose for his camp a lofty position difficult of access, surrounded it with a deep ditch, and erected high ramparts. And when the enemy repeatedly challenged him to battle and taunted him with cowardice, he bore it with patience and remained quiet. But upon learning that their best forces had set out to plunder the territory of the Hernicans and the Latins and that there was left in the camp a garrison that was neither large nor able, he thought this was the fitting moment, and leading out his army in regular formation, he drew it up as for battle.

[4] οὐδενός τ᾽ ἀντεπιόντος ἐκείνην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπεῖχε, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν αὐτῶν ἦγεν οὐ σφόδρα ὀχυρὰν οὖσαν. μαθόντες δὲ πολιορκούμενον τὸν χάρακα οἱ προεξεληλυθότες ἐπὶ τὰς προνομὰς ταχέως ἧκον, πλὴν οὐχ ἅμα καὶ ἐν κόσμῳ, σποράδες δὲ καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ὡς ἕκαστοι εἶχον ἐπιφαινόμενοι: οἵ τ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἐπεὶ τοὺς σφετέρους προσιόντας ἐθεάσαντο, θρασύτεροι γεγονότες ἐξῆλθον ἀθρόοι.

[4] Then, when no one came out to meet him, he held it in check that day, but on the next day led it against their camp, which was not very strong. When the enemy’s detachments which had earlier gone out after forage heard that their camp was besieged, they speedily returned, though they did not put in an appearance all together and in good order, but scattered and in small parties, everyone coming up as he could; and those in the camp, as soon as they saw their own men approaching, took courage and sallied out in a body.

[5] καὶ γίνεται μέγας ἀγὼν καὶ φόνος ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων πολύς, ἐν ᾧ νικήσαντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τούς τε συστάδην μαχομένους ἐτρέψαντο καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐπιδιώκοντες, οὓς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, οὓς δ᾽ αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβον, τοῦ δὲ χάρακος αὐτῶν κρατήσαντες χρήματα πολλὰ καὶ λείαν ἄφθονον περιεβάλοντο. Οὐαλέριος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀδεῶς ἤδη τὴν γῆν τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιὼν ἐδῄου.

[5] Upon this, a great battle ensued, with much slaughter on both sides, a battle in which the Romans, gaining the victory, put to flight those who fought in closed ranks, and pursuing those who fled, killed some and made others prisoners; and taking possession of their camp, they seized much money and vast booty. After accomplishing this, Valerius now freely overran the enemy’s country and laid it waste.

[1] Μάρκος δ᾽ Ὁράτιος ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Σαβίνων πόλεμον ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὸν συνάρχοντα ἔγνω προαγαγὼν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος τὰς δυνάμεις [p. 194] ἀντεπῆγε θᾶττον ὅλῃ δυνάμει πρὸς οὐκ ἐλάττους ἀριθμὸν τοὺς Σαβίνους καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἐμπειροτάτους: ἐνεδείξαντο γὰρ φρόνημά τε καὶ τόλμαν ἐκ τῶν προτέρων κατορθωμάτων πολλὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιμαχομένους, καὶ κοινῶς πάντες καὶ ἰδίως ὁ τούτων προηγούμενος: ἦν γὰρ οὐ μόνον στρατηγὸς ἀγαθός, ἀλλὰ καὶ

[48.1] Marcus Horatius, who had been sent out to prosecute the war against the Sabines, when he learned of the exploits of his colleague, likewise marched out of camp and promptly led all his forces against the Sabines, who were not inferior in numbers and were thoroughly acquainted with the art of war. For they displayed spirit and great boldness against their opponents in consequence of their former successes, not only all of them in common, but particularly their commander; for he was both a good general and also a gallant fighter at close quarters.

[2] πολεμιστὴς κατὰ χεῖρα γενναῖος: καὶ τῶν ἱππέων μεγάλην προθυμίαν παρασχομένων νίκην ἀναιρεῖται λαμπροτάτην, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀποκτείνας τῶν πολεμίων, πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλειόνων αἰχμαλώτων τετυχηκὼς τοῦ τε χάρακος αὐτῶν ἐρήμου κρατήσας, ἐν ᾧ τήν τ᾽ ἀποσκευὴν τῶν πολεμίων πολλὴν εὗρε καὶ τὴν λείαν ἅπασαν, ἣν ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς ἐληίσαντο, αἰχμαλώτους τε πάνυ πολλοὺς τῶν σφετέρων ἀνεσώσατο. οὐ γὰρ ἔφθασαν ἀνασκευασάμενοι τὰς ὠφελείας οἱ Σαβῖνοι διὰ καταφρόνησιν.

[2] And since the cavalry displayed great zeal, he won a most brilliant victory, killing many of the enemy and taking far more of them prisoners, and also gaining possession of their abandoned camp, in which he found not only the baggage of the enemy in great quantity but also all the booty they had taken from the Romans’ territory, and rescued a great many of his own people who had been taken prisoner. For the Sabines, in their contempt of the Romans, had not packed up and sent away their booty before the battle.

[3] τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν πολεμίων χρήματα τοῖς στρατιώταις ὠφέλειαν ἐφῆκε ποιεῖσθαι προεξελόμενος ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων, ὅσα τοῖς θεοῖς καθιερώσειν ἔμελλε: τὴν δὲ λείαν τοῖς ἀφαιρεθεῖσιν ἀπέδωκε.

[3] The effects belonging to the enemy he allowed the soldiers to take as spoils after he had first selected such a portion of them as he intend to consecrate to the gods; but the booty he restored to the owners.

[1] ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπῆγεν εἰς Ῥώμην τὰς δυνάμεις, καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Οὐαλέριος ἧκεν, ἦν τ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις μέγα φρονοῦσιν ἐπὶ ταῖς νίκαις ἐλπὶς ἐπιφανεῖς κατάξειν θριάμβους. [p. 195]

[49.1] After accomplishing these things he led his forces back to Rome, and Valerius arrived at about the same time. Both of them, being greatly elated by their victories, expected to celebrate brilliant triumphs; however, the matter did not turn out according to their expectation.

[2] οὐ μὴν ἐχώρησέ γε αὐτοῖς κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα τὸ ἔργον. συναχθεῖσα γὰρ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡ βουλὴ κατεστρατοπεδευκότων ἔξω τῆς πόλεως εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Ἄρειον πεδίον, καὶ τὰ πραχθέντα ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων μαθοῦσα τὴν ἐπινίκιον οὐκ ἐπέτρεψε ποιήσασθαι θυσίαν πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων ἐναντιωθέντων αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, μάλιστα δὲ Κλαυδίου Γαΐου:

[2] For the senate, having been convened in their case while they lay encamped outside the city in the Field of Mars, as it was called, and being informed of the exploits of both, would not permit them to perform the triumphal sacrifice, since many of the senators opposed their demand openly,

[3] θεῖος δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος, ὥσπερ ἔφην, Ἀππίῳ τῷ καταστησαμένῳ τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν καὶ νεωστὶ ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων ἀναιρεθέντι: τούς τε κυρωθέντας ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν νόμους προβαλλομένου, δἰ ὧν ἠλάττωσαν τὸ τῆς βουλῆς κράτος, καὶ τἆλλα πολιτεύματα, ὅσα οὗτοι πολιτευόμενοι διετέλεσαν: τελευταίαν δὲ τὴν τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν, οὓς προὔδωκαν τοῖς δημάρχοις, τῶν μὲν ἀπώλειαν, τῶν δὲ δήμευσιν, ὡς παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς συνθήκας,

[3] and particularly Gaius Claudius, uncles, as I have stated, to Appius who had established the oligarchy and had been put to death recently by the tribunes. Claudius reproached them for the laws they had got enacted by which they had weakened the power of the senate and for the other policies they had constantly pursued; and, last of all, he told of the killing of some of the decemvirs, whom they had betrayed to the tribunes, and the confiscation of the estates of the others, in violation, as he claimed, of their oaths and covenants;

[4] διεξιόντος. τὰ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν συνομολογηθέντα τοῖς πατρικίοις πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἀδείᾳ τε πάντων γενέσθαι καὶ ἀμνηστίᾳ τῶν προτέρων: τόν τ᾽ Ἀππίου θάνατον οὐκ αὐτοχειρίᾳ γενέσθαι λέγοντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιβούλως ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων πρὸ δίκης, ἵνα μήτε λόγου τύχῃ κρινόμενος μήτ᾽ ἐλέου, ὡς, εἰ κατέστη γοῦν εἰς κρίσιν ἁνὴρ, ἀπέφυγεν ἂν γένους ἀξίωμα παρεχόμενος καὶ πολλὰ τὸ κοινὸν εὖ πεποιηκὼς ὅρκους τε καὶ πίστεις ἐπιβοώμενος, αἷς ἅνθρωποι πιστεύοντες [p. 196] εἰς διαλλαγὰς συνέρχονται, τέκνα τε καὶ συγγένειαν καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ταπεινὸν σχῆμα καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ φέρων εἰς οἶκτον ἐφελκόμενα τὸ πλῆθος. ταῦτα δὴ πάντα κατηγορήματα τῶν ὑπάτων κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκχέαντος

[4] for he maintained that the compact entered into by the patricians with the plebeians had been made on the basis of a general amnesty and impunity for what was past. He added that Appius had not perished by his own hand, but by the treachery of the tribunes before his trial, in order that he might not by standing trial either get a chance to speak or obtain mercy, — as might well have been the case if the man had come into court citing in his defence his illustrious lineage and the many good services he had rendered to the commonwealth, appealing too to the oaths and pledges of good faith, on which men rely when accommodating their differences, bringing forward his children and relations, displaying even the humble garb of the suppliant, and doing many other things that move the multitude to compassion.

[5] Κλαυδίου Γαΐου, καὶ πάντων τῶν παρόντων, ἔδοξεν ἀγαπᾶν αὐτοὺς εἰ μὴ δώσουσι δίκας: θριάμβων δὲ καταγωγῆς ἤ τινων τοιούτων συγχωρήσεων οὐδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀξίους εἶναι τυγχάνειν.

[5] When Claudius had poured out all these accusations against the consuls and all who were present had expressed their approval, it was decided that the consuls ought to be content if they were not punished; but that they were not in the least worthy of celebrating triumphs or of gaining any concessions of that sort.

[1] ἀποψηφισαμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς τὸν θρίαμβον ἀγανακτοῦντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Οὐαλέριον καὶ δεινὴν ὕβριν ὑπολαμβάνοντες ὑβρίζεσθαι συνεκάλεσαν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὸ πλῆθος: καὶ πολλὰ τῆς βουλῆς κατηγορήσαντες, συναγορευσάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν δημάρχων καὶ νόμον εἰσηγησαμένων, παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαμβάνουσι τὴν καταγωγὴν τοῦ θριάμβου, πρῶτοι Ῥωμαίων ἁπάντων τοῦτο εἰσηγησάμενοι τὸ ἔθος.

[50.1] The senate having rejected their request for a triumph, Valerius and his colleague were indignant, and feeling that they had been grievously affronted, they called the multitude to an assembly; and after they had uttered many invectives against the senate and the tribunes had espoused their cause and introduced a law for the purpose, they obtained from the people the privilege of celebrating a triumph, being the first of all the Romans to introduce this custom.

[2] ἐκ δὲ τούτου πάλιν εἰς ἐγκλήματα καὶ διαφορὰς οἱ δημοτικοὶ καθίσταντο πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους: παρώξυνον δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ δήμαρχοι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐκκλησιάζοντες καὶ πολλὰ κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς λέγοντες. ἦν δ᾽ ἡ μάλιστα ἐρεθίζουσα τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπόληψις, ἣν ἐκεῖνοι παρεσκεύασαν ἰσχυρὰν γενέσθαι, φήμαις τ᾽ ἀδεσπότοις καὶ εἰκασμοῖς [p. 197] αὐξηθεῖσα οὐκ ὀλίγοις, ὡς καταλυσόντων τῶν πατρικίων τοὺς νόμους, οὓς ἐκύρωσαν οἱ περὶ Οὐαλέριον ὕπατοι: δόξα τ᾽ ἰσχυρὰ καὶ οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχουσα τοῦ πίστις εἶναι τοὺς πολλοὺς κατεῖχε. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων πραχθέντα τῶν ὑπάτων ταῦτ᾽ ἦν.

[2] This gave occasion to fresh accusations and quarrels on the part of the plebeians against the patricians; they were egged on by the tribunes, who called assemblies every day and uttered many invectives against the senate. But the thing which exasperated the masses most was the suspicion, which the tribunes had contrived to strengthen and was increased by unavowed reports and not a few conjectures, that the patricians were going to abolish the laws which had been enacted by Valerius and his colleague; and a strong opinion to this effect, which was little less than a conviction, possessed the minds of the masses. These were the events of that consulship.

[1] οἱ δὲ τὸν ἑξῆς ὑπατεύσαντες ἐνιαυτὸν Λάρος Ἑρμίνιος καὶ Τίτος Οὐεργίνιος: καὶ οἱ παρὰ τούτων τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβόντες, Μάρκος Γεγάνιος ...

[51.1] The consuls of the following year were Lar Herminius and Titus Verginius; and they were succeeded by Marcus Geganius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

[1] μηδὲν δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποκρινομένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγανακτούντων παρελθὼν αὖθις Σκάπτιος ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα: ἔχετ᾽, ἔφη, παρακεχωρημένον, ἄνδρες πολῖται, παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν διαφερομένων, ὅτι τῆς ἡμετέρας χώρας ἑαυτοῖς μηδὲν προσηκούσης ἀντιποιοῦνται: πρὸς ταῦτα ὁρῶντες τὰ δίκαια καὶ τὰ εὔορκα ψηφίσασθε.

[52.1] When they made no answer but continued to feel aggrieved, Scaptius again came forward to the tribunal and said: “There you have the admission, citizens, from our adversaries themselves that they are laying claim to territory of ours which in no wise belongs to them. Bearing this in mind, vote for what is just and in conformity with your oaths.”

[2] ταῦτα τοῦ Σκαπτίου λέγοντος αἰδὼς εἰσῄει τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐνθυμουμένους, ὡς οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτ᾽ εὐπρεπὲς ἡ δίκη λήψεται τέλος, ἄν τινα ἀμφισβητουμένην ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων χώραν δικαστὴς αἱρεθεὶς ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος μηδέποτ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀντιποιησάμενος ἑαυτῷ προσδικάσῃ τοὺς ἀμφισβητοῦντας ἀφελόμενος: καὶ πολλοὶ σφόδρα ἐλέχθησαν εἰς ἀποτροπὴν τοῦ πράγματος ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων τῆς βουλῆς λόγοι διακενῆς.

[2] While Scaptius was thus speaking, a sense of shame came over the consuls as they considered that the outcome of this trial would be neither just nor seemly if the Roman people, when chosen as arbiters, should take away any disputed territory claimed by others and award it to themselves, after having never before put in a counter-claim to it; and a great many speeches were made by the consuls and by the leaders of the senate to avert this result, but in vain.

[3] οἱ γὰρ ἀνειληφότες [p. 198] τὰς ψήφους πολλὴν μωρίαν εἶναι λέγοντες ἑτέρους περιορᾶν τὰ σφέτερα κατέχοντας, καὶ οὐκ εὐσεβὲς ἐξοίσειν τέλος ὑπολαμβάνοντες, ἐὰν Ἀρικηνοὺς ἢ Ἀρδεάτας κυρίους ἀποδείξωσι τῆς ἀμφισβητησίμου γῆς ὀμωμοκότες ὧν ἂν εὕρωσιν αὐτὴν οὖσαν τούτων ἐπικρινεῖν: τοῖς τε δικαζομένοις ὀργὴν ἔχοντες, ὅτι τοὺς ἀποστερουμένους αὐτῆς δικαστὰς ἠξίωσαν λαβεῖν, ἵνα μηδ᾽ ὕστερον ἔτι σφίσιν ἐγγένηται τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀνακομίσασθαι κτῆσιν, ἣν αὐτοὶ μεθ᾽ ὅρκου δικάσαντες ἑτέρων ἐπέγνωσαν εἶναι.

[3] For the people, when called to give their votes, declared it would be great folly to permit what was theirs to remain in the possession of others, and they thought they would not be rendering a righteous verdict if they declared the Aricians or the Ardeates to be the owners of the disputed land after having sworn to award it to those to whom they should find that it belonged. And they were angry with the contending parties for having asked to have as arbiters those who were being deprived of this land, with this end in view, that they might not even afterwards have it in their power to recover their own property which they themselves as sworn judges had decreed to belong to others.

[4] ταῦτα δὴ λογιζόμενοι καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντες τρίτον ἐκέλευσαν τεθῆναι καδίσκον ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως Ῥωμαίων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην φυλήν, εἰς ὃν ἀποθήσονται τὰς ψήφους: καὶ γίνεται πάσαις ταῖς ψήφοις ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος τῆς ἀμφιλόγου χώρας κύριος. ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπράχθη.

[4] The people, then, reasoning thus and feeling aggrieved, ordered a third urn, for the Roman commonwealth, to be placed before each tribe, into which they might put their voting tablets; and the Roman people were declared by all the votes to be the owners of the disputed land. These were the events of that consulship.

[1] Μάρκου δὲ Γενυκίου καὶ Γαΐου Κοιντίου τὴν ἀρχὴν παρειληφότων αἱ πολιτικαὶ πάλιν ἀνίσταντο διαφοραὶ τῶν δημοτικῶν ἀξιούντων ἅπασι Ῥωμαίοις ἐξεῖναι τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν λαμβάνειν — τέως γὰρ οἱ πατρίκιοι μόνοι μετῄεσαν αὐτὴν ἐν ταῖς λοχίτισιν ἐκκλησίαις ἀποδεικνύμενοι — νόμον τε συγγράψαντες ὑπὲρ τῶν ὑπατικῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν εἰσέφερον οἱ τότε δημαρχοῦντες ἐκτὸς ἑνὸς Γαΐου Φουρνίου πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ συμφρονήσαντες, ἐν ᾧ τὸν δῆμον ἐποιοῦντο [p. 199] κύριον τῆς διαγνώσεως καθ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, εἴτε πατρικίους βούλοιτο μετιέναι τὴν ὑπατείαν εἴτε δημοτικούς.

[53.1] When Marcus Genucius and Gaius Quintius had assumed office, the political quarrels were renewed, the plebeians demanding that it be permitted to all Romans to hold the consulship; for hitherto the patricians alone had stood for that office and been chosen in the centuriate assembly. And a law concerning the consular elections was drawn up and introduced by the tribunes of that year, all the others but one, Gaius Furnius, having agreed upon that course; in this law they empowered the populace to decide each year whether they wished patricians or plebeians to stand for the consulship.

[2] ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠγανάκτουν οἱ τοῦ βουλευτικοῦ μετέχοντες συνεδρίου καταλυομένην τὴν ἑαυτῶν δυναστείαν ὁρῶντες καὶ πάντα ὑπομένειν ᾤοντο δεῖν πρότερον ἢ τὸν νόμον κύριον ἐᾶσαι γενέσθαι: ὀργαί τε καὶ κατηγορίαι καὶ ἀντιπράξεις ἐγίνοντο συνεχεῖς ἐν ἰδίοις τε συλλόγοις καὶ κατὰ τὰς κοινὰς συνόδους, ἁπάντων τῶν πατρικίων πρὸς ἅπαντας ἠλλοτριωμένων τοὺς δημοτικούς.

[2] At this the members of the senate were offended, seeing in it the overthrow of their own domination, and they thought they ought to endure anything rather than permit the law to pass; and outbursts of anger, recriminations and obstructions continually occurred both in private gatherings and in their general sessions, all the patricians having become to all the plebeians.

[3] καὶ λόγοι πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ, πολλοὶ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τῶν προϊσταμένων τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ἐλέχθησαν, ἐπιεικέστεροι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν οἰομένων ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἁμαρτάνειν τοὺς δημοτικούς, τραχύτεροι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν νομιζόντων ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὸ πρᾶγμα συγκεῖσθαι.

[3] Many speeches also were made in the senate and many in the meetings of the popular assembly by the leading men of the aristocracy, the more moderate by men who believed that the plebeians were misled through ignorance of their true interests and the harsher by men who thought that the measure was concocted as the result of a plot and of envy toward themselves.

[1] ἑλκομένου δὲ τοῦ χρόνου διακενῆς ἧκον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἄγγελοι λέγοντες, ὅτι πολλῇ στρατιᾷ μέλλουσιν ἐλαύνειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς Αἰκανοί τε καὶ Οὐολοῦσκοι, δεόμενοι βοήθειαν ἀποστεῖλαι σφίσι διὰ ταχέων ὡς ἐν τρίβῳ τοῦ πολέμου κειμένοις.

[54.1] While the time was dragging along with no result, messengers from the allies arrived in the city reporting that both the Aequians and the Volscians were about to march against them with a large army and begging that assistance might be sent them promptly, as they lay in the path of the war.

[2] ἐλέγοντο δὲ καὶ Τυρρηνῶν οἱ καλούμενοι Οὐιεντανοὶ παρασκευάζεσθαι πρὸς ἀπόστασιν, Ἀρδεᾶται τ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐκέτι ἦσαν ὑπήκοοι τῆς ἀμφιλόγου χώρας ὀργὴν ἔχοντες, ἣν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος αἱρεθεὶς δικαστὴς αὑτῷ προσεδίκασεν ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ.

[2] Those Tyrrhenians also who were called Veientes were said to be preparing for a revolt; and the Ardeates no longer gave allegiance to the Romans, being angry over the matter of the disputed territory which the Roman people, when chosen arbiters, had awarded to themselves the year before.

[3] ταῦτα ἡ βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ψηφίζεται στρατιὰν καταγράφειν [p. 200] καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους ἐξάγειν δυνάμεις. ἀντέπραττον δὲ τοῖς γνωσθεῖσιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν οἱ τὸν νόμον εἰσφέροντες ἔχουσι δ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἐναντιοῦσθαι δήμαρχοι τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἀφαιρούμενοί τε τοὺς ἀγομένους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ὅρκον, καὶ τιμωρίαν οὐδεμίαν ἐῶντες λαμβάνειν παρὰ τῶν ἀπειθούντων.

[3] The senate, upon being informed of all this, voted to enrol an army and that both consuls should take the field. But those who were trying to introduce the law kept opposing the execution of their decisions (tribunes have authority to oppose the consuls) by liberating such of the citizens as the consuls were leading off to make them take the military oath and by not permitting the consuls to inflict any punishment on the disobedient.

[4] πολλὰ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἀξιούσης ἐν μὲν τῷ παρόντι χρόνῳ τὴν φιλονεικίαν καταβαλεῖν, ὅταν δὲ τέλος οἱ πόλεμοι λάβωσι, τότε προτιθέναι τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν νόμον, οἵδε τοσούτου ἐδέησαν εἶξαι τοῖς καιροῖς, ὥστε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐναντιώσεσθαι τοῖς δόγμασι τῆς βουλῆς ἔλεγον, καὶ οὐδὲν ἐάσειν δόγμα περὶ οὐδενὸς κυρωθῆναι πράγματος, ἐὰν μὴ τὸν ὑπ᾽

[4] And when the senate earnestly entreated them to put aside their contentiousness for the time being and only when the wars were at an end to propose the law concerning the consular elections, these men, far from yielding to the emergency, declared that they would oppose the decrees of the senate on any subject to be ratified unless the senate should approve by a preliminary decree the law they themselves were introducing.

[5] αὐτῶν εἰσφερόμενον προβουλεύσῃ νόμον. καὶ οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρὸς τοὺς ὑπάτους ταῦτ᾽ ἀπειλῆσαι προήχθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ὅρκους, οἵπερ εἰσὶ μέγιστοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, κατὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν πίστεως διομοσάμενοι, ἵνα μηδέ τι τῶν ἐγνωσμένων αὐτοῖς πεισθεῖσιν ἐξῇ καταλύειν.

[5] And they were so far carried away that they thus threatened the consuls not only in the senate, nature in the assembly of the people, swearing the oath which to them is the most binding, namely by their good fortune, to the end that they might not be at liberty to revoke any of their decisions even if convinced of their error.

[1] πρὸς δὴ τὰς ἀπειλὰς ταύτας ἐσκόπουν, ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν, οἱ πρεσβύτατοί τε καὶ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν προεστηκότων τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας, συναχθέντες [p. 201] εἰς τὸν ἰδιωτικὸν σύλλογον ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων αὐτοὶ καθ᾽

[55.1] In view of these threats the oldest and most prominent of the leaders of the aristocracy were assembled by the consuls in a private meeting apart by themselves and there considered what they ought to do.

[2] ἑαυτούς. Γάϊος μὲν οὖν Κλαύδιος ἥκιστα δημοτικὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτην διαδεδεγμένος ἐκ προγόνων τὴν αἵρεσιν τῆς πολιτείας αὐθαδεστέραν γνώμην εἰσέφερε, μήτε ὑπατείας μήτ᾽ ἄλλης ἀρχῆς τῷ δήμῳ παραχωρεῖν μηδεμιᾶς: τοὺς δὲ τἀναντία πράττειν ἐπιχειροῦντας ὅπλοις κωλύειν, ἐὰν μὴ πείθωνται τοῖς λόγοις, φειδὼ μηδεμίαν ποιουμένους μήτ᾽ ἰδιώτου μήτ᾽ ἄρχοντος. ἅπαντας γὰρ τοὺς ἐπιχειροῦντας τὰ πάτρια κινεῖν ἔθη καὶ τὸν κόσμον τοῦ πολιτεύματος τὸν ἀρχαῖον διαφθείρειν ἀλλοτρίους καὶ πολεμίους εἶναι τῆς πόλεως.

[2] Gaius Claudius, who by no means favoured the plebeians and had inherited this political creed from his ancestors, offered a rather arrogant motion not to yield to the people either the consulship or any other magistracy whatever, and, in the case of those who should attempt to do otherwise, to prevent them by force of arms, if they would not be convinced by arguments, giving no quarter to either private person or magistrate. For all who attempted to disturb the established customs and to corrupt their ancient form of government, he said, were aliens and enemies of the commonwealth.

[3] Τίτος δὲ Κοίντιος οὐκ εἴα τῇ βίᾳ κατείργειν τὸ ἀντίπαλον, οὐδὲ δι᾽ ὅπλων καὶ δι᾽ αἵματος ἐμφυλίου χωρεῖν πρὸς τὸ δημοτικόν, ἄλλως τε καὶ δημάρχων σφίσιν ἐναντιωσομένων, οὓς ἱεροὺς εἶναι καὶ παναγεῖς ἐψηφίσαντο οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν θεοὺς καὶ δαίμονας ἐγγυητὰς ποιησάμενοι τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, καὶ τοὺς μεγίστους ὅρκους κατ᾽ ἐξωλείας αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἐγγόνων, ἐάν τι παραβαίνωσι τῶν συγκειμένων, κατομοσάμενοι.

[3] On the other hand, Titus Quintius opposed restraining their adversaries by violence or proceeding against the plebeians with arms and civil bloodshed, particularly since they would be opposed by the tribunes, “whose persons our fathers had decreed to be sacred and sacrosanct, making the gods and lesser divinities sureties for the performance of their compact and swearing the most solemn oaths in which they invoked utter destruction upon both themselves and their posterity if they transgressed a single article of that covenant.”

[1] ταύτῃ προσθεμένων τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρακληθέντων εἰς τὸ συνέδριον παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ὁ Κλαύδιος: οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μέν, ἔφησεν, ἡλίκων κρηπὶς καταβληθήσεται συμφορῶν ἅπασιν ἡμῖν, ἐὰν ἐπιτρέψωμεν τῷ δήμῳ περὶ τοῦ νόμου ψῆφον λαβεῖν: οὐκ ἔχων δ᾽ ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν οὐδὲ δυνάμενος [p. 202] τοσούτοις οὖσιν μόνος ἀντιλέγειν, εἴκω τοῖς βουλήμασι τοῖς ὑμετέροις.

[56.1] This advice being approved of by all the others who had been invited to the meeting, Claudius resumed his remarks and said: “I am not unaware of how great calamities to us all a foundation will be laid if we permit the people to give their votes concerning this law. But being at a loss what to do and unable alone to oppose so many, I yield to your wishes.

[2] δίκαιον γὰρ ἀποφαίνεσθαι μὲν ἕκαστον ἃ δοκεῖ τῷ κοινῷ συνοίσειν, πείθεσθαι δὲ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν πλειόνων κριθεῖσιν. ἐκεῖνο μέντοι παραινεῖν ὑμῖν ὡς ἐν χαλεποῖς καὶ ἀβουλήτοις πράγμασιν ἔχω, τῆς μὲν ὑπατείας μήτε νῦν μήθ᾽ ὕστερον παραχωρεῖν μηδενὶ πλὴν τῶν πατρικίων, οἷς μόνοις ὅσιόν τε καὶ

[2] For it is right that every man should declare what he thinks will be of advantage to the commonwealth and then submit to the decision of the majority. However, this advice I have to give you, seeing that you are involved in a difficult and disagreeable business, — not to yield the consulship either now or hereafter to any but patricians, who alone are qualified for it by both religion and law.

[3] θεμιτόν ἐστι τυγχάνειν: ὅταν δ᾽ εἰς ἀνάγκην κατακλεισθῆτε ὥσπερ νῦν μεταδιδόναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις τῆς μεγίστης ἐξουσίας τε καὶ ἀρχῆς, χιλιάρχους τε ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀποδείκνυτε, ἀριθμὸν αὐτῶν ὁρίσαντες ὅσον δή τινα — ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ ὀκτὼ ἢ ἓξ ἀποχρῆς δοκεῖ — ἔν τε τούτοις τοῖς ἀνδράσι μὴ ἐλάττονες ἀριθμὸν ἔστωσαν οἱ πατρίκιοι τῶν δημοτικῶν. ταῦτα γὰρ ποιοῦντες οὔτε τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχὴν εἰς ταπεινοὺς καὶ ἀναξίους καταβαλεῖτε οὔτε δυναστείας ἀδίκους ἑαυτοῖς κατασκευάζεσθαι δόξετε μηδεμιᾶς ἀρχῆς μεταδιδόντες τοῖς δημοτικοῖς.

[3] But whenever you are reduced, as at present, to the necessity of sharing the highest power and magistracy with the other citizens, appoint military tribunes instead of consuls, fixing their number as you shall think proper — in my opinion six or eight suffice — and of these men let the patricians not be fewer than the plebeians. For in doing this you will neither debase the consular office by conferring it upon mean and unworthy men nor will you appears to be devising for yourselves unjust positions of power by sharing no magistracy whatever with the plebeians.”

[4] ἐπαινεσάντων δ᾽ ἁπάντων τὴν γνώμην καὶ οὐδενὸς τἀναντία λέγοντος: ἀκούσατ᾽, ἔφη, ἃ καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ὑμῖν ἔχω παραινεῖν. ἡμέραν προειπόντες, ἐν ᾗ τὸ προβούλευμα ἐπικυρώσετε καὶ τὰ κριθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, λόγον ἀπόδοτε τοῖς ἀπολογουμένοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῖς κατηγοροῦσι: ῥηθέντων δὲ τῶν λόγων, ὅταν καθήκῃ τὰς [p. 203] γνώμας ἐρωτᾶν, μήτ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἄρξησθε μήτ᾽ ἀπὸ κοιντίου τουδὶ μήτ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἄλλου τῶν πρεσβυτέρων μηδενός, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ φιλοδημοτάτου τῶν βουλευτῶν Λευκίου Οὐαλερίου, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον ἀξιοῦτε Ὁράτιον εἴ τι βούλεται λέγειν. ὅταν δὲ τὰς παρ᾽ ἐκείνων γνώμας ἐξετάσητε, τότε τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἡμᾶς κελεύετε λέγειν.

[4] When all approved this opinion and none spoke in opposition, he said: “Hear now the advice I have for you consuls also. After you have appointed a day for passing the preliminary decree and the resolutions of the senate, give the floor to all who desire to say anything either in favour of the law or in opposition to it, and after they have spoken and it is time to ask for the expression of opinions, begin neither with me nor with Quintius here nor with anyone else of the older men, but rather with Lucius Valerius, who of all the senators is the greatest friend of the populace, and after him ask Horatius to speak, if he wishes to say anything. And when you have found out their opinions, then bid us older men to speak.

[5] ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἐναντιουμένην γνώμην τοῖς δημάρχοις ἀποδείξομαι πάσῃ τῇ παρρησίᾳ χρώμενος — τουτὶ γὰρ τῷ κοινῷ συμφέρει — τὸ δὲ περὶ τῶν χιλιάρχων πολίτευμα, εἰ βουλομένοις ἐστίν, εἰσηγείσθω Τίτος Γενύκιος οὗτος: πρεπωδεστάτη γὰρ ἡ γνώμη καὶ ὑποψίαν ἥκιστα παρέξουσα γένοιτ᾽ ἄν, ἐὰν οὗτος αὐτὴν ὁ

[5] For my part, I shall deliver an opinion contrary to that of the tribunes, using all possible frankness, since this tends to the advantage of the commonwealth. As for the measure concerning the military tribunes, if it is agreeable, let Titus Genucius here propose it; for this motion will be the most fitting and will create the least suspicion, Marcus Genucius, if introduced by your brother here.”

[6] σὸς ἀδελφός, ὦ Μάρκε Γενύκιε, λέγῃ. ἐδόκει καὶ ταῦτα ὀρθῶς ὑποτίθεσθαι, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπῄεσαν ἐκ τοῦ συλλόγου, τοῖς δὲ δημάρχοις δέος ἐνέπιπτε πρὸς τὴν ἀπόρρητον τῶν ἀνδρῶν συνουσίαν ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ τινι τοῦ δήμου μεγάλῳ γενομένην, ἐπειδὴ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν τε συνήδρευσαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν τῷ φανερῷ, καὶ οὐδένα τῶν προεστηκότων τοῦ δήμου κοινωνὸν τῶν βουλευμάτων παρέλαβον, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο συνέδριον αὐτοὶ πάλιν ἐκ τῶν φιλοδημοτάτων συναγαγόντες ἀλεξήματα καὶ φυλακὰς ἀντεμηχανῶντο πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβουλάς, ἃς ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων ἔσεσθαι σφίσιν ὑπώπτευον.

[6] This suggestion was also approved, after which they departed from the meeting. But as for the tribunes, fear fell upon them because of the secret conference of these men; for they suspected that it was calculated to bring some great mischief upon the populace, since the men had met in a private house and not in public and had admitted none of the people’s champions to share in their counsels. Thereupon they in turn held a meeting of such persons as were most friendly to the populace and they set about contriving defences and safeguards against the insidious designs which they suspected the patricians would employ against them.

[1] ὡς δὲ καθῆκεν ὁ χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ τὸ προβούλευμα ἔδει γενέσθαι, συγκαλέσαντες οἱ ὕπατοι τὴν βουλὴν καὶ πολλὰς ὑπὲρ ὁμονοίας καὶ εὐκοσμίας ποιησάμενοι [p. 204] παρακλήσεις πρώτοις ἀπέδωκαν λέγειν τοῖς εἰσηγησαμένοις δημάρχοις τὸν νόμον.

[57.1] When the time had come for the preliminary decree to be passed, the consuls assembled the senate and after many exhortations to harmony and good order they gave leave to the tribunes who had proposed the law to speak first.

[2] καὶ παρελθὼν εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν Γάϊος Κανολήιος περὶ μὲν τοῦ δίκαιον ἢ συμφέροντα εἶναι τὸν νόμον οὔτ᾽ ἐδίδασκεν οὔτ᾽ ἐμέμνητο: θαυμάζειν δ᾽ ἔφη τῶν ὑπάτων, ὅτι βεβουλευμένοι τε καὶ κεκρικότες ἤδη κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἃ δεῖ πράττειν, ὥσπερ ἀδοκίμαστον πρᾶγμα καὶ βουλῆς δεόμενον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐπεχείρησαν εἰσφέρειν, καὶ λόγον ἀπέδωκαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς προαιρουμένοις, εἰρωνείαν εἰσάγοντες οὔτε ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἡλικίαις ἁρμόττουσαν, οὔτε τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς προσήκουσαν.

[2] Then Gaius Canuleius, one of these, came forward and, without trying to show that the law was either just or advantageous or even mentioning that topic, said that he wondered at the consuls, who, after already consulting and deciding by themselves what should be done, had attempted to bring it before the senate as if it were a matter that had not been examined and required consideration, and had then given all who so chose leave to speak about it, thereby introducing a dissimulation unbecoming both to their age and to the greatness of their magistracy.

[3] πονηρῶν τ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔφη πολιτευμάτων αὐτοὺς εἰσάγειν ἀπόρρητα βουλευτήρια συνάγοντας ἐν ἰδίαις οἰκίαις, καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἅπαντας τοὺς βουλευτὰς εἰς ταῦτα παρακαλοῦντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων συνέδρων τῶν ἀπελαθέντων τῆς κατοικιδίου βουλῆς ἧττον ἔφη θαυμάζειν, Μάρκου δὲ Ὁρατίου καὶ Λευκίου Οὐαλερίου τῶν καταλυσάντων τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν, ὑπατικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἐπιτηδείων τὰ κοινὰ βουλεύειν, τὴν ἀπαξίωσιν τῆς εἰς τὸ συνέδριον παρακλήσεως ἐκπεπλῆχθαι, καὶ οὐ δύνασθαι συμβάλλειν ἐπὶ τίνι λόγῳ δικαίῳ, εἰκάζειν δὲ μίαν αἰτίαν, ὅτι πονηρὰς καὶ ἀσυμφόρους γνώμας εἰσηγεῖσθαι μέλλοντες κατὰ τῶν δημοτικῶν οὐκ ἐβούλοντο παρακαλεῖν εἰς ταῦτα τὰ συνέδρια τοὺς φιλοδημοτάτους, ἀγανακτήσοντας δηλονότι καὶ οὐ περιοψομένους [p. 205] οὐδὲν ἄδικον πολίτευμα κατὰ τοῦ δήμου γινόμενον.

[3] He said that they were introducing the beginnings of evil policies by assembling secret councils in private houses and by summoning to them not even all the senators, but only such as were most attached to themselves. He was not so greatly surprised, he said, that the other members had been excluded from this senatorial house party, but was astounded that Marcus Horatius and Lucius Valerius, who had overthrown the oligarchy, were ex-consuls and were as competent as anyone for deliberating about the public interests, had not been thought worthy to be invited to the meeting. He could not imagine on what just ground this had been done, but he could guess one reason, namely that, as they intended to introduce wicked measures prejudicial to the plebeians, they were unwilling to invite to these councils the greatest friends of the populace, who would be sure to express their indignation at such proposals and would not permit any unjust measure to be adopted against the interests of the people.

[1] τοιαῦτα Γαΐου Κανοληίου μετὰ πολλοῦ σχετλιασμοῦ λέγοντος καὶ τῶν μὴ παραληφθέντων εἰς τὸ συνέδριον βουλευτῶν πρὸς ὀργὴν δεξαμένων τὸ πρᾶγμα παρελθὼν ἅτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Γενύκιος ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ πραΰνειν τὰς ὀργὰς αὐτῶν ἐπειρᾶτο διδάσκων, ὅτι τοὺς μὲν φίλους παραλάβοιεν, οὐχ ἵνα τι κατὰ τοῦ δήμου διαπράξαιντο, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μετὰ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων βουλεύσαιντο, τί πράττοντες οὐδ᾽ ὁποτέραν δόξουσιν ἐλαττοῦν τῶν αἱρέσεων, πότερον ταχεῖαν ἀποδιδόντες τῇ βουλῇ περὶ τοῦ νόμου διάγνωσιν ἢ

[58.1] When Canuleius had spoken thus with great indignation and the senators who had not been summoned to the council resented their treatment, Genucius, one of the consuls, came forward and endeavoured to justify himself and his colleague and to appease the anger of the others by telling them that they had called in their friends, not in order to carry out any design against the populace, but in order to consult with their closest intimates by what course they might appear to do nothing prejudicial to either one of the parties, whether by referring the consideration of the law to the senate promptly or doing so later.

[2] χρονιωτέραν. Ὁράτιον δὲ καὶ Οὐαλέριον οὐκ ἄλλης τινὸς χάριν αἰτίας μὴ παραλαβεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μή τις ὑποψία περὶ αὐτῶν παρ᾽ ἀξίαν ᾖ τοῖς δημοτικοῖς, ὡς μεταβεβλημένων τὴν προαίρεσιν τῆς πολιτείας, ἐὰν ἄρα ἐπὶ τῆς ἑτέρας γένωνται γνώμης, τῆς ἀξιούσης ἀναβαλέσθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ νόμου διάγνωσιν εἰς ἕτερον καιρὸν ἐπιτηδειότερον. ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἅπασι τοῖς παραληφθεῖσιν ἡ συντομωτέρα διάγνωσις ἀμείνων ἔδοξεν εἶναι τῆς βραδυτέρας, πράττειν ὡς ἐκείνοις ἐφάνη.

[2] As for Valerius and Horatius, he said their only reason for not inviting them to the council had been to prevent the plebeians from entertaining any unwarranted suspicion of them as of men who had changed their political principles, in case they should embrace the other opinion, which called for putting off the consideration of the law to a more suitable occasion. But since all who had been invited to the meeting had felt that a speedy decision was preferable to a delayed one, the consuls were following the course thus favoured.

[3] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ θεοὺς ἐπομοσάμενος ἦ μὴν τἀληθῆ λέγειν καὶ τοὺς παρακληθέντας ἐκ τῶν βουλευτῶν, ἔφη, πᾶσαν ἀπολύσεσθαι διαβολὴν οὐ λόγοις,

[3] Having spoken thus and sworn by the gods that he was indeed speaking the truth, and appealing for confirmation to the senators who had been invited to the meeting, he said that he would clear himself of every imputation, not by his words, but by his actions.

[4] ἀλλ᾽ ἔργοις. ὅταν γὰρ οἱ βουλόμενοι κατηγορεῖν καὶ ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ τοῦ νόμου διεξέλθωσι τὰ δίκαια, [p. 206] πρώτους ἐπὶ τὴν ἐρώτησιν τῆς γνώμης καταλέγειν οὐχὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους καὶ τιμιωτάτους τῶν βουλευτῶν, οἷς ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἐθισμῶν καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀποδεδόσθαι τὸ γέρας, οὐδὲ τοὺς δι᾽ ὑποψίας ὄντας παρὰ τοῖς δημοτικοῖς, ὡς οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν χρηστὸν οὔτε λέγοντας οὔτε φρονοῦντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν νεωτέρων τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι φιλοδημοτάτους.

[4] For after all who desired to speak in opposition to the law or in favour of it had given their reasons, he would first call for questioning as to their opinions, not the oldest and the most honoured of the senators, to whom this privilege among others was accorded by established usage, nor those who were suspected by the plebeians of neither saying nor thinking anything that was to their advantage, but rather such of the younger senators as seemed to be most friendly to the populace.

[1] ὑποσχόμενος δὲ ταῦτα καὶ δοὺς ἐξουσίαν τοῖς βουλομένοις λέγειν, ἐπειδὴ οὔτε κατηγορήσων οὔτ᾽ ἀπολογησόμενος οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ νόμου παρῄει, παρελθὼν αὖθις ἐρωτᾷ πρῶτον Οὐαλέριον, τί τῷ κοινῷ συμφέρει, καὶ τί προβουλεῦσαι τοῖς συνέδροις παραινεῖ.

[59.1] After making these promises he gave leave to any who so desired to speak; and when no one came forward either to censure the law or to defend it, he came forward again, and beginning with Valerius, asked him what was to the interest of the public and what preliminary vote he advised the senators to pass.

[2] ὁ δ᾽ ἀναστὰς καὶ πολλοὺς διεξελθὼν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν προγόνων λόγους ὡς ἐπὶ τῷ συμφέροντι τῆς πόλεως τοῦ δημοτικοῦ μέρους προϊσταμένων, καὶ καταριθμησάμενος ἅπαντας ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοὺς κατασχόντας τὴν πόλιν κινδύνους ἐκ τῶν τἀναντία πολιτευομένων, τοῖς τ᾽ ἀπεχθῶς ἐσχηκόσι πρὸς τὸ δημοτικὸν ἅπασιν ἀλυσιτελὲς γενόμενον ἀποδείξας τὸ μισόδημον, ἐπαίνους τε πολλοὺς περὶ τοῦ δήμου ποιησάμενος, ὡς αἰτιωτάτου τῇ πόλει γεγονότος οὐ μόνον τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις διεξῆλθε, τελευτῶν ἔφη μὴ δύνασθαι πόλιν ἐλευθέραν εἶναι, ἐξ ἧς ἄν τις τὴν ἰσότητ᾽ ἀνέλῃ:

[2] Valerius, rising up, made a long speech concerning both himself and his ancestors, who, he said, had always been champions of the plebeian party to the advantage of the commonwealth. He enumerated all the dangers from the beginning which had been brought upon it by those who pursued the contrary measures and showed that a hatred for the populace had been unprofitable to all those who had been actuated by it. He then said many things in praise of the people, alleging that they had been the principal cause not only of the liberty but also of the supremacy of the commonwealth. After enlarging upon this and similar themes, he ended by saying that no state could be free from which equality was banished;

[3] ἔφη τε δοκεῖν ἑαυτῷ τὸν μὲν νόμον [p. 207] δίκαιον εἶναι τὸν ἀξιοῦντα πᾶσι μετεῖναι Ῥωμαίοις τῆς ὑπατικῆς ἀρχῆς, τοῖς γε δὴ βίον ἀνεπίληπτον ἐσχηκόσι καὶ πράξεις ἀποδεδειγμένοις τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης ἀξίας, τὸν δὲ καιρὸν οὐκ ἐπιτήδειον εἰς τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διάγνωσιν ἐν πολεμικαῖς ὑπαρχούσης ταραχαῖς τῆς πόλεως:

[3] and he declared that to him the law, indeed, seemed just which gave a share in the consulship to all Romans, — to all, that is, who had led irreproachable lives and had performed actions worthy of that honour, — but he thought the occasion was not suitable for the consideration of this law when the commonwealth was in the midst of war’s disturbances.

[4] συνεβούλευέ τε τοῖς μὲν δημάρχοις ἐᾶν τὴν καταγραφὴν γενέσθαι τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τὴν ἔξοδον μὴ κωλύειν τῶν καταγραφέντων, τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπάτοις, ὅταν τὸ κράτιστον τέλος ἐπιθῶσι τῷ πολέμῳ, πρῶτον ἁπάντων τὸ περὶ τοῦ νόμου προβούλευμα εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐξενεγκεῖν. ταῦτα δὲ γραφῆναί τ᾽ ἤδη καὶ διομολογηθῆναι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων.

[4] He advised the tribunes to permit the enrolling of the troops and not to hinder them when enrolled from taking the field; and he advised the consuls, when they had ended the war in the most successful manner, first of all things to lay before the people the preliminary decree concerning the law. These proposals, he urged, should be reduced to writing at once and agreed to by both parties.

[5] ταύτην ἀποδειξαμένου τὴν γνώμην Οὐαλερίου καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Ὁρατίου — δευτέρῳ γὰρ τούτῳ λόγον ἀπέδωκαν οἱ ὕπατοι — ταὐτὸ πάθος ἅπασι τοῖς παροῦσι συνέβη. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀνελεῖν τὸν νόμον βουλόμενοι τὴν ἀναβολὴν τῆς περὶ αὐτοῦ διαγνώσεως ἀγαπητῶς ἀκούσαντες, τὸ μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπάναγκες εἶναι σφίσι προβουλεῦσαι περὶ αὐτοῦ χαλεπῶς ἀπεδέξαντο: οἱ δὲ κύριον ὑπὸ τοῦ συνεδρίου κριθῆναι προαιρούμενοι τὸ μὲν ὡμολογημένον δίκαιον εἶναι τὸν νόμον ἀσμένως ἤκουον, τὸ δ᾽ εἰς ἑτέρους ἐκπίπτειν χρόνους τὸ προβούλευμα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐλάμβανον.

[5] This opinion of Valerius, which was supported by Horatius (For the consuls gave him leave to speak next), had the same effect upon all who were present. For those who desired to do away with the law, though pleased to hear that its consideration was postponed, nevertheless accepted with anger the necessity of passing a preliminary decree concerning it after the war; while the others, who preferred to have the law approved by the senate, though glad to hear it acknowledged as just, were at the same time angry that the preliminary decree was put off to another time.

[1] θορύβου δέ, ὅπερ εἰκός, ἐπὶ τῇ γνώμῃ γενομένου διὰ τὸ μὴ πᾶσι τοῖς μέρεσιν αὐτῆς εὐαρεστεῖν [p. 208] ἀμφοτέρους παρελθὼν ὁ ὕπατος τρίτον ἠρώτα Γάϊον Κλαύδιον, ὃς ἐδόκει τῶν προεστηκότων τῆς ἑτέρας τάξεως τῆς ἐναντιουμένης τοῖς δημοτικοῖς αὐθαδέστατος εἶναι καὶ δυνατώτατος.

[60.1] An uproar having broken out as the result of this opinion, as was to be expected, since neither side was pleased with all parts of it, the consul, coming forward, asked in the third place the opinion of Gaius Claudius, who had the reputation of being the most haughty and the most powerful of all the leaders of the other party, which opposed the plebeians.

[2] οὗτος ἐκ παρασκευῆς διεξῆλθε λόγον κατὰ τῶν δημοτικῶν, πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἔδοξε πώποτε ἐναντία τοῖς καλοῖς καὶ πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ὑπομιμνήσκων, οὗ κεφάλαιον ἦν, εἰς ὃ κατέσκηπτεν ἡ γνώμη, μηδεμίαν ἀποδιδόναι τῇ βουλῇ διάγνωσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ νόμου τοὺς ὑπάτους, μήτ᾽ ἐν τῷ παρόντι χρόνῳ μήθ᾽ ὕστερον, ὡς ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας εἰσφερομένου καὶ συγχεῖν μέλλοντος ἅπαντα τὸν κόσμον τῆς πολιτείας.

[2] This man delivered a prepared speech against the plebeians in which he called to mind all the things the populace had ever done contrary, as he thought, to the excellent institutions of their ancestors. The climax with which he ended his speech was the motion that the consuls should not permit to the senate any consideration of the law at all, either at that time or later, since it was being introduced for the purpose of overthrowing the aristocracy and was bound to upset the whole order of their government.

[3] γενομένου δὲ πρὸς τὴν γνώμην ἔτι πλείονος θορύβου τέταρτος ἀνίσταται κληθεὶς Τίτος Γενύκιος, ἀδελφὸς θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων: ὃς ὀλίγα διαλεχθεὶς ὑπὲρ τῶν κατεχόντων καιρῶν τὴν πόλιν, ὅτι δυεῖν ἀνάγκη τῶν χαλεπωτάτων θάτερον αὐτῇ συμπεσεῖν, ἢ διὰ τὰς πολιτικὰς ἔριδας καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἰσχυρὰ τὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ποιῆσαι πράγματα, ἢ τοὺς ἔξωθεν ἐπιφερομένους ἀποτρέψασθαι βουλομένῃ κακῶς τὸν οἰκεῖον καὶ πολιτικὸν διαλύσασθαι πόλεμον:

[3] When even more of an uproar was caused by this motion, Titus Genucius, who was brother to one of the consuls, was called upon in the fourth place. He, rising up, spoke briefly about the emergencies confronting the city, how it was inevitable that one or the other of two most grievous evils should befall it, either through its civil strifes and rivalries to strengthen the cause of its enemies, or, from a desire to avert the attacks from the outside, to settle ignominiously the domestic and civil war;

[4] ἔφησε, δυεῖν ὄντων κακῶν, ὧν ἀνάγκη θάτερον ἄκοντας ὑπομεῖναι, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ δοκεῖν εἶναι λυσιτελέστερον, τὸ συγχωρῆσαι τῷ δήμῳ τὴν βουλὴν παρασπάσαί τι τοῦ κόσμου τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις [p. 209] τε καὶ πολεμίοις καταγέλαστον ποιῆσαι τὴν πόλιν.

[4] and he declared that, there being two evils to one or the other of which they were bound to submit unwillingly, it seemed to him to be more expedient that the senate should permit the people to usurp a portion of the orderly constitution of the fathers rather than make the commonwealth a laughing-stock to other nations and to its enemies.

[5] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν τὴν δοκιμασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν παραγενηθέντων ἐν τῷ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν συνεδρίῳ γνώμην εἰσέφερεν, ἣν εἰσηγήσατο Κλαύδιος, ὥσπερ ἔφην, ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους ἀποδειχθῆναι, τρεῖς μὲν ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων, τρεῖς δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν δημοτικῶν, ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντας ὑπατικήν: ὅταν δὲ τελῶσιν οὗτοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ καθήκῃ νέας ἀρχὰς ἀποδείκνυσθαι, τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον αὖθις συνελθόντας διαγνῶναι, πότερον ὑπάτους ἢ χιλιάρχους βούλονται παραλαβεῖν τὴν ἀρχήν. ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν ἅπασι δόξῃ ψῆφον ἐπενέγκασι, τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι κύριον. ἐπιτελεῖσθαι δὲ τὸ προβούλευμα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν.

[5] Having said this, he offered the motion which had been approved by those who had been present at the meeting held in a private house, the motion made by Claudius, as I related, to the effect that, instead of consuls, military tribunes should be appointed, three from the patricians and three from the plebeians, these to have consular authority; that after they had completed the term of their magistracy and it was time to appear the new magistrates, the senate and people should again assemble and decide whether they wished consuls or military tribunes to assume the office, and that whichever course met with the approval of all the voters should prevail; moreover, that the preliminary decree should be passed each year.

[1] ταύτην ἀποδειξαμένου τὴν γνώμην Γενυκίου πολὺς ἐξ ἁπάντων ἔπαινος ἐγίνετο, καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀνιστάμενοι μικροῦ δεῖν πάντες ταῦτα συνεχώρουν κράτιστα εἶναι. γράφεται δὴ τὸ προβούλευμα ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων, καὶ λαβόντες αὐτὸ μετὰ πολλῆς χαρᾶς οἱ δήμαρχοι προῆλθον εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν. ἔπειτα καλέσαντες τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, πολλοὺς διέθεντο τῆς βουλῆς ἐπαίνους, καὶ παραγγέλλειν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκέλευον τοῖς ἐθέλουσι τῶν δημοτικῶν ἅμα τοῖς πατρικίοις.

[61.1] This motion of Genucius was received with general applause, and almost all who rose up after him conceded that this was the best course. The preliminary decree was accordingly drawn up by order of the consuls; and the tribunes, receiving it with great joy, proceeded to the Forum. Then they called an assembly of the people, and after giving much praise to the senate, urged such of the plebeians as cared to do so to stand for this magistracy together with the patricians.

[2] οὕτω δ᾽ ἄρα κοῦφόν τι πρᾶγμά ἐστιν ἐπιθυμία δίχα λόγου γινομένη καὶ ταχὺ μεταπῖπτον ἐπὶ θάτερα μέρη, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ τῶν ὄχλων, ὥσθ᾽ οἱ περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενοι τέως τῆς ἀρχῆς μεταλαβεῖν καί, εἰ μὴ δοθείη τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν πατρικίων, ἢ καταλείψοντες τὴν [p. 210] πόλιν ὡς πρότερον, ἢ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων αὐτὸ ληψόμενοι, ἐπειδὴ τὸ συγχώρημα ἔλαβον, ἀπέστησαν εὐθὺς τῆς ἐπιθυμίας καὶ τὰς σπουδὰς ἐπὶ θάτερον μετέβαλον.

[2] But such a fickle thing, it seems, is desire apart from reason and so quickly does it veer the other way, particularly in the case of the masses, that those who hitherto had regarded it as a matter of supreme importance to have a share in the magistracy and, if this were not granted to them by the patricians, were ready either to abandon the city, as they had done before, or to seize the privilege by force of arms, now, when they had obtained the concession, promptly relinquished their desire for it and transferred their enthusiasm in the opposite direction.

[3] πολλῶν γέ τοι δημοτικῶν παραγγελλόντων τὴν χιλιαρχίαν καὶ κατεσπουδασμένας ποιουμένων τὰς δεήσεις, οὐδένα τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης ἄξιον εἶναι ὑπέλαβον, ἀλλὰ γενόμενοι τῆς ψήφου κύριοι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων μετιόντας αὐτὴν ἄνδρας ἐπιφανεῖς χιλιάρχους ἀποδεικνύουσιν, Αὖλον Σεμπρώνιον Ἀτρατῖνον καὶ Λεύκιον Ἀτίλιον Λοῦσκον καὶ Τίτον Κλύλιον Σικελόν.

[3] At any rate, though many plebeians stood for the military tribuneship and used the most earnest solicitations to obtain it, the people thought none of them worthy of this honour but, when they came to give their votes, chose the patrician candidates, men of distinction, namely Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius Luscus and Titus Cloelius Siculus.

[1] οὗτοι παραλαμβάνουσι πρῶτοι τὴν ἀνθύπατον ἀρχὴν κατὰ τὸν τρίτον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ὀγδοηκοστῆς καὶ τετάρτης ὀλυμπιάδος ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησι Διφίλου. μετασχόντες δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τρεῖς μόνον ἡμέρας ἀποτίθενται κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐθισμὸν ἑκούσιοι, θεοπέμπτων τινῶν σημείων κωλυτηρίων αὐτοῖς τοῦ

[62.1] These men were the first to assume the proconsular power, in the third year of the eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Diphilus was archon at Athens. But after holding it for only seventy-three days they voluntarily resigned it, in accordance with the ancient custom, when some heaven-sent omens occurred to prevent their continuing to conduct the public business.

[2] πράττειν τὰ κοινὰ γενομένων. τούτων δὲ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἀπειπαμένων ἡ βουλὴ συνελθοῦσα μεσοβασιλεῖς ἀποδείκνυσι. καὶ ἐκεῖνοι προειπόντες ἀρχαιρέσια καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τὴν διάγνωσιν ἀποδιδόντες, εἴτε βούλεται χιλιάρχους εἴτε ὑπάτους ἀποδεῖξαι, κρίναντος αὐτοῦ μένειν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐθισμοῖς, ἀπέδοσαν τοῖς βουλομένοις τῶν πατρικίων μετιέναι τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχήν: καὶ γίνονται πάλιν ἐκ τῶν πατρικίων ὕπατοι Λεύκιος Παπίριος Μογιλλᾶνος καὶ Λεύκιος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος, ἑνὸς [p. 211]

[2] After these men had abdicated their power, the senate met and chose interreges, who, having appointed a day for the election of magistrates, left the decision to the people whether they desired to choose military tribunes or consuls; and the people having decided to abide by their original customs, they gave leave to such of the patricians as so desired to stand for the consulship. Two of the patricians were again elected consuls, Lucius Papirius Mugillanus and Lucius Sempronius Atratinus, brother to one of the men who had resigned the military tribuneship.

[3] τῶν ἀποθεμένων τὴν χιλιαρχίαν ἀδελφός. αὗται δύο κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀρχαὶ Ῥωμαίων αἱ τὸ μέγιστον ἔχουσαι κράτος ἐγένοντο: πλὴν οὐκ ἐν ἁπάσαις ταῖς Ῥωμαικαῖς χρονογραφίαις ἀμφότεραι φέρονται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν αἷς μὲν οἱ χιλίαρχοι μόνον, ἐν αἷς δ᾽ οἱ ὕπατοι, ἐν οὐ πολλαῖς δ᾽ ἀμφότεροι, αἷς ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἄνευ λογισμοῦ συγκατατιθέμεθα, πιστεύοντες δὲ ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν τε καὶ ἀποθέτων βίβλων μαρτυρίαις.

[3] These two magistracies, both invested with the supreme power, governed the Romans in the course of the same year. However, both are not recorded in all the Roman annals, but in some the military tribunes only, in others the consuls, and in a few both of them. I agree with the last group, not without reason, but relying on the testimony of the sacred and secret books.

[4] ἄλλο μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῆς τούτων ἀρχῆς οὔτε πολεμικὸν οὔτε πολιτικὸν ἔργον ἱστορίας ἄξιον ἐπράχθη, συνθῆκαι δὲ πρὸς τὴν Ἀρδεατῶν πόλιν ἐγένοντο περὶ φιλίας τε καὶ συμμαχίας: ἐπρεσβεύσαντο γὰρ ἀποτιθέμενοι τὰ περὶ τῆς χώρας ἐγκλήματα παρακαλοῦντες φίλοι Ῥωμαίων γενέσθαι καὶ σύμμαχοι. ταύτας τὰς συνθήκας τὸ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχεῖον ἐπεκύρωσε.

[4] No event, either military or civil, worthy of the notice of history happened during their magistracy, except a treaty of friendship and alliance entered into with the Ardeates; for these, dropping their complaints about the disputed territory, had sent ambassadors, asking to be admitted among the friends and allies of the Romans. This treaty was ratified by the consuls.

[1] τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐνιαυτῷ πάλιν ὑπάτους ψηφισαμένου τοῦ δήμου κατασταθῆναι παραλαμβάνουσι τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν τῇ διχομήνιδι τοῦ Δεκεμβρίου μηνὸς Μάρκος Γεγάνιος Μακερῖνος τὸ δεύτερον καὶ Τίτος Κοίντιος Καπιτωλῖνος τὸ πέμπτον.

[63.1] The following year, the people having voted that consuls should again be appointed, Marcus Geganius Macerinus (for the second time) and Titus Quintius Capitolinus (for the fifth time) entered upon the consulship on the ides of December.

[2] οὗτοι διδάξαντες τὴν βουλήν, ὅτι πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πράγματα διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς τῶν ὑπάτων στρατείας ἠμελημένα παρεῖται, πάντων δ᾽ ἀναγκαιότατον τὸ περὶ τὰς τιμήσεις τῶν βίων νόμιμον, ἐξ ὧν ὅ τ᾽ ἀριθμὸς τῶν ἐχόντων τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν ἐγινώσκετο καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τὸ πλῆθος, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔδει τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον εἰσφορὰς ἕκαστον τελεῖν, οὐδεμιᾶς τιμήσεως ἐντὸς ἑπτακαίδεκα [p. 212] ἐτῶν γενομένης ἀπὸ τῆς Λευκίου Κορνηλίου καὶ Κοίντου Φαβίου ὑπατείας: ὥστε καταλιπεῖν οἱ πονηρότατοί τε καὶ ἀσελγέστατοι Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ τόπον μεταλαμβάνειν, ἐν ᾧ περίεστι ζῆν αὐτοῖς, ὡς προῄρηνται.

[2] These men pointed out to the senate that many things had been overlooked and neglected by reason of the continuous military expeditions of the consuls, and particularly the most essential matter of all, the custom relating to the census, by which the number of such as were of military age was ascertained, together with the amount of their fortunes, in proportion to which every man was to pay his contributions for war. There had been no census for seventeen years, since the consulship of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Fabius, so that . . . the basest and most licentious of the Romans shall leave (be left?), but remove to some place in which they may live as they have elected to live.