Figure 13.6 Church silverware from the Hama treasure
The fact that bishops were able to undertake charitable projects of the sort illustrated in the previous chapter is a reminder that Christianity in Late Antiquity was more than just a spiritual enterprise. This chapter aims to draw attention to the material basis of the church’s activities by illustrating its sources of income and some of the problems involved.
Although the church obviously had income from members during the first three centuries (cf. 2.1 (5)), there can be no doubt that Constantine’s decision to support Christianity made a dramatic difference to its material resources. For not only did the emperor ameliorate its legal status, he also began adding substantially to its wealth, the most graphic illustration of which is provided by the Book of Pontiffs (13.1). Over the years, other prominent and wealthy individuals followed suit (13.2, 13.3, 13.4; cf. 15.5). Alongside this, a papyrus document provides interesting detail about what a humbler church in a rural area might expect to possess (13.5). Prominent among the property detailed in most of these initial four items are various types of metal objects used in church ritual, and actual examples from Late Antiquity have been recovered from various parts of the empire (13.6, 13.7).
Church leaders did not like to discourage giving by the wealthy, but it is evident that the latter often preferred to invest in buildings, rather than other more pressing needs, the meeting of which might not leave any obvious physical memorial (13.8). The will of a prominent bishop provides further interesting insights into the concerns of this chapter (13.9), as does a papyrus account of offerings to religious institutions by a large estate in Egypt (13.10). Churches could also find themselves facing legal difficulties if they needed ready cash and contemplated selling assets (13.11). Even disposal of church property for the legitimate purpose of ransoming captives could attract criticism (13.12).
The chapter concludes with a passage that bears on the issue of attitudes to wealth. An earlier extract (11.7) included reference to the fact that some Christians believed the wealthy could not expect entry to heaven, so it is of great interest to find one of the leading lights of fourth-century asceticism, Basil of Caesarea, expressing quite a balanced assessment of the role of material resources in the life of the Christian (13.13).
13.1 Constantine’s endowment of the Lateran church, Rome: The Book of Pontiffs 34.9–12
The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) is a collection of biographies of bishops of Rome from St Peter through to the Middle Ages, first compiled in the sixth century and then regularly added to thereafter. The chapters dealing with the early centuries of the papacy are brief and of variable historical value (e.g., the beginning of the chapter from which this passage comes explains the conversion of Constantine in terms of his wishing to be healed of leprosy). However, the life of Silvester (314–35) includes extensive detail about Constantine’s gifts to the church, and scholars are agreed that this portion is genuine. The following extract describes most of what Constantine gave to the ‘Basilica of Constantine’, i.e. the Lateran church (though for reasons of length the final portion concerning its baptismal font has been omitted). The rest of the chapter (not translated here) continues with details of gifts to St Peter’s and other churches in Rome before moving on to bequests to churches in other parts of Italy. Although it soon makes for monotonous reading, it is an invaluable and striking indication of what Constantine’s support for the church meant in practical, material terms.
Further reading: Duchesne 1955–57: 191–2; Pietri 1976: 77–83; Davis 1989 (including a complete translation down to 715, and a very helpful glossary).
(9) In Silvester’s time, Constantine Augustus constructed the following churches and adorned them:
The Basilica of Constantine, where he placed the following gifts:
– an altar canopy (fastigium) of beaten silver, which has in front the Saviour seated in a chair, 5 foot high, weighing 120 lb, and the twelve apostles, each 5 foot high and weighing 90 lb, with crowns of purest silver; (10) likewise, viewed from behind in the apse, the Saviour seated on a throne, 5 foot high, made from purest silver and weighing 140 lb, and four silver angels, each 5 foot high and weighing 105 lb, with gems from Alabanda [in Caria] for eyes, and holding spears; the canopy itself, made from polished silver, weighs 2025 lb
– vaulting of purest gold, and a light of purest gold which hangs beneath the canopy with fifty dolphins of purest gold, weighing 50 lb, with chains which weigh 25 lb
– four crowns of purest gold with twenty dolphins, weighing 15 lb each
– the vault of the basilica with beaten gold across its width and its length, 500 lb
– seven altars of purest silver, each weighing 200 lb
– seven golden patens, each weighing 30 lb
– sixteen silver patens, each weighing 30 lb
– seven chalices (scyphi) of purest gold, each weighing 10 lb
– a single chalice of coral stone, adorned on all sides with emerald and jacinth gems, inlaid with gold, the whole of which weighs 20 lb and 3 oz
– twenty silver chalices, each weighing 15 lb
– two containers (amae) of purest gold, each weighing 50 lb and able to hold 3 measures of liquid
– twenty silver containers, each weighing 10 lb and able to hold 1 measure of liquid
– forty smaller chalices of purest gold, each weighing 1 lb
– fifty smaller serving chalices, each weighing 2 lb
(11) Decoration in the basilica:
– a chandelier (farum cantharum) made of purest gold, in front of the altar, in which burns oil of precious nard, with eighty dolphins, weighing 30 lb
– a silver chandelier with twenty dolphins weighing 50 lb, in which burns oil of precious nard
– forty-five silver chandeliers in the centre of the basilica, each weighing 30 lb, in which burns the oil described above
– on the right-hand side of the basilica, forty silver lights (fara), each weighing 20 lb
– twenty-five silver chandeliers on the left of the basilica, each weighing 20 lb
– fifty silver candlesticks (cantara cirostata) in the centre of the basilica, each weighing 20 lb
– three containers (metretae) of purest silver, each weighing 300 lb, able to hold 10 measures of liquid
– seven brass candelabra, in front of the altars, 10 feet high, decorated in silver with inlaid reliefs of the prophets, each weighing 300 lb
(12) For provision for the lights he designated:
– the estate (massa) Gargiliana, in the territory of Suessa, yielding 400 solidi
– the estate Bauronica, in the territory of Suessa, yielding 360 solidi
– the estate Auriana, in the territory of Laurentum, yielding 500 solidi
– the estate Urbana, in the territory of Antium, yielding 260 solidi
– the estate Sentiliana, in the territory of Ardea, yielding 260 solidi
– the estate Castis, in the territory of Catena, yielding 1,000 solidi
– the estate Trapeas, in the territory of Catena, yielding 1,650 solidi
– two censers of purest gold, weighing 30 lb
– a sweet-smelling gift in front of the altars, 150 lb each year
13.2 Endowment of a church by an imperial courtier: the Cornutian Deed
This legal document, preserved in a twelfth-century copy in the Vatican, sets out the provisions of the endowment of a church at Tibur (Tivoli) in central Italy in the final years of the western empire. The donor is not otherwise known (except that he owned a magnificent house on the Esquiline in Rome which he bequeathed to the church), though the second element in his name implies Germanic origin, which would not be unusual in a Roman army commander of this period. The content generally makes for interesting comparison with the previous item, especially because this document includes reference to textiles and books which are absent from Constantine’s gifts in the Book of Pontiffs. On the other hand, the number of books is small compared with provincial churches in north Africa (3.3) and Egypt (13.4). The opening sentence is evidently the words of the twelfth-century copyist who wrote out what he could read of the original fifth-century document.
Further reading: Duchesne 1955–57: cxlvi–cxlviii.
Authoritative copy of the charter of the church at Cornutia from the point at which we have been able to make sense of it.
< . . . > namely that those who are subject to divine service might also be able to derive suitable sustenance from the place in which they serve; we also consider it appropriate that the temple of the divine religion be adorned every day with lights and that, when necessary expenses impinge with the passage of time, the costs involved in keeping the building in good order and repair are able to be met from this our gift. We are taking care of the requisite expenses for these items so that our service might be able to merit divine mercy. Moved by this consideration, I bequeath, by the terms of the present document, to the church of the Cornutian estate, which is ours by law and which has been established and founded by me with the favour and help of God [the following]: Paternus Maranus Farm, Mount Paternus Farm, House of Mars Farm, Vegetes or Casa Proiectici Farm and Batilianus Farm – with the exception of Sigillosa, daughter of the tied tenants (coloni) Anastasius and Pica, whom we have retained and do retain as belonging to us by law – all situated in the province of Picenum, in the territory of Tibur, to be possessed clearly and directly with free title, with everything pertaining to them and in complete accordance with the law and the document drawn up, as I myself possess them, together with all the charges of formal registration and the expenses specified for the maintenance of lands tied to the aqueducts.
We also give to this same church the land on which it has been built with its surrounding grounds and by the aforementioned praetorian law we separate it and bequeath it to the clergy and guards to make gardens and houses. [There follows a description of the topographical features defining the area in question.]
Moreover I offer with the same generosity the [following] properties: that is, Callicianus Farm, New Cottage, Meadow Cottage, Martyr’s Cottage, Crispinus’ Cottage, Boaricus Farm, and Compact Cottage, situated in the province of Picenum, in the territory of Tibur, but retaining the use of the properties for myself for the rest of my life; by the generosity of this document I then transfer the properties to the same catholic church, on the legal requirement and condition that when, after my death, it shall also have acquired and laid legal claim to the income from them for itself, it will acknowledge in solemn manner its responsibility not only for the payment of taxes but also for the upkeep of the aqueducts, to the extent that it has been usual for these expenses to be defrayed by all owners of properties of this kind.
I also outlay silver for the adornment of the same church or for the celebration of the aforementioned holy mysteries, in the following forms, that is: a silver paten, one large silver chalice, two small silver chalices, one silver jug, a small vessel for offerings, a strainer, a censer, a silver cantharus lamp with eighteen chains and dolphins, four silver crown lamps with their own little chains, a silver lampstand; and in the burial place of martyrs (confessio), its two silver doors with their fastenings; all these items weigh in the city scales, by weight of silver, fifty-four pounds, seven ounces. Two bronze lamps, each with eight dolphins, and six large bronze vessels, twelve small ones, and two bronze lily-shaped lamps and two bronze lampstands; and also in textiles:
1 cape of pure silk, new with gold edging
1 cape of pure silk in four colours
[a further 8 capes of silk or linen]
and for archways 2 pure silk curtains, white with gold edging
2 purple curtains with gold edging
2 pure silk curtains, white with gold edging embroidered with feathers
2 curtains woven from silk, green and purple
2 curtains woven from silk, white and red
2 curtains woven from silk, white and purple
2 pure silk curtains, scarlet and green
[a further 58 curtains of silk or linen for various parts of the church]
also books (codices): the four gospels of the apostles, the psalmbook and its companion.
[The donor then makes clear that none of his gifts are ever to be alienated from the church and specifies penalties if this should happen, namely that the donation reverts to his heirs.]
I have dictated this document of donation to my notary Felicianus and, after it was read back, I have signed it in my own hand in good faith and I, of my own will, have ordered that it be entered in the official records, and with the concurrence of the venerable presbyter, the deacons, and all the clergy of the aforementioned church, I have given my solemn promise concerning all the aforementioned matters, on the 15th day before the Kalends of May when our lord Leo, ever Augustus, was consul for the fourth time, with the senator Probianus [17 April 471]. I, Flavius Valila, also known as Theodorius, of senatorial rank, count, and master of both branches of the army [infantry and cavalry], have consented to and signed this donation, dictated by me and read back to me, of all the abovementioned properties, of the silver and textiles, preserved and guarded forever by the legal requirement and condition I have imposed on this same donation, preserving for myself, to be sure, the use of the abovementioned properties which I have preserved for myself in the same document above.
13.3 Church-building as an expression of imperial piety: CIG 4.8639
In addition to endowing already existing churches, emperors sometimes funded the construction of new churches. One well-known case from sixth-century Constantinople was the church dedicated to the early fourth-century military martyrs Saints Sergius and Bacchus, which the emperor Justinian and his wife Theodora had constructed early in their reign. While it has tended to attract attention primarily as a small-scale prototype for the much more ambitious domed Hagia Sophia (14.5), the dedicatory inscription which was carved into the entablature of its octagonal nave is of interest in its own right, with its emphasis on piety as an imperial virtue and on Theodora’s charitable activities. The church and its inscription may also have had political significance as an initial riposte to Anicia Juliana’s church of St Polyeuctus (15.4).
Further reading: Croke 2006.
Other emperors have honoured deceased men whose toil was unproductive, but the sceptre-bearing Justinian, promoting piety, honours Sergius, servant of Christ, creator of all, with a gleaming home. Neither the burning smoke of fire, nor the sword, nor any other pain of tortures perturbed him, but he remained steadfast unto death for the sake of the divine Christ, gaining a heavenly home with his blood. In all things may he guard the rule of our sleepless emperor and enhance the power of the God-crowned Theodora, whose thinking is adorned with piety and whose constant concern is generous efforts to nourish the poor.
13.4 The piety of a banker: CIL 11.288 and 294
The two most famous churches in Ravenna are S. Vitale and S. Apollinare in Classe, noted for their beautiful mosaics, particularly those of Justinian and Theodora. The inscriptions below show that the individual responsible for their construction was a banker by the name of Julianus. Despite the havoc resulting from Justinian’s long campaign in the middle of the sixth century to reconquer Italy from the Goths, Julianus clearly had plenty of money at his disposal, though perhaps he was based in the eastern Mediterranean.
Further reading: Krautheimer 1965: 169–70; Deichmann 1969–89: vol. 2/2, 3–7, 21–7; Barnish 1985; Deliyannis 2010: 219–50, 259–74.
(a) CIL 11.288 (= ILCV 1795)
The basilica of the blessed martyr Vitalis, commissioned by the most blessed bishop Ecclesius [521–32], was built from the foundations, adorned and dedicated by Julianus the banker (argentarius), and consecrated by the very reverend bishop Maximianus [546–56] on the 12th day < . . . > in the 6th year after the consulate of the younger Basilius [547].
(b) CIL 11.294 (= ILCV 695)
The basilica of the blessed priest Apollinaris, commissioned by the most blessed bishop Ursicinus [532–536], was built from the foundations, adorned and dedicated by Julianus the banker, and consecrated by the very reverend bishop Maximianus on the Nones of May in the 12th indiction, in the 8th year after the consulate of the younger Basilius [7 May 549].
13.5 Inventory of a village church: P. Grenf. 2.111
This papyrus document from the fifth or sixth century provides an interesting indication of what a church in a community of modest means (an Egyptian village) might be expected to possess when Christianity’s legal status was assured (for church property before this was the case, see 3.3). Of special interest is the number of books (cf. 3.3, 13.2) and the fact that those made from parchment far outnumber those made of papyrus. As for some of the other items, the editors suggested that the curtains were ‘either hangings of the altar canopy, or curtains in front of the sanctuary’, while the iron rod was probably used for hanging the ‘curtains over the central door of the sanctuary’; the linen cloths probably covered the altar, while the woollen cloths were perhaps the coverings for the eucharist. The repetition of ‘bronze altar’ half way down the list is presumably a case of scribal error.
+ Record of the holy treasures and other furniture of the holy church of Apa Psaios in the village of Ibion, assigned to the care of the very devout John, presbyter and steward, Choiak 15 [= 11 December], 13th year of the indiction, as follows:
silver cups 3
silver jug 1
curtains 2
iron rod 1
small one of the same 1
marble tabletop 1
bronze tripod for the tabletop 1
linen cloths for the table 23
woollen cloths 5
door curtains 6
old one of the same 1
woollen hanging 1
cloth hanging 1
bronze lampstands 4
iron lampstands 2
bronze altar 1
bronze altar 1
bronze basin 1
bronze flask 1
bronze baptismal fonts 2
lamps 6 wicks 6
bronze boat-shaped lamps 4 wicks 4
parchment books 21
papyrus books 3
cup 1
ladle 1
knife 1
bier 1
wooden table 1
leather cushions 2
censer 1
wooden chairs 3
benches 2
triple weaving web 1
bronze vessel 1
[on the reverse] [Written] by me, Elias, archdeacon, for the holy father George.
13.6 Church silverware from Syria (1): the Hama treasure
The items pictured here (Figure 13.6) derive from sixth-century Syria. There is good reason to think that they formed part of a larger collection of silverware from the church in an ancient Syrian village known as Kaper Koraon, which probably lay about 50 miles south-east of Antioch; however, these particular items are part of what is better known as the Hama treasure, after the (supposed) location of their discovery in 1910 (for their complex history, see Mundell Mango 1986: ch. 2). The items in the photograph comprise two lampstands, a paten (or serving dish), two chalices, a flask, a box and a strainer. As can be seen, a number of the items are inscribed with details of the individual(s) responsible for donating the item to the church – so, e.g., one of the lampstands has the following: ‘Having made a vow, they fulfilled their vow to [the church] of St Sergius and Bacchus. Sergius, Symeon, Daniel [and] Thomas, sons of Maximinus, village of Kaper Koraon.’ For those who could never hope to have the means to fund the building of a church, this was the next best way of demonstrating piety and ensuring one’s name was remembered. Finally, it is worth noting that this treasure is consistent with the archaeological remains of houses and churches from the region, which attest the considerable prosperity enjoyed there in Late Antiquity (for a useful summary of archaeological work in the region, see Foss 1995: 213–23; for excellent photographs, Peña 1997).
Figure 13.6 Church silverware from the Hama treasure
Source: The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore
Further reading: Mundell Mango 1986; Painter 1977.
13.7 Church silverware from Syria (2): The Riha paten
This beautiful silver paten or serving plate (35 cm diameter) (Figure 13.7) was said to have been discovered near the modern Syrian village of Riha in 1908, though it is now thought to be another item which was once a part of the silverware belonging to the church at Kaper Koraon (cf. 13.5). The picture shows Christ twice behind an altar giving bread and wine to two groups of men, presumably the apostles, and the paten was itself presumably used in the eucharist at Kaper Koraon. The figures are gilded, enhancing the paten’s value considerably, and stamps on the reverse allow it to be dated to the 570s. Around the rim is an inscription which reads: ‘For the rest [of the soul] of Sergia, daughter of John, and of Theodosius, and for the salvation of Megas and Nonnos and of their children.’
Further reading: Mundell Mango 1986: 165–70.
Figure 13.7 The Riha paten
Source: © Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, Washington, DC
13.8 Where are the resources of wealthy Christians best directed? Jerome Letter 130.14
Demetrias was a teenage girl of high aristocratic birth who in 413 decided to dedicate herself to a life of virginity, and Jerome was asked by her family to provide her with guidance on how best to go about fulfilling her objective (Kelly 1975: 312–13). Jerome’s lengthy response covers a range of subjects, including the following advice on material possessions. Despite Jerome having a personal interest in encouraging the direction of material resources towards monasteries such as his own, his remarks still provide a telling critique of the natural inclination on the part of Christian aristocrats to plough their money into bricks and mortar. Old habits died hard.
[Claiming that he has no need to warn Demetrias against avarice, Jerome proceeds to discuss various relevant New Testament texts, culminating in the cautionary story of Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5.1–11); he then continues:] From the time you dedicate yourself to perpetual virginity, your possessions are no longer your own; or rather, they are truly yours, because they have begun to be Christ’s. While your grandmother and mother are alive, they should be administered in accordance with their wishes. But if they die and rest in the sleep of the saints (for I know that it is their wish that you should outlive them), when you are more mature in years, and your will is sterner and your ability to make decisions more resolute, you will do with it what seems best to you, or rather, what the Lord commands – for you will know that you possess only those things which you have disbursed in good works. Other people may build churches and adorn their walls with marble façades, transporting masses of columns and gilding their capitals which are incapable of enjoying the costly decoration, embellishing the doors with ivory and silver, and golden altars with precious stones. I do not censure this, I do not oppose it. ‘Let each person be fully persuaded in their own mind’ [Rom. 14.5]. It is better to do this than to brood over wealth that has been stored away. But there is another possibility for you: to clothe Christ in the person of the poor, to visit him in the ailing, to feed him in the hungry, to welcome him in those who need shelter, especially those belonging to the household of faith [Gal. 6.10], to sustain monasteries of virgins, to take care of the servants of God and of the poor in spirit who serve the same Lord as you day and night. While on earth, they imitate the life of angels and speak only of the praises of God. If they have food and clothing, they rejoice as if these were riches, and desire nothing more, provided they can maintain their calling. For if they desire more, they prove themselves unworthy of even these things which are necessary.
13.9 A bishop’s bequests: the will of Gregory of Nazianzus (PG 37.389–96)
The following text, which presents the greater part of the will of this famous bishop, prepared during his brief tenure of that office in Constantinople in 381, provides valuable insights into a range of issues. The text shows that Gregory had inherited substantial wealth, including various estates, from his father, who although (interestingly) a bishop himself, is likely to have previously been a member of the local elite of town-councillors in Cappadocia, the social group from which many bishops came in this period (cf. 12.1). Gregory in turn proposed to bequeath the bulk of this property to his father’s church in Nazianzus ‘for the provision of the poor’. At the same time, the property included slaves, some of whom Gregory had already manumitted, some of whom he manumitted in the will, but others of whom he bequeathed unmanumitted to relatives. The inclusion of items of clothing as bequests is also of interest (see further Rollason [forthcoming]). The remainder of the will (for which see Van Dam 1995: 146–8) includes criticism of another relative and small gifts to various fellow clergy, and was witnessed, in traditional Roman style, by seven individuals (mostly other bishops).
Further reading: Van Dam 1995; Garnsey 1996: 32–4; Rapp 2005: 183–8, 211–15; Harper 2011: 480–82; note also Beaucamp 1998, who provides a new edition and commentary, with particular attention to the issue of authenticity.
(389a) During the consulships of the most distinguished Flavius Eucherius and the most distinguished Flavius Syagrius, one day before the Kalends of June. [31 May 381]
I, Gregory, bishop of the Catholic church of Constantinople, alive and in my right mind, with sound judgement and sane reasoning, have composed this my will. I direct and I wish that it be legitimate and valid in every court and before every magistrate.
For I have already openly revealed my intention, and I have dedicated all my possessions to the Catholic church at Nazianzus for the provision of the poor who are dependent upon the aforementioned church. In conformity with this preference of mine I have therefore appointed three men to be responsible for the management of poor-relief: the deacon and monk Marcellus; (389b) the deacon Gregorius, who was [a slave] of my household; and the monk Eustathius, who was also [a slave] of my household.
Now I still maintain the same intention toward the holy church of Nazianzus, and I hold the same preference. Whenever I happen to meet the end of my life, the aforementioned deacon and monk Gregorius, who was [a slave] of my household and whom I manumitted long ago, is to be heir of the entirety of all my possessions, both moveable and fixed, wherever my possessions are. All the others are to be disinherited. As a result, Gregorius may restore all my possessions, both moveable and fixed, to the holy Catholic church of Nazianzus, exempting nothing at all except (389c) whatever I specifically leave someone in this my will as a legacy or a trust. As I have already said, he may instead carefully preserve everything for the church, keeping the fear of God before his eyes and knowing that I have decided to add all my possessions to the provision of the poor of that same church and that I have designated him as heir so that he might completely preserve everything for the church.
(392a) With regard to the household slaves whom I have manumitted either by my own decision or in accordance with the instructions of my most blessed parents, I wish that all of them remain still now in freedom and that all their property remain guaranteed and undisturbed. I also wish that my heir the deacon Gregorius, along with the monk Eustathius, who were once [slaves] of my household, possess the estate in Arianzus that came to us from the possessions of Reginus. With regard to the herds and the flocks that I already instructed in person to be given to them and whose pasturage and ownership I granted to them, I wish that Gregorius and Eustathius retain them undisturbed for their lawful ownership. I furthermore especially wish that the deacon Gregorius, my heir who has faithfully served me, keep for his own lawful ownership (392b) fifty gold coins.
I have directed that a specified amount be given annually to the most venerable virgin Russiana, my relative, so that she might live independently. I wish and I direct that this entire amount, in accordance with the arrangement that I have established, be given to her annually without delay. In the past I did not decide about her residence, because I did not know where she preferred to live. But now I wish also this, that in whatever place she chooses a household might be prepared that is suitable for her, an independent woman, [and] for the respectable life of a virgin. She will of course possess this household for her use and sustenance without any disturbance until the end of her life; then it will revert to the church. I wish that two [slave] girls whom (392c) she has chosen also be given her on the understanding that the girls stay with her until the end of her life. And if she is satisfied with them, she is allowed to honour them with manumission; if not, they are to belong to the same church.
I have already manumitted Theophilus, the [former slave] boy who remains with me. Now I wish also to give him five coins as a legacy. I wish to manumit his brother Eupraxius and give him five gold coins as a legacy. I furthermore wish to manumit my secretary Theodosius and give him five gold pieces also as a legacy. With regard to my very dear daughter Alypiana (the others, Eugenia and Nonna, whose lives are reprehensible, [deserve] little consideration), I wish her to forgive me if I have been unable to leave anything to her, (392d) for I have already promised everything to the poor. Or rather, I have followed the undertaking of my most blessed parents, to ignore whose intention I consider disrespectful and disloyal. But with regard to whatever has survived from the possessions of my blessed brother Caesarius among the silk clothes, the linen clothes, the wool clothes, or the carriages, (393a) I wish to transfer this to her children. [I wish that] in no way is she or her sisters to give trouble either to my heir or to the church . . . .
(tr. R. Van Dam)
13.10 Offerings to religious institutions: P. Oxy. 4620
This papyrus account from the fifth or sixth century records offerings made to a variety of religious institutions in the vicinity of Oxyrhynchus. In addition to the insight it provides into the practical maintenance of churches and monasteries, it is of particular interest for its reference to charitable support of widows and to the existence of a guesthouse attached to a church (on the development of which see Brown 2002: 33–5). The particular churches referred to make it very likely that these resources were being provided from one of the largest estates in late antique Egypt, belonging to the Apion family, about whose functioning there is a substantial body of documentary evidence (and debate), for which see Sarris 2006 and Hickey 2012.
In the 9th indiction:
For the holy [funeral] mass for our grandmother – 416 artabas [of grain]
For the support of the widows of the church of Phoebammon – ½ artaba [per day, so] 182½ [per annum]
For [the church of] St Philoxenus – 100 artabas
For [the church of] St Serenus – 25 artabas
For [the church] of St Justus – 25 artabas
For its guesthouse (xenodocheion) – 25 artabas
For [the monastery of] Upper Caesareum – 30 artabas
For [the monastery of] the Great Desert – 30 artabas
For the monastery of Leucadius – 20 artabas
For the house of Apa Hieracio – 100 artabas
For the monastery of Ama Juliana – 50 artabas
For the monastery of Ama Maria – 6 artabas
Total – 1084 artabas
13.11 Restrictions on the alienation of church property: Justinian Novel 120.1,10
Issued in Constantinople in 544, this law is of interest for what it implies about the difficulties individual churches faced should they need to realise any of their assets. The use of church property for the redemption of captives (i.e., from foreign peoples) had a long and honourable pedigree, though was not always without controversy (cf. 13.12). Also of interest is the detail about the variety of charitable institutions run by the church in Constantinople. The ‘Great Church’ is Hagia Sophia (cf. 14.5).
Since many different laws about the alienation and leasing and hiring and the rest of the administration of church property have been set forth, we have decided that everything should be brought together in this present law.
(1) We therefore decree that those who administer the affairs of the most holy Great Church in the imperial city [Constantinople], or of the orphanage (orphanotropheion) or hostel (xenodocheion) or poor-house (ptōchotropheion), or hospital (nosokomeion), or of any other holy house in the imperial city or situated within its boundaries (with the sole exception of the holy monasteries), are not permitted to sell, or give, or exchange, or give as a reciprocal gift, or alienate in any way whatsoever, immovable property, or the right to receive the public grain dole, or rural slaves, with the sole exception of exchanges made with the imperial palace. . . .
(10) Concerning the holy vessels and utensils (skeuē) belonging to the most holy Great Church in the imperial city or to other houses of prayer situated in whatever part of our state, we have generally decided that, except for the redemption of prisoners, these shall not otherwise be sold or mortgaged. But if there are more vessels and utensils in any of the aforementioned holy houses than there is need for, and it so happens that this holy place is burdened with debts and has no other movable property from which the debts might be discharged, we grant them permission either to sell – with a duly formulated deed of record (as previously stated) – to other holy places that have need of them vessels and utensils found to be in excess, or to melt them down and likewise sell them, and to hand over their value for the debt, so that immovable property is not alienated. . . .
13.12 Using church property to redeem captives: Life of Caesarius of Arles 32–3
This passage, from the biography of the bishop of Arles in the early sixth century, illustrates an important use to which church property was sometimes put in Late Antiquity – redemption of individuals taken captive as a result of raids or war (see, e.g., Cyprian Letters 62, Basil Letters 70). Although the law discussed in the previous passage allowed this as a good reason for church vessels and utensils to be alienated, it is apparent from this case (and others) that such action still attracted criticism, principally because many of these items ‘were donations or legacies from pious individuals for the salvation of their souls [cf. 13.7], and it was not thought proper to alienate, as it were, the grounds of their salvation’ (Klingshirn 1985: 185). The context of this particular incident was the Frankish and Burgundian siege of Arles in 508, relieved by Gothic forces from Italy. The concern expressed at the end of (32) about captives perhaps becoming Arians or Jews refers to the possibility of their being purchased by someone of that creed, who might then persuade or coerce their slave to conform.
Further reading: Klingshirn 1985, 1994: 113–17.
32. The Goths returned to Arles with a huge number of captives, who crowded into the holy churches; even the bishop’s residence was filled with a mass of unbelievers. The man of God [Caesarius] distributed to those in great need a sufficiency of both food and clothing until he could free individuals from captivity with a gift of redemption. He spent all the silver which the reverend Aeonius, his predecessor, had left for the church’s altar, observing that the Lord moistened bread in a clay dish, not a silver cup, and that he also commanded his disciples not to own gold or silver. Indeed this most holy work was carried on even to the extent of giving away the holy eucharist vessels. And when the censers, cups, and serving plates had been given to redeem them, the holy adornment of the church was sold to buy back the true church. Even today, the blows of axes can be seen on the daises and screens where the decorations of the small columns made of silver were removed. The man of God said that no person in their right mind and redeemed by the blood of Christ should, through loss of their free status and on account of captivity, perhaps become an Arian or a Jew, and become a slave when freeborn, and the slave of a man when the servant of God.
33. Through his action the church was not disfigured, but enhanced and preserved; he caused the womb of the mother [the church] to give birth to children, not to be punished. He often used to say, ‘I would like those bishops of the Lord and other clergy – they who from fondness for more than they need are reluctant to give senseless silver and gold from the offerings received by Christ to the servants of Christ – to tell me and explain their reasoning. I would like them, I say, to tell me, if such adverse circumstances as these by chance befell them, whether they would want to be set free by those inanimate gifts; or perhaps they would consider it sacrilege if someone came to their aid with these tiny consecrated vessels. I do not believe it is contrary to God’s will to redeem men from captivity with the eucharist vessels of him who gave himself for the redemption of mankind.’ From this we see that some praised this deed of the holy man, but would not imitate him. For surely it was for us that the blood of Christ shone in that glass vessel and his most precious body hung upon the cross?
13.13 The right attitude to possessions: Basil of Caesarea Short Rules 92 (PG 31.1145c–1148a)
The following extract from one of Basil’s treatises on the ascetic life presents a very balanced view of material possessions and the appropriate attitude towards them – in contrast with the views of other ascetics from the same region (11.7). It is also of interest for its assumption that giving to the poor results in forgiveness of sin.
Further reading: Gould 1987; Brown 2012.
Question 92: When the Lord commands us to sell our possessions, from what motive should we do this? Because material possessions are themselves harmful by their very nature, or because of the distraction which arises from them in the soul?
Response: In answer to this it must first be said that no material thing would have been created by God if it were bad in itself. ‘For everything created by God’, it says, ‘is good, and nothing is to be rejected’ [1 Tim. 4.4]. Next, the command of the Lord instructed us not to throw away possessions as evil and shun them, but to exercise stewardship of them. And a man is condemned, not simply for having possessions, but for having the wrong attitude towards them, or for not using them in the right way. For a dispassionate and healthy attitude towards them, and utilising them in accordance with the Lord’s command, results in many very necessary benefits – on the one hand, the cleansing of our sins (for it is written, ‘But give what you can to the poor, and look, everything will be clean for you’ [Luke 11.41]), on the other, inheriting the kingdom of heaven and gaining inexhaustible treasure, in accordance with what is said is another place: ‘Do not be afraid, little flock, for it has pleased your heavenly Father to give you the kingdom. Sell your possessions and give to the poor. Get yourselves purses which do not wear out, treasure in heaven that never runs out [Luke 12.32].’