Introduction
1. Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History,” National Interest (Summer 1989). This was expanded into a best-selling book in 1992, as The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992).
2. Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. GPO, 1989; Bartleby.com, 2001. www.bartleby.com/124/.
3. This seems to be a nonpartisan affair in the United States. In recent years, both the Democratic and Republican parties have created their own organizations, funded in large part by the NED, to promote democracy in other countries, such as the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), currently headed by former secretary of state Madeleine Albright; and the International Republican Institute (IRI), currently headed by senator and former presidential candidate John McCain.
4. A good introductory collection is Debating the Democratic Peace, ed. Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996).
5. Michael Doyle, “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (Summer and Fall 1983): 205–35, 323–53.
6. See Michael Doyle, ed., Liberal Peace: Selected Essays (London: Routledge, 2012); For a critical assessment, Susanna Campbell, David Chandler, and Meera Sabaratnam, eds., A Liberal Peace? The Problems and Practices of Peacebuilding (London: Zed, 2011).
7. See Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (Boston: Mariner Books, 1990; original 1979).
8. David Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 267.
9. Jan Aart Scholte, “Civil Society and Democratically Accountable Global Governance,” Government and Opposition 39, no. 2 (Spring 2004): 211–33.
10. See Jürgen Habermas, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987). For interesting works with similar purpose, see James Bohman, Democracy across Borders: From Demos to Demoi (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010); John S. Dryzek, Deliberative Global Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006).
11. Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community: Ethical Foundations of the Post-Westphalian Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998); Men and Citizens in the Theory of International Relations, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1990); “Cosmopolitan Political Communities in International Relations,” International Relations 16 (2002): 135–50.
12. William E. Connolly, “Pluralism and Sovereignty,” in Pluralism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005), 131–60.
13. Marcos, “Chiapas: The Southeast in Two Winds,” at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/marcos_se_2_wind.html.
14. Taken from the Mondragon Corporation website at http://www.mondragon -corporation.com/ENG/Who-we-are/Introduction.aspx. For a broader discussion of the Mondragon collective, see J. K. Gibson-Graham, chapter 5 in A Post-Capitalist Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).
15. For a discussion of hegemony in these terms, see Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971).
16. See, especially, R. B. J. Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
17. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991); and Ronald J. Deibert, Parchment, Printing, and Hypermedia: Communication in World Order Transformation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
18. For an insightful analysis of this point, see Bonnie Honig, Democracy and the Foreigner (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
19. This point has been central to Jacques Rancière’s critique of liberal, and especially neoliberal, democracy. See, especially, his Philosopher and His Poor, ed. Andrew Parker, trans. John Drury, Corinne Oster, and Andrew Parker (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004); and Hatred of Democracy (London: Verso, 2006).
20. The term is from Susan Strange, Casino Capitalism (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1997; original 1986).
Chapter 1
1. See, for example, James Madison, “Federalist no. 63,” in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Ian Shapiro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 320.
2. Robert Dahl, On Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000), 12–13.
3. See the critique of current democratic theory by Jacques Rancière, Hatred of Democracy, trans. Steve Corcoran (London: Verso, 2006).
4. Several important books that have reassessed the practice of democracy in Athens for political theory are: J. Peter Euben, John R. Wallach, and Josiah Ober, eds., Athenian Political Thought and the Reconstruction of American Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994); Josiah Ober, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens: Rhetoric, Ideology, and the Power of the People (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); Ober, The Athenian Revolution: Essays on Ancient Greek Democracy and Political Theory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996); Moses Finley, Democracy Ancient and Modern, 2nd ed. (London: Hogarth, 1985); Ellen Meiksins Wood, Peasant-Citizens and Slaves: The Foundations of Athenian Democracy (London: Verso, 1997).
5. Ellen Meiksins Wood, Citizens to Lords: A Social History of Western Political Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London: Verso, 2008), 29.
6. Ober, Athenian Revolution, 4.
7. Simon Hornblower, “Democratic Institutions in Ancient Greece,” in Democracy: The Unfinished Journey, 508 BC to AD 1993, ed. John Dunn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 3.
8. Wood, Citizens to Lords, 33.
9. “The new divisions cut across tribal and class ties and elevated locality over kinship, establishing and strengthening new bonds, new loyalties specific to the polis, the community of citizens.” Wood, Citizens to Lords, 35.
10. Hornblower, “Democratic Institutions,” 15. The democracy and democratic ethos that emerged in ancient Athens was far from comprehensive, of course, and while the profound questions it raised and the notion of a community of politically equal citizens it established are of great significance in the modern democratic narrative, it is important to keep in mind that the Athenian citizenry excluded women, slaves, and metics (resident aliens). Cleisthenes seems to have assumed a citizenry of about 30,000 men—about a tenth of the population of Athens and surrounding Attica. Slaves accounted for a large percentage of the population, and the Persian Wars (490–479) and their aftermath increased the “alien” population to as many as 120,000.
11. J. Peter Euben, for example, has done very important work excavating the democratic political theory in the theater. See his The Tragedy of Political Theory: The Road Not Taken (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990). Also see Cynthia Farrar, The Origins of Democratic Thinking: The Invention of Politics in Classical Athens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
12. Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, trans. Walter Blanco, ed. Walter Blanco and Jennifer Tolbert Roberts (New York: Norton, 1998), 54.
13. Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War.
14. Aristotle, The Politics, ed. Stephen Everson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 67.
15. Plato, Republic, trans. G. M. A. Grube, rev. C. D. C. Reeve (Indianapolis: 1992), book 8. (In fact, however, fourth-century Athens—the Republic was most likely written around 380—did not deteriorate into rule by a tyrant.)
16. For example, the Roman populus; the populi of the Renaissance Italian city-states; the “patriots” of the American war of independence; and/or the revolutionary “sans culottes” of the French Revolution.
17. In David Wootton, ed., Divine Right and Democracy: An Anthology of Political Writings in Stuart England (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1986), 286.
18. An excellent brief introduction to the Levellers is David Wootton, “The Levellers,” in Democracy: The Unfinished Journey, 508 BC to AD 1993, ed. John Dunn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 71–89.
19. In addition to The Spirit of the Laws, see “The Myth of the Troglodytes,” in his earlier, fictional The Persian Letters. This is the myth of a tribe able to overcome a vastly superior enemy through mobilizing the subjective spirit of civic virtue that distinguished their community from other forms of government.
20. Montesquieu’s argument for checks and balances is in the famous chapter 17 of The Spirit of the Laws on the English constitution.
21. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, vol. 1, Henry Reeve translation, rev. and ed. Phillips Bradley (New York: Knopf, 1980), 202.
22. Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 203.
23. Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 199–206.
24. See, for example, Karl Marx, “On the Jewish Question,” in The Marx–Engels Reader, 2nd ed., ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: Norton, 1978), 26–52.
25. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Ian Shapiro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 320.
26. See John Locke, Second Treatise of Government (New York: Macmillan, 1946).
27. See Michael Mandelbaum, Democracy’s Good Name (New York: PublicAffairs Books, 2007), 99.
28. Mandelbaum, Democracy’s Good Name, 103.
29. Mandelbaum, Democracy’s Good Name, 101–2.
30. One such criticism from the moderate left was Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in the Age of Diminished Expectations (New York: Norton, 1991; original 1979). From a more conservative point of view, see Daniel Bell, The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (New York: Basic Books, 1996; original 1976).
31. On this, see Irving Kristol, Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (New York: Free Press, 1995), 35–37.
Chapter 2
1. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon, 1954), 256.
2. FDR, cited in Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson, Winner Take All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010), 306.
3. George Lakoff and Glen W. Smith, “Why Democracy Is Public: The American Dream Beats the Nightmare,” Reader Supported News, July 29, 2011, http://www.reader supportednews.org/opinion2/277-75/6804-why-democracy-is-public.
4. Wendy Brown, “Neoliberalism and the End of Liberal Democracy,” in Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 37–59.
5. Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); and Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (Boston: Mariner Books, 1990; original 1979).
6. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics (Vienna: Ludwig von Mises Institute, 1998), 270.
7. Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, The Commanding Heights: The Battle between Governments and the Marketplace That Is Remaking the World (New York: Touchstone Books, 1999), 12.
8. Strange, Casino Capitalism.
9. These moderated neoliberal states remain “neoliberal” in that they remain committed to the capitalist marketplace as the keystone of the good modern society, in their facilitation of capitalist competition between firms and corporations, in their acceptance of the rules of global free trade, and in their ideological and institutional support for open export markets.
10. Robert Hunter Wade, “Globalization, Growth, Poverty, Inequality, Resentment and Imperialism,” in Global Political Economy, 3rd ed., ed. John Ravenhill (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 377; and Branko Milanovi
, Worlds Apart: Measuring International and Global Inequality (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 53.
11. OECD, Divided We Stand: Why Inequality Keeps Rising (Paris: OECD, 2011), 4.
12. John Hills, An Anatomy of Economic Inequality in the UK: Report of the National Equality Panel (London: Centre for the Analysis of Social Exclusion, LSE, 2010), 1.
13. Susan George, “A Short History of Neo-Liberalism,” Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalizing World, Bangkok, March 24–26, 1999, http://www.global exchange.org/resources/econ101/neoliberalismhist.
14. Andrew Gamble, cited in Rosa Mulé, Political Parties, Games and Redistribution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 100.
15. George Monbiot, “How the Neoliberals Stitched Up the Wealth of Nations for Themselves,” Guardian, August 28, 2007.
16. David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 16–17.
17. John Schmitt and Ben Zipperer, “Is the U.S. a Good Model for Reducing Social Exclusion in Europe?” Post-Autistic Economics Review 40 (2006).
18. Timothy Noah, “Can Domestic Policy Affect Income Distribution?” New Republic, March 13, 2012, http://www.newrepublic.com/authors/timothy-noah.
19. George Lakoff and Glenn W. Smith, “Why Democracy Is Public.”
20. Michael Mandelbaum, Democracy’s Good Name: The Rise and Risks of the World’s Most Popular Form of Government (New York: PublicAffairs, 2007), xv.
21. Thomas Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (London: HarperCollins, 1999), 310–11.
22. David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 66.
23. William Robinson, “Globalization, the World System and Democracy Promotion,” Theory and Society 25, no. 5 (October 1996): 623–24.
24. Sheldon Wolin, Democracy Inc.: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 65.
25. Seymour Martin Lipset, Larry Diamond, and Juan Linz, eds., Democracy in Developing Countries (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner and the National Endowment for Democracy, 1989), xvi.
26. Robinson, “Globalization, the World System and Democracy Promotion,” 625.
27. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1975), 297.
28. Robert Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), 89.
29. A useful discussion on this is to be found in William E. Connolly, ed., The Bias of Pluralism (New York: Atherton, 1969).
30. Jacques Rancière, Hatred of Democracy, trans. Steve Corcoran (London: Verso, 2009).
31. Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), 4–5.
32. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
33. William DiFazio, “Time, Poverty and Global Democracy,” in Implicating Empire: Globalization and Resistance in the 21st-Century World Order, ed. Stanley Aronowitz and Heather Gautney (New York: Basic Books, 2003), 170.
34. On the “American Creed,” see Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations (New York: Touchstone, 1996).
35. David Harvey, A Brief History, 66. Explicitly advocating this view also is Irving Kristol, Neo-Conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (New York: Free Press, 1995).
36. Wolin, Democracy Inc.
37. For an earlier perspective on this, see Carl Wright Mills, The Power Elite (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956).
38. Wolin, Democracy Inc., 212.
39. Wolin, Democracy Inc., 222.
40. Wolin, Democracy Inc., 223.
41. Wolin, Democracy Inc., 245.
42. Nothing much has changed in the Obama era, Wolin contends, because while the Democratic Party might seek to alleviate this state of affairs at the margins it will ultimately govern in favor of the capitalist market and of the big corporations in particular. In so doing, it will continue to manage American democracy in line with its elitist counterparts on its ideological right.
43. Wolin, Democracy Inc., 261.
44. For example, as indicated in this chapter, see Wolin, Democracy Inc.; Robinson, “Globalization”; and Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism.
45. Robinson, “Globalization,” 642–43.
46. Robinson, “Globalization,” 645.
47. Robinson, “Globalization,” 647.
48. Roger Burbach, “The Tragedy of American Democracy,” in Low-Intensity Democracy: Political Power in the New World Order, ed. Barry Gills, Joel Rocamora, and Richard Wilson (London: Pluto, 1993), 106.
49. Jennifer Mann, “Congress to Probe CIA-HAITI Ties: Reports Say Agency Financed Some Leaders Involved in Coup,” Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1993; and Richard Cornwall, “CIA Helped Set up Terror Group in Haiti,” Independent, October 7, 1994.
50. Anthony Lake, “From Containment to Enlargement.” Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, Washington, DC, September 21, 1993, http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/lakedoc.html.
51. Lake, “From Containment.”
52. Lake, “From Containment.”
53. Thomas Carothers, “The Clinton Record on Democracy Promotion,” working paper no. 16, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, September 2000, http://carnegie endowment.org/2000/09/12/clinton-record-on-democracy-promotion/2wrz.
54. Carothers, “Democracy Promotion,” 2.
55. Condoleezza Rice, cited in Carothers, “Democracy Promotion,” 2.
56. Rice, cited in Carothers, “Democracy Promotion,” 2.
57. Mandelbaum, Democracy’s Good Name, 179.
58. David Harvey, “Neoliberalism as Creative Destruction,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 610, no. 1 (March 2007): 25.
59. Harvey, “Neoliberalism as Creative Destruction,” 25.
Chapter 3
1. Owen Jones, “Hugo Chavez Proves You Can Lead a Progressive, Popular Government That Says No to Neo-Liberalism,” Independent, October 8, 2012.
2. Ali Rodriguez, Venezuelan foreign minister, cited in Randall Parish, Mark Peceny, and Justin Delacour, “Venezuela and the Collective Defence of Democracy Regime in the Americas,” Democratization 14, no. 1 (2007): 226.
3. Steve Ellner, “Venezuela Reelects Hugo Chavez. What’s Next?” In These Times, October 10, 2012, http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/13980/venezuelans_reelect_hugo_chavez/.
4. For a good summary of this reportage, see Lee Salter, “The Media’s Misunderstanding of Venezuela: Hugo Chavez Is Definitely Going to Lose, Isn’t He?” New Statesman 5 (October 2012), http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/world-affairs/2012/10/.
5. Salter, “The Media’s Misunderstanding.”
6. Tamara Pearson, “Venezuela’s Presidential Elections: An Imperfect-Victory,” Venezuelaanalysis.com, October 8, 2011.
7. “Rumsfeld Likens Venezuela’s Chavez to Hitler,” Americas on NBC News.com, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11159503/ns/world_news-americas/t/rumsfeld-likens-venezuelas-chavez-hitler/#.T6HE3e2H-JU.
8. Rebecca Stewart, “Rep. Connie Mack Blasts Venezuela’s ‘Thugocrat,’” CNN Politics, February 12, 2011, http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2011/02/12/rep-connie-mack-blasts-venezuelas-thugocrat/.
9. George W. Bush, cited in N. Scott Cole, “Hugo Chavez and President Bush’s Credibility Gap: The Struggle against U.S. Democracy Promotion,” International Political Science Review 28, no. 4 (2007): 499.
10. These insults were made in one of Chávez’s regular TV appearances on March 19, 2006. See, “Chavez Blasts Bush as ‘Donkey’ and ‘Drunkard,’” Free Republic, http://www .freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1599346/posts. The “devil” claim is cited in “Chavez Tells UN Bush Is ‘Devil,’” BBC News, September 20, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/5365142.stm.
11. Hugo Chávez, cited by William Kern, “President Chavez Criticizes Hillary Clinton as a ‘Blond Condoleezza,’” Moderate Voice, March 6, 2010, http://themoderatevoice.com/.
12. Peter Romero, cited in Steve Ellner, “Venezuela’s Foreign Policy,” Z Magazine Online, November 2000, http://www.zcommunications.org/venezuelas-foreign-policy-by-steve-ellner.
13. Fernando Coronil and Julie Skurski, “Dismembering and Remembering the Nation: The Semantics of Political Violence in Venezuela,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 2 (1991): 311.
14. Daniel Hellinger, “Political Overview: The Breakdown of Puntofijismo and the Rise of Chavismo,” in Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict, ed. Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003), 35.
15. Hugo Chávez, cited in Margarita Lopez Maya and Luis Lander, “Popular Protest in Venezuela: Novelties and Continuities,” Latin American Perspectives 32, no. 2 (2005): 100.
16. D. L. Raby, Democracy and Revolution: Latin America and Socialism Today (London: Pluto, 2006), 193.
17. Steve Ellner, Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chávez Phenomenon (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2008), 128.
18. Steve Ellner, “The Chávez Election,” Z Net, September 7, 2012.
19. Barry Cannon, Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2009), 60.
20. Steve Ellner, “Hugo Chávez’s First Decade in Office: Breakthroughs and Shortcomings,” Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 1 (2010): 81.
21. The poll results can be found in “The Discontents of Progress: As Latin Americans Become Less Poor, They Want Better Public Services,” Economist, October 29, 2011, http://www.economist.com/node/21534798.
22. Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic, 1999, 1.
23. Camila Piñeiro Harnecker, “Workplace Democracy and Social Conciousness in Venezuela,” Science and Society 73, no. 3 (2009): 315.
24. Sujatha Fernandes, Who Can Stop the Drums? Urban Social Movements in Chávez’s Venezuela (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 86.
25. Harnecker, “Workplace Democracy,” 315–16.
26. Steve Ellner, “The Chávez Election.”
27. Greg Wilpert, Changing Venezuela by Taking Power: The History and Policies of the Chávez Government (London: Verso, 2007), 3.
28. Hugo Chávez, cited in Chris Carlson, “Venezuela Launches New Bolivarian Education Curriculum,” Venezuelanalysis.com, September 19, 2007, http://www.venezuel analysis.com/news/2616.
29. Hugo Chávez, cited in J. Suggett, “Venezuelan Education Law: Socialist Indoctrination or Liberatory Education?” Venezuelanalysis.com, August 21, 2009, http://www .venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/4734.
30. Tom Griffiths, “Schooling for Twenty-First-Century Socialism: Venezuela’s Bolivarian Project,” Compare 40, no. 5 (2010): 613.
31. Barry Cannon, Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution, 614.
32. Griffiths, “Schooling for Twenty-First-Century Socialism,” 614.
33. Thomas Muhr and Antoni Verger, “Venezuela: Higher Education for All,” Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies 4, no. 1 (March 2006), http://www.jceps.com/?pageID=article&articleID=63.
34. Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic, 1999, 4.
35. Thomas Muhr, “Counter-Hegemonic Regionalism and Higher Education for All: Venezuela and the ALBA,” Globalisation, Societies and Education 8, no. 1 (2010): 50.
36. Tamara Pearson, “Chavez Rejects University Law,” Venezuelanalysis.com, January 6, 2011, http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/5919.
37. Tom Griffiths and Jo Williams, “Mass Schooling for Socialist Transformation in Cuba and Venezuela,” Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies 7, no. 2 (2009) 43–44.
38. Roger Burbach and Camila Piñeiro, “Venezuela’s Participatory Socialism,” Socialism and Democracy 21, no. 3 (2007): 194.
39. Sara Castro-Klarén, “Framing Pan-Americanism: Simon Bolivar’s Findings,” New Centennial Review 31, no. 1 (2003): 37.
40. Mark Weisbrot, Rebecca Ray, and Luis Sandoval, The Chávez Administration at Ten Years: The Economy and Social Indicators (Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2009), 6.
41. Ewan Robertson, “Venezuela’s Economic Growth Doubles 2011 Forecast,” Venezuelanalysis.com, November 18, 2011, http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/6642.
42. Weisbrot, Ray, and Sandoval, The Chávez Administration at Ten Years, 7.
43. ECLAC, Social Panorama of Latin America 2011 (Santiago, Chile: UN Publication, 2011), 43.
44. Weisbrot, Ray, and Sandoval, The Chávez Administration at Ten Years, 93.
45. UNDP, Human Development Report, 2011, 132.
46. Charlie Devereux, “Venezuela Inflation Slows for Seventh Month on Import Surge,” Bloomberg.com, July 3, 2012, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-07-03/venezuela-inflation-slows-for-seventh-month-on-import-surge-1-.html; Peter Wilson, “Venezuela’s Minimum Wage Hike No Match for Inflation,” Bloomberg Businessweek, May 6, 2014, http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2014-05-06/venezuelas-minimum-wage-hike-is-no-match-for-inflation.
47. Steve Ellner, “Chávez Pushes the Limits: Radicalization and Discontent in Venezuela,” NACLA Report on the Americas, July/August 2010, 7–42.
48. Ellner, “Chavez Pushes the Limits.”
49. Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger, eds., Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003), 220.
50. Phil Gunson, “Chávez’s Venezuela,” Current History, February 2006, 59.
51. Ali Rodriguez, cited in Parish, Peceny, and Delacour, “Venezuela and the Collective Defence,” 226.
52. William Robinson, Latin America and Global Capitalism: A Critical Globalization Perspective (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 499.
53. Joel Brinkley, “U.S. Proposal in the OAS Draws Fire as an Attack on Venezuela,” New York Times, May 22, 2005; and Joel Brinkley, “Many in OAS Oppose U.S. on Plan for Democracy Panel,” International Herald Tribune, May 23, 2005.
54. Brian Loveman, “U.S. Security Policies in Latin America and the Andean Region, 1990–2006,” in Addicted to Failure: U.S. Security Policy in Latin America and the Andean Region, ed. Brian Loveman (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 50.
55. Jorge Valero, cited in Maria Luisa Azpiazu, “U.S. Faces Opposition in Push for OAS Role in Crisis Prevention,” EFE News Service, June 3, 2005.
56. Tamara Pearson, “Venezuela’s Proposed Social Charter Approved by OAS after 11 Years,” Venezuelanalysis.com, June 5, 2012, http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/7036.
57. “Unasur Ministers Reach Consensus on a ‘Democratic Clause,”’ Merco Press, October 3, 2012, http://en.mercopress.com.
58. “Unasur Plans Ten-Year Infrastructure and Integration Projects,” Merco Press, December 2, 2011, http://en.mercopress.com.
59. John Lindsay-Poland, “Retreat to Colombia: The Pentagon Adapts Its Latin America Strategy,” NACLA Report on the Americas 43, no. 1 (2010): 23.
60. Jorge Castañeda, “Latin America’s Left Turn: A Tale of Two Lefts,” Foreign Affairs 85, no. 3 (2006): 28–43.
61. Castañeda, “Latin America’s Left Turn,” 38.
62. Greg Grandin, Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Owl Books, 2007).
63. Douglas Schoen and Michael Rowan, The Threat Closer to Home: Hugo Chávez and the War against America (New York: Free Press, 2009), 4.
64. Mike Allen, “Marco Rubio: Obama ‘Naive’ about Chavez,” Politico, July 11, 2012, http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0712/78385.html.
65. Mark Weisbrot, “Clinton’s Latin American Clangers,” Guardian, March 5, 2010, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2010/mar/05/hillary-clinton-latin-america.
66. Reyes Theis, “Venezuelan Govt’s Ties to Iran and Cuba Have Not Served Its Interests,” El Universal, December 19, 2011, http://www.eluniversal.com/nacional-y-politica/111219/venezuelan-govts-ties-to-iran-and-cuba-have-not-served-its-interests.
67. “‘Leave Us Alone,’ Chávez Fires Back,” El Universal, December 20, 2011, http://www.eluniversal.com/nacional-y-politica/111220/leave-us-alone-chavez-fires-back.
68. Eva Golinger, “Wikileaks: Documents Confirm US Plans against Venezuela,” Venezuelanalysis.com, December 17, 2010, http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5870; and Eva Golinger, “CIA Announces New Mission in Venezuela and Cuba,” Global Research, August 20, 2006, www.globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=3015.
69. Eva Golinger, “USAID Closes Venezuela Program, Transfers to Miami,” Venezuelanalysis.com, February 13, 2011, http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5995.
70. N. Scott Cole, “Hugo Chavez and President Bush’s Credibility Gap,” 500.
71. Golinger, “USAID Closes Venezuela Program.”
72. U.S. State Department, Press Release, “Rice Interview with Latin American Journalists,” Scoop, June 8, 2005, http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0506/S00123.htm.
73. U.S. Department of State, “Remarks with Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Luiz Nunes Amorim,” March 3, 2010, http://m.state.gov/md137774.htm.
Chapter 4
1. The ANC government is an alliance of three core components: the ANC itself, the dominant component, the SA Communist Party (SAPC), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).
2. World Bank, South Africa Economic Update: Focus on Inequality of Opportunity (Washington, DC: World Bank, July 2012), viii.
3. Tony Karon confirms this using World Bank figures in “As South Africa Reels from Mine Shootings, Social Inequality Threatens to Undo the Post-Apartheid ‘Miracle,’” Time, August 22, 2012, http://world.time.com/2012/08/22/as-south-africa-reels-from-mine-shootings-social-inequality-threatens-to-undo-the-post-apartheid-miracle/#ixzz2CAGyq1dR.
4. Aislinn Laing, “South African Whites Still Paid Six Times More,” Sydney Morning Herald, October 31, 2012.
5. See Malcolm Sharara, “SA’s Ticking Time Bomb,” News 24, November 12, 2012, http://www.news24.com/.
6. World Bank, South Africa, 7.
7. World Bank, South Africa, viii.
8. For a broad and accessible discussion of this issue, see Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine (London: Penguin Books, 2007), chapter 10.
9. Chris Webb, “South Africa’s Ruling ANC Party: Where Is the Left?” Global Research News, October 9, 2012, http://www.globalresearch.ca/south-africas-ruling-anc-party-where-is-the-left/5307655.
10. See Martin Plaut, “The Nation’s White Elite—The Dog That Doesn’t Bark,” Norwegian Council for Africa, August 24, 2012, http://www.afrika.no/Detailed/22116.html.
11. Patrick Bond, “South African Political Economy after the Marikana Massacre,” Links, October 18, 2012, http://links.org.au/node/3063.
12. Matthew Kavanagh, “South Africa’s Freedom Charter at 50,” Z Magazine, September 2005, http://www.zcommunications.org/south-africa-and-rsquo-s-freedom-charter-at 50-by-matthew-m-kavanagh.
13. Karon, “As South Africa Reels.”
14. See Vishwas Satgar, “Reclaiming the South African Dream,” Red Pepper, December 2011, http://www.redpepper.org.uk/reclaiming-the-south-african-dream/.
15. Sagie Narsiah, “Neoliberalism and Privatisation in South Africa,” GeoJournal 57, no. 1–2 (May 2002): 3–13.
16. State assets transferred into private hands included the South African Broadcasting Corporation, Telekom, South African Airways, and the Post Office.
17. Lucien van der Walt, “After Ten Years of GEAR: COSATU, the Zuma Trial and the Dead End of Alliance Politics,” Libcom.org, February 19, 2007, http://libcom.org/library/after-ten-years-of-gear-cosatu-the-zuma-trial-and-the-dead-end-of-alliance-politics.
18. Ishmail Lesufi, “Six Years of Neoliberal Socioeconomic Policies in South Africa,” Journal of Asian and African Studies (2002): 289–91.
19. Economist, “Cry, the Beloved Country,” October 18, 2012, http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21564846-south-africa-sliding-downhill-while-much-rest-continent-clawing-its-way-up.
20. Tosin Sulaiman, “S. Africa FDI Plummets in First Half of 2012,” Reuters, October 24, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/24/ozabs-safrica-investment-idAFJOE89N00D20121024.
21. Economist, “Cry, the Beloved Country.”
22. Economist, “Cry, the Beloved Country.”
23. Economist, “Cry, the Beloved Country.”
24. Oupa Lehulere, “GEAR Blues on the Morning After,” South African Labor Bulletin 23, no. 4 (1999): 36
25. Patrick Bond, Talk Left, Walk Right: South Africa’s Frustrated Global Reforms, 2nd ed. (University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2006), 16.
26. Kavanagh, “South Africa’s Freedom,”
27. Dennis Brutus, cited in Kavanagh, “South Africa’s Freedom.”
28. This is Jay Naidoo, former general secretary of the SA Trade Union Congress and senior ANC leader, cited in Sudarsan Raghavan, “South Africa Loses Faith with the ANC,” Independent, November 11, 2012, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/south-africa-loses-faith-with-the-anc-8303778.html.
29. Peter Alexander, “A Massive Rebellion of the Poor,” Mail and Guardian, April 13, 2012, http://mg.co.za/article/2012-04-13-a-massive-rebellion-of-the-poor.
30. This is from S’bu Zikode’s, “We Are the Third Force,” October 19, 2006, http://www.abahlali.org/node/17, which is regarded as the defining statement of the AbM.
31. Nigel Gibson, “Upright and Free, Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the Shackdwellers’ Movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo),” Social Identities 14, no. 6 (November 2008): 683–715.
32. See Sarah Cooper-Knock, “Symbol of Hope Silenced,” November 13, 2009, http://www.abahlali.org/node/6029.
33. This perspective is articulated by S’bu Zikode, in his “Opening Address,” CUNY Graduate Center, New York, November 16, 2010, http://abahlali.org/node/7580.
34. Richard Pithouse, “The Thoroughly Democratic Logic of Refusing to Vote,” South African Civil Society Information Service, April 2, 2009, http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1443/1/Pithouse_Thoroughly_Democratic.pdf.
35. Pithouse, “The Thoroughly Democratic Logic.”
36. Patrick Bond, “How the Marikana Movement Stunned Neoliberal South Africa,” Counterpunch, October 19–21, 2012, http://www.counterpunch.org/2012/10/19/how-the-marikana-movement-stunned-neoliberal-south-africa/.
37. Mphutlane wa Bofelo, cited in “‘Black Boers’ and Other Revolutionary Songs,” Libcom.org, April 7, 2010, http://libcom.org/news/‘black-boers’-other-revolutionary-songs-07042010.
38. There are a range of other parties at the national and regional level that can become significant in alliance arrangements. For a recent summary of Indian democracy, see Barbara Nelson and Assa Doran, “A Churning Democracy,” East Asia Forum Quarterly 4, no. 1 (January–March 2012), http://press.anu.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/whole2.pdf.
39. “The Man behind ‘India Shining’ Slogan,” Rediff.com, April 2, 2004, http://www .rediff.com/money/2004/apr/02shining.htm.
40. Thomas Friedman, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2007).
41. Thomas Friedman, “India’s Innovation Stimulus,” New York Times Sunday Review, November 5, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/06/opinion/sunday/friedman-indias-innovation-stimulus.html?ref=thomaslfriedman&_r=0.
42. “World GDP,” World Market Index, http://www.indexq.org/economy/gdp.php.
43. Paul Hannon and Sudeep Reddy, “China Edges out U.S. as Top Foreign-Investment Draw amid World Decline,” Wall Street Journal, October 23, 2012, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203406404578074683825139320.html.
44. Hannon and Reddy, “China Edges out US,”; and Ruchir Sharma, “Broken BRICs,” Foreign Affairs, November, December 2012, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/138219/ruchir-sharma/broken-brics.
45. Richard Douthwaite, The Growth Illusion: How Economic Growth Has Enriched the Few, Impoverished the Many, and Endangered the Planet (Totnes, Devon, UK: Green Books, 1999).
46. Gita Gopinath, cited in Tathagata Bhattacharya, “World Economic Forum 2012: Does the Indian Economy Need a Reboot?” IBN Live.com, http://ibnlive.in.com/news/worldeconomic-forum-2012-does-the-indian-economy-need-a-reboot/304372-61.html.
47. Praful Bidwai, “Two Decades of Neo-liberalism in India,” Daily Star, August 4, 2011, http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=197058.
48. Bidwai, “Two Decades of Neo-liberalism.”
49. M. P. Singh and Krishna Murari, “The Impact of Neoliberalism on the Indian Polity,” Social Sciences, August 27, 2011, http://www.socialsciences.in/article/impact-neoliberalism-indian-polity; and Sumit Ganguly, “Corruption Eating at India’s Democracy,” East Asia Forum, May 13, 2011, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/05/13/corruption -eating-at-india-s-democracy-2/.
50. Bidwai, “Two Decades of Neo-liberalism.”
51. Gopinath, cited in Bhattacharya, “World Economic Forum.”
52. Bidwai, “Two Decades of Neo-liberalism.”
53. Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlements and Deprivation (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982); and Utsa Patnaik, The Republic of Hunger and Other Essays (London: Merlin, 2008).
54. Utsa Patnaik, “Neoliberalism and Rural Poverty in India,” Economic and Political Weekly, July–August 2007, http://www.epw.in/aspects-poverty-and-employment/neoliberalism-and-rural-poverty-india.html.
55. UNDP, Human Development Report 2011, http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics.
56. Bidwai, “Two Decades of Neo-liberalism.”
57. It still is, with Sonia Gandhi, widow of Rajiv Gandhi and the daughter-in-law of Indira Gandhi, as president of the Congress Party and of the governing coalition that chose Manmohan Singh as PM.
58. Singh and Murari, “The Impact of Neoliberalism.”
59. Singh and Murari, “The Impact of Neoliberalism”
60. “Parliament at 60: How Rich Are Our Netas!” First Post Politics, May 16, 2012, http://www.firstpost.com/politics/parliament-at-60-how-rich-are-our-netas-311074.html.
61. The figures vary slightly. This is the figure presented by the World Bank in 2012, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD.
62. Singh and Murari, “The Impact of Neoliberalism.”
63. K. Chand, “Independence Day: India’s Democracy Needs to Evolve,” Guardian, August 15, 2012.
64. Singh and Murari, “The Impact of Neoliberalism.”
65. For a range of views on Kerala, see Govinda Parayil, ed., Kerala: The Development Experience (London: Zed Books, 2000); Akash Kapur, “Poor but Prosperous,” Atlantic Monthly Online, September 1998, http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/98sep/kerala.htm; and T. Thomas Isaac and Richard Franke, Local Democracy and Development: The Kerala People’s Campaign for Decentralized Planning (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002).
66. Shirin Shirin, “Economic Woes? Look to Kerala,” Foreign Policy in Focus, December 10, 2008, http://www.fpif.org/articles/economic_woes_look_to_kerala.
67. There are 16 deaths per 1,000 births, as opposed to 32 per 1,000 nationally; Shirin, “Economic Woes?”
68. Stephen Shalom, “Lesson and Hope from Kerala,” Z Commentaries, June 21, 1999, http://zcomm.org/zcommentary/lessons-and-hope-from-kerala-by-stephen1-shalom/.
69. On the literacy rate, see Dhritiman Gupta, “Kerala Budget 2012: Nearly Bankrupt but High Education Spends,” India Spend, May 3, 2012, http://www.indiaspend.com/sectors/kerala-budget-2012-nearly-bankrupt-but-high-education-spends.
70. The figures on these categories come from Shirin, “Economic Woes?”; Amartya Sen, “The Kerala Difference,” New York Review of Books, October 1991, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1991/oct/24/; and Kapur, “Poor but Prosperous.”
71. Shirin, “Economic Woes?”
72. Kapur, “Poor but Prosperous.” This has also been argued as the reason for the religious tolerance in Kerala, where the 60 percent Hindu community has, for the most part, joined Muslims (20 percent) and Christians (20 percent) in a cosmopolitan and secular political experiment.
73. Amartya Sen, in particular, has proposed this as the historical foundation for the subsequent Kerala experience, pointing to a philosophy and value system that have always been different from the Indian experience under British imperialism. See George Mathews, “Amartya Sen and the Kerala Model,” Hindu, January 9, 2001.
74. Thomas Isaac and Franke, Local Democracy and Development.
75. Richard Franke and Barbara Chasin, Kerala: Development through Radical Reform (Oakland, CA: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1994).
76. Franke and Chasin, “Development Through Radical Reform”.
77. Bill McKibben, “The Enigma of Kerala,” UTNE Reader, October 9, 2007, http://www.utne.com/archives/TheEnigmaofKerala.aspx.
78. Nachammai Raman, “How Almost Everyone in Kerala Learned to Read,” Christian Science Monitor, May 17, 2005, http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0517/p12s01-legn.html.
79. Franke and Chasin, Development through Radical Reform.
80. Thomas Isaac and Franke, Local Democracy and Development, 8–20.
81. Thomas Isaac and Franke, Local Democracy and Development, 1.
82. Thomas Isaac and Franke, Local Democracy and Development, 5.
83. There is, for example, a critical literature emanating from neoliberal economists at the Centre for Socio-economic and Environmental Studies (CSES) in Kochi, http://csesindia.org/publications.php. See K. K. George and Ajith Kumar, “Kerala: The Land of Developmental Paradoxes,” working paper no. 2, November 1997; K. K. George and K. K. Krishnakumar, “Centre-State Relations, Finance Commissions and Kerala’s Fiscal Crisis,” working paper no. 10, November 2003; K. K. George and K. K. Krishnakumar, “Kerala’s Development Experience: Its Implications for Finance Commissions,” working paper no. 21, 2009; and Michael Tharakan, “The Kerala Model Revisited: New Problems, Fresh Challenges,” working paper no. 15, October 2006.
84. Soutik Biswas, “Conundrum of Kerala’s Struggling Economy,” BBC News Online, March 17, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8546952.stm. The upside of this situation is that educated Keralites are very employable and professional migrants remit significant amounts of money to be reinvested in the home economy (in real estate, new businesses, etc.). This is the view of Bill McKibben, “The Enigma of Kerala.”
85. Jaidev Kumar, “Jobless No More?” Hindu Business Line, October 8, 2007.
86. Gupta, “Kerala Budget 2012.”
87. Government of Kerala, “Kerala Budget 2012–13,” March 19, 2012, speech by K. M. Mani, Minister for Finance, http://www.finance.kerala.gov.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=495:kerala-budget-2012-13&catid=18:state-budget&Itemid=32.
88. Gupta, “Kerala Budget 2012.”
89. Bill McKibben, “The Enigma of Kerala.”
90. Amartya Sen, cited in Dilasha Seth, “There’s a Lot to Learn from Kerala in Delivering Quality of Life: Amartya Sen,” Business Standard, January 5, 2013, http://www .business-standard.com/india/news/thereslot-to-learnkerala-in-delivering-quality-life-amartya-sen/497833/.
91. David Kotz, “Russia’s Financial Crisis: The Failure of Neoliberalism?” Z Magazine, January 1999, http://www.zcommunications.org/russia-and-the-crisis-of-neoliberalism-by-david-kotz.
92. On the diverse “democratic” movement in Russia in the 1980s and early 1990s, see Peter Reddaway and Dmitri Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms: Market Bolshevism against Democracy (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001); and Padma Desai, “Russian Perspectives on Reforms: From Yeltsin to Putin,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 87–106.
93. Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms, 236–60; and Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine (Camberwell, Victoria, Australia: Penguin, 2008), 220–22.
94. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 221; and Desai, “Russian Perspectives,” 93–97.
95. Desai, “Russian Perspectives,” 96.
96. Jeffrey Sachs, “What Is to Be Done?” Economist, January 13, 1990, http://www .economist.com/node/13002085.
97. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 231.
98. Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms, 492–511.
99. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 231.
100. Perry Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy: Why Putin?” London Review of Books 29, no. 2 (January 25, 2007): 3–12, http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n02/perry-anderson/russias-managed-democracy. Some of the most prominent oligarchs are Gusinsky, Potanin, Abramovich, Fridman, Khodorkovsky, and the now deceased Berezovsky.
101. Gavriil Popov, cited in Klein, Shock Doctrine, 222.
102. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 224.
103. Desai, “Russian Perspectives,” 95. Given that the deficit then stood at 17 percent of GDP, the skepticism about doctrinaire neoliberalism increased, particularly among communist and nationalist MPs.
104. Kotz, “Russia’s Financial Crisis.”
105. Celestine Bohlen, “Yeltsin Deputy Calls Reforms ‘Economic Genocide,’” New York Times, February 9, 1992, http://www.nytimes.com/1992/02/09/world/yeltsin-deputy -calls-reforms-economic-genocide.html.
106. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 226.
107. Others give the figures as around 500 killed and 1,000 wounded. See Klein, Shock Doctrine, 229. For more on the relationship between Yeltsin and the United States, see Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms, 370–419.
108. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 229.
109. Including the right to choose the prime minister and the military hierarchy, even if the elected parliament objected to the choices, the power to veto any bill passed by the “people’s” lower house (the Duma), and immunity from any impeachment proceedings emanating from the parliament.
110. This was the CEEB survey, conducted between 1990 and 1997, cited in Hannes Mueller, “Why Russia Failed to Follow Poland: Lessons for Economists,” March 17, 2007, Department of Economics, London School of Economics, http://www.politik-salon.de/files/hm_receo_2007.pdf.
111. Jeffrey Sachs, “What I Did in Russia,” March 14, 2012, http://jeffsachs .org/2012/03/what-i-did-in-russia/.
112. Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms, 524.
113. Simon Shuster, “Rewriting Russian History: Did Boris Yeltsin Steal the 1996 Presidential Election?” Time World, February 24, 2012, http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2107565,00.html.
114. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 239.
115. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 238–39.
116. Neal Ascherson, “Law v. Order,” London Review of Books 26, no. 10 (May 2004): 22–24, http://www.lrb.co.uk/v26/n10/neal-ascherson/law-v-order.
117. Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy.” As Anderson notes, even Stalin didn’t have this strike rate.
118. Kotz, “Russia’s Financial Crisis.”
119. Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms, 312.
120. On this, see Ben Goldby, “Russian Apartment Bombings: Coronation of the New Tsar?” Sunday Mercury, August 11, 2011, http://blogs.sundaymercury.net/thegrassyknoll/2010/08/russian-apartment-bombings-cor.html.
121. These descriptions are in Ascherson, “Law v. Order”; Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy”; and Klein, Shock Doctrine, 237.
122. Boris Nemtsov, cited in Desai, “Russian Perspectives,” 102.
123. Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy.”
124. This has seen Russia under Putin flexing its post-Soviet muscles, in the Ukraine and in Europe more generally during cold winters. See Paul Reynolds, “Russia: Bully or Just Applying the Rules?” BBC News Online, January 3, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4577648.stm.
125. “Russia’s Economy under Vladimir Putin: Achievements and Failures,” Rianovosti, January 3, 2008, http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20080301/100381963.html.
126. Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy.”
127. This is Elena Gabitova, a sociologist in Siberia, cited in Simon Shuster, “See Putin Run: How the Prime Minister Is Relying on Russia’s Heartland,” Time, March 5, 2012, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2107534,00.html.
128. Ascherson, “Law v. Order.”
129. See Steve LeVine, “The Last Free Oligarch,” Foreign Policy, July 25, 2012, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/07/25/the_last_free_oligarch.
130. Ascherson, “Law v. Order.”
131. Putin, cited in Ascherson, “Law v. Order.”
132. Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy.”
133. Ascherson, “Law v. Order.”
134. For example, Anna Politkovskaya, shot dead in her apartment (2006), and Alexander Litvinenko, poisoned in London (2006) after serious claims about Putin and the war in Chechnya.
135. Tony Wood, “There Is No Alternative,” London Review of Books 34, no. 4 (February 23, 2012): 11–14, http://www.lrb.co.uk/v34/n04/tony-wood/there-is-no-alternative.
136. Furman cited in Anderson, “Russia’s Managed Democracy.”
137. The Nashi are a “youth group,” loyal to Putin, who are used to infiltrate protests, intimidate, and beat up protesters.
138. Wood, “There Is No Alternative.”
139. Seen as promoting the rise of “Western” liberalism and internationalism and the weakening of Russian culture and nationalism.
140. Economist, “Building up the Castle Wall,” June 13, 2012, http://www.econo mist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2012/06/protest-russia; and Ellen Barry and Michael Schwirtz, “Arrests and Violence in Overflowing Rally in Moscow,” New York Times, May 6, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/07/world/europe/at-moscow-rally-arrests-and -violence.html?_r=0.
141. Michael Schwirtz, “A Russian Protest Leader Takes Center Stage,” New York Times, March 11, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/12/world/europe/sergei-udaltsov-russian-protest-leader-takes-center-stage.html.
142. Leon Aron, “Russia’s Protesters: The People, Ideals and Prospects,” American Enterprise Institute, August 9, 2012, http://www.aei.org/outlook/foreign-and-defense-policy/regional/europe/russias-protesters-the-people-ideals-and-prospects/.
143. Wood, “There Is No Alternative.”
144. Paul Starobin, “The Putin Generation,” New Republic, April 20, 2012, http://www.newrepublic.com/article/world/magazine/102777/vladimir-putin-russia-protest-maxim-katz-moscow.
145. Susanne Sternthal, “Optimism in Diversity? Moscow’s March of Millions,” Open Democracy Russia, June 13, 2012, http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/susanne-sternthal/optimism-in-diversity-moscow’s-march-of-millions.
146. See Dmitri Travin, “Is Russian Protest Movement a Flash in the Pan?” Open Democracy Russia, June 4, 2012, http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/dmitri-travin/is-russia’s-protest-movement-flash-in-pan.
147. See Anatol Lieven, “Mirage of the Putin Protests,” National Interest, April 3, 2012, http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/behind-the-putin-protests-6722.
148. Thomas Friedman, “The Politics of Dignity,” New York Times, January 31, 2012.
149. See Graeme Robertson, The Politics of Protest in Hybrid Regimes (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
150. Charles Tilly, cited in Robertson, Politics of Protest, 10.
151. Jeffrey Sachs, The End of Poverty (New York: Penguin Books, 2005).
152. Anders Åslund, Russia’s Capitalist Revolution: Why Market Reform Succeeded and Democracy Failed (Washington, DC: Peterson Institute, 2007).
153. See, Michael McFaul, “Russia’s Crisis: Will Russia Survive Its Economic and Political Crisis?” NewsHour Online Forum, September 17, 1998, http://archive.is/aMY2.
154. Desai, “Russian Perspectives,” 91.
155. Rogov, cited in Desai, “Russian Perspectives”, 95.
156. Jack Matlock, Superpower Illusions (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), 111.
157. Lawrence Summers, cited in William Keegan, The Spectre of Capitalism: The Future of the World Economy after the Fall of Communism (London: Radius Books, 1992), 109.
Chapter 5
1. See Thomas Friedman, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century, 2nd ed. (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2007).
2. Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, rev. ed. (New York: Norton, 2007).
3. Manuel Castells, The End of the Millennium (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1998), 370. Also see his The Rise of Networked Society, 2nd ed. (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000).
4. John Urry, Mobilities (Cambridge: Polity, 2007), 5–6, 7.
5. Arjun Appadurai, “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,” in Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996): 27–43.
6. See the important Saskia Sassen, Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages, updated ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).
7. For an extensive analysis, see William Scheuerman, Liberal Democracy and the Social Acceleration of Time (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004).
8. Seyla Benhabib, “Twilight of Sovereignty or the Emergence of Cosmopolitan Norms? Rethinking Citizenship in Volatile Times,” Citizenship Studies 11, no. 1 (2007): 19–36.
9. Sheldon Wolin, “What Time Is It?” Theory and Event 1, no. 1 (1997), http://muse .jhu.edu/journals/theory_&_event/toc/archive.heml#1.1.
10. William E. Connolly, Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002).
11. One of the most important of these is the Chinese diaspora studied by Aiwa Ong, Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logic of Transnationality (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); and Aiwa Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).
12. On the neoliberalism of the Obama administration, see Jamie Peck, “Decoding Obamanomics,” chap. 6 in Constructions of Neoliberal Reason, 231–69. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
13. SIPRI Military Expenditure Database (Stockholm: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2013).
14. Simon Rogers, “US Military Suicides in Charts: How They Overtook Combat Death,” Guardian, February 1, 2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/datablog/2013/feb/01/us-military-suicides-trend-charts (accessed May 2, 2013).
15. See Howard Tumber and Jerry Palmer, Media at War: The Iraq Crisis (London: Sage, 2004).
16. Judith Butler, Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? (London: Verso, 2010), xix, 15.
17. For an insightful analysis of the moral-democratic problematic of nuclear weapons, see George Kateb, “Thinking about Human Extinction (1): Nuclear Weapons and Individual Rights,” “Thinking about Human Extinction (2): Nietzsche and Heidegger,” and “Thinking About Nuclear Extinction (3): Emerson and Whitman,” in The Inner Ocean: Individualism and Democratic Culture (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 107–71.
18. John Ellis, The Social History of the Machine Gun (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).
19. Useful here is Gabriel Kolko, Centuries of War: Politics, Conflicts and Society since 1914 (New York: The New Press, 1995). Also see the classic study by William H. McNeil, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force and Society since AD 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
20. A very useful history is Geoffrey Best, Humanity in Warfare (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983).
21. Paul Virilio, Speed and Politics (New York: Semiotext(e), 1983).
22. The most comprehensive description of these developments of cyborg and cyber warfare is P. W. Singer, Wired for War (New York: Penguin, 2009). Also see the special issue of the Journal of Military Ethics 9, no. 4 (2010), ed. George R. Lucas Jr. of the United States Naval Academy. The papers in this collection were drawn from the 10th Annual McCain Conference of the U.S. Service Academies and War Colleges.
23. United States Department of Defense, National Security Strategy, May 2010, 1–2, http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national_security_strategy.pdf.
24. For a history of the development of this argument, from Montesquieu through Adam Smith, see Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977).
25. Immanuel Kant, Political Writings, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Reiss (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 93–130.
26. Bruce Russett, “The Fact of Democratic Peace,” in Debating the Democratic Peace, ed. Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996).
27. His important essays have been collected recently in Michael W. Doyle, Liberal Peace: Selected Essays (London: Routledge, 2012). The quotation is from the introduction to this collection, p. 3.
28. Barry Buzan, Jaap De Wilde, and Ole Wæver, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Denver: Lynne Rienner, 1997).
29. A very useful proposal in this regard is made by Michel Callon and others in the context of democratizing the politics of science by use of “hybrid forums” in which laypersons with alternative perspectives on what appear to be scientific and technical issues are incorporated procedurally into deliberations and decision making. See Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes, and Yannick Barthe, Acting in an Uncertain World: An Essay on Technical Democracy, trans. Graham Burchell (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011).
30. Callon et al., Acting in an Uncertain World.
31. On the growth of this law, see Gunther Teubner, ed., Global Law without a State (Dartmouth, VT: Aldershot and Brookfield, 1997).
32. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Social and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon, 1944, 1957), 71.
33. John Gerard Ruggie, “International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,” International Organization 36, no. 2 (1982): 386.
34. See David Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995).
35. For this critique, see Jürgen Habermas, The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays, trans. Max Pensky (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001).
36. For the now classic argument that the democratic deficit arises out of the history of the Westphalian system, see Held, Democracy and the Global Order.
37. Jan Aart Scholte, “Civil Society and Democratically Accountable Global Governance.” Government and Opposition 39, no. 2 (Spring 2004): 21
38. David Held, “Democracy and the New International Order,” in Cosmopolitan Democracy: An Agenda for a New World Order, ed. Daniele Archibugi and David Held (Cambridge: Polity, 1995), 102. Also see Held on the problem of “communities of fate”: David Held, “The Transformation of Political Community: Rethinking Democracy in the Context of Globalization,” in Democracy’s Edges, ed. Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-Cordón (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 84–111.
39. There is already a large and growing literature on democratizing global governance. For a good introduction and summary, see Jan Aart Scholte, Building Global Democracy? Civil Society and Accountable Global Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011). Also useful is Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, eds., Power in Global Governance (Cambridge University Press, 2005).
40. The literature in the debate of the form of the new international and global constitutionalism is large and growing. A good review, from a social democratic point of view, is Jean Cohen, Globalization and Sovereignty: Rethinking Legality, Legitimacy, and Constitutionalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
41. Benhabib, “Twilight of Sovereignty or the Emergence of Cosmopolitan Norms?” 10.
42. There is an increasing number of such arguments. For three, see: Habermas, Postnational Constellation; John S. Dryzek, Deliberative Global Politics (Cambridge: Polity, 2006); and James Bohman, Democracy across Borders: From Dêmos to Dêmoi (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010).
43. For the later argument, see Dryzek, Deliberative Global Politics.
44. For an argument that the “cosmopolitan democracy” arguments do not go far enough in overturning the statist presumptions of liberal-democratic theory, see Sofia Näsström, “What Globalization Overshadows,” Political Theory 31, no. 6 (2003): 808–34. Also see Jens Bartelson, “Globalizing the Democratic Community,” Ethics and Global Politics 1, no. 4 (2008): 159–74.
45. See, especially, Held, “The Transformation of Political Community.”
46. Benhabib, “Twilight of Sovereignty,” 22. For a particularly sophisticated analysis of the concept of global civil society, see John Keane, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
47. The important theorist of social citizenship is T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950).
48. Arjun Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), 6–7.
49. Exemplary here is the well-known “scarf affair” in France. Several Muslim schoolgirls were expelled from school for wearing religious garb (the hijab, a traditional form of Muslim head covering for women)—an action that violated the traditional French idea of citizenship as the secular attachment to the French nation and violated French laws that prohibited private display of religious symbols in public institutions. One of the more insightful is Seyla Benhabib in The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
50. Again, there is a large literature on multinational/multicultural citizenship rooted in claims for recognition based on ideas of human or other rights of peoples that override those of nation-states. An especially good analysis of Canada is James Tully, Strange Multiplicity: Constitutionalism in the Age of Diversity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
51. Urry, Mobilities, 35.
52. There is a vast literature now on diaspora and hybridity in collective identity. For a general introduction, see Jane Evans Braziel and Anita Mannur, eds., Theorizing Diaspora: A Reader (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003). On hybridity in identity and its implications for citizenship, see Stuart Hall, “The Local and the Global: Globalization and Ethnicity,” and “Old and New Identities, Old and New Ethnicities,” in Culture, Globalization, and the World System, ed. Anthony King (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011): 19–68; and John Tomlinson, Globalization and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). Also see the important works of Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception and Flexible Citizenship.
53. Dora Kostakopoulou, “Evolution of European Union Citizenship,” European Consortium for Political Research 1680-4333/08 (2008): 285–95.
54. Paulina Tambakaki, “Agonism and the Reconception of European Citizenship,” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 13 (2011): 567–85.
55. Étienne Balibar, “Europe, an ‘Unimagined’ Frontier of Democracy,” Diacritics 33, nos. 3–4 (Fall–Winter 2003): 36–45. For a more extensive treatment, see Étienne Balibar, We, the People of Europe? Reflections on Transnational Citizenship (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004).
56. Rachel Donadio, “Fears about Immigrants Deepen Divisions in Europe,” New York Times, April 12, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/13/world/europe/13europe .html?_r=0 (accessed June 5, 2013).
57. Balibar, “Europe, an ‘Unimagined’ Frontier of Democracy,” 5.
Chapter 6
1. Susan Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009).
2. For an excellent description of the movements and their tactics, see Paul Mason, Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolution (London: Verso, 2012).
3. Jean-François Bayart, Global Subjects: A Political Critique of Globalization, trans. Andrew Brown (Cambridge: Polity, 2007), 182.
4. Bayart, Global Subjects, 177.
5. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), xii.
6. Hardt and Negri, Empire, 393.
7. Hardt and Negri, Empire, 397.
8. Hardt and Negri, Empire, 396–400.
9. For a very useful critical alternative, see Saskia Sassen, “The Repositioning of Citizenship: Emergent Subjects and Spaces for Politics,” in Empire’s New Clothes: Reading Hardt and Negri, ed. Paul A. Passavant and Jodi Dean (New York: Routledge, 2004), 175–98.
10. Mainstream reaction to Occupy was in some cases sympathetic and in some hostile and even paranoid. At a press conference on October 6, 2011, President Obama described the Occupy Wall Street protests somewhat favorably but with a hint of condescension as “giving voice to a more broad-based frustration with how our finance sector works. . . . The American people understand that not everybody’s been following the rules.” Others were less positive. Then presidential candidate Mitt Romney called it “class warfare,” and Newt Gingrich, former House Speaker, said, “I regard the Wall Street protest as a natural outcome of a bad education system, teaching them really dumb ideas.” Reported by Meghan Neal, “Politicians React to the Occupy Wall Street Movement,” Huffington Post, October 17, 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/17/occupy-wall-street-politician-reactions_n_1014273.html (accessed March 14, 2013).
11. Manuel Castells, Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in the Internet Age (Cambridge: Polity, 2012).
12. Principles of Solidarity, passed by the New York City General Assembly, September 29, 2011, http://www.nycga.net/resources/documents/principles-of-solidarity.
13. Just to cite an aggregate example, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, the median income of the lowest fifth of households in the United States has stayed roughly the same since 1970, and in 2011, it was lower than in 1973 ($11,239 in 2011 and $11,488 in 1973, in 2011 dollars). At the same time, the top 5 percent’s has steadily increased, and has gone from $187,846 in 1973 to $311,414 in 2011, in 2011 dollars. Data available from U.S. Census Bureau, “Historical Income Tables: Income Inequality,” http://www.census .gov/hhes/www/income/data/historical/inequality/index.html (accessed March 14, 2013).
14. Principles of Solidarity, Occupy Wall Street, http://www.nycga.net/resources/documents/principles-of-solidarity/ (accessed February 2, 2013).
15. See Todd Gitlin, Occupy Nation: The Roots, the Spirit, and the Promise of Occupy Wall Street (New York: HarperCollins, 2012).
16. On the American progressives, see Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (New York: Vintage, 1960).
17. See a discussion of this tradition in David Held, Models of Democracy, 3rd ed. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006); and C. B. Macpherson, The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978).
18. Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation: The New Great Counter-Movement (Cambridge: Routledge, 2006), 57–9l.
19. For a detailed history of the World Social Forum, see Boaventura de Sousa Santos, The Rise of the Global Left: The World Social Forum and Beyond (London: Zed Books, 2006).
20. All quotations in the next two paragraphs are from the World Social Forum Charter of Principles, http://www.wsfindia.org/?q=node/3.
21. Charles Lindholm and José Pedro Zúquete, The Struggle for the World: Liberation Movements for the 21st Century (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010), 101.
22. See G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus (London: Continuum, 2004). Hardt and Negri also use the Deleuzian term rhizomatic to describe the organization of the multitude in Empire.
23. References to Gibson-Graham are to J. K. Gibson-Graham, A Postcapitalist Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).
24. Hardt and Negri, Empire, xi.
25. The Basque region had remained relatively depressed and had suffered persecution stemming from the Spanish Civil War of the 1930s—the destruction made famous by Picasso’s painting Guernica, the Basque town devastated by Hitler’s bombing in support of Franco.
26. This information is from “Decalogue of CSR Commitments Mondragon, 2012,” available on Mondragon’s website: http://www.mondragon-corporation.com. It should be noted that only about half of the workers are co-op members, most in Basque, while the rest are contract/wage employees. This is one of the issues currently debated by the cooperative corporation as it has expanded globally and has been a point of some criticism. See Anjel Mari Errasti, Iñaki Heras, Baleren Bakaikoa, and Pilar Elgoibar, “The Internationalisation of Cooperatives: The Case of the Mondragon Cooperative Corporation,” Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 74, no. 4 (2003): 553–84. Also see the discussion in Gibson-Graham, Postcapitalist Politics, chapter 5.
27. Gibson-Graham, Postcapitalist Politics, 101.
28. Gibson-Graham, Postcapitalist Politics, 105.
29. Ana Lucía Fariña, “Bribri Women,” Cultural Survival Quarterly 36, no. 1 (March 2012): 16–18. Also see Martha Honey, “Giving a Grade to Costa Rica’s Green Tourism,” NACLA Report on the Americas 36, no. 6 (May/June 2003): 39–46; and Marta Nel-Lo Andreu, “Organización y caracteristicas del turismo rural comunitario en Costa Rica,” Anales de Geografía de la Universidad Complutense 28, no. 2 (2008): 167–88.
30. Gibson-Graham, Post-Capitalist Politics, 88.
31. Arjun Appadurai, “Deep Democracy: Urban Governmentality and the Horizon of Politics,” Public Culture 14, no. 1 (2002): 23. Appadurai has continued to study the Alliance and to follow its developments. See part 2, “The View from Mumbai,” in The Future as Cultural Fact: Essays on the Global Condition (London: Verso, 2013), 113–214.
32. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 28.
33. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 32–33.
34. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 31.
35. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 30.
36. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 34.
37. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centers (SPARC), www.sparcindia .org (accessed June 11, 2013).
38. “India: Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) and the Indian Alliance,” Homeless International, http://www.homeless-international.org/our-work/overseas-partners/india-sparc (accessed June 11, 2013).
39. Partha Chatterjee, The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the World (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004); and Partha Chatterjee, Lineages of Political Society: Studies in Postcolonial Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011). All quotations are from the e-book edition downloaded from Apple iBooks store, 2013.
40. In this respect, Appadurai’s description of the practice “precedent setting” in the Alliance describes one mode of this politics well. Appadurai, “Deep Democracy,” 34:
Underlying its bland, quasi-legal tone is a more radical idea: that the poor need to claim, refine, and define certain ways of doing things in spaces they already control and then use these practices to show donors, city officials, and other activists that their “precedents” are good ones and encourage such actors to invest further in them. This is a politics of show-and-tell, but it is also a philosophy of do first, talk later. The subversive feature of this principle is that it provides a linguistic device for negotiating between the legalities of urban government and the “illegal” arrangements to which the poor almost always have to resort, whether the illegality in question pertains to structures, living strategies, or access to water, electricity, or anything else that has been successfully siphoned out of the material resources of the city.
41. Chatterjee, Politics of the Governed, 57; italics in original.
42. Chatterjee, Lineages, 354.
43. For specifics, see Appadurai, “Cosmopolitanism from Below: Some Ethical Lessons from the Slums of Mumbai,” in The Future as Cultural Fact, 197–214.
44. Chatterjee, Lineages, 182–83.
45. See the first of the Leonard Hastings Schoff Memorial Lectures by Chatterjee in Politics of the Governed, chapter 1.
46. Chatterjee, Lineages, 40.
47. Chatterjee, Lineages, 86.